Division 

Section     ^  [   -^j"  3 

V.3 


A  HISTORY  OF  EGYPT 

Vol.  hi. 

From  the  XIXth  to  the  XXXth  Dynasties 


is  History  comprises  Six  Volumes: 

Vol.     I.  Dynasties  I. -XVI. 
Vol.    II.  Dynasties  XVII.-XVIII. 
Vol.  III.  Dynasties  XIX.-XXX. 
Vol.  IV.  Ptolemaic  Egypt. 
Vol.    V.  Roman  Eg-ypt. 
Vol.  VI.  Arabic  Egypt. 


By  W.  M.  F.  Petrie 

By  W.  M.  F.  Petrie 

By  W.  M.  F.  Petrie 

By  J.  P.  Mahaffy 

By  J.  G.  Milne 

By    Stanley  Lane 
Poole 


A 

HISTORY  OF  EGYPT 

From  the  XIXth  to  the  XXXth 
Dynasties 


W.   M.   FLINDERS  PETRIE 

Hon.  D.C.L.,  LL.D.,  Litt.D.,  Ph.D., 
F.R.S.,  F.B.A.,  Hon.  F.S.A.Scot. 

MEMBER  OF  THE  IMIEKIAL  GERMAN  ARCH.EOI.OGICAL  INSTITUTE 
MEMBER  OK   THE  SOCIETY  OF   NORTHERN  ANTIQUARIES 
ETC.  ETC. 


WITH  NUMEROUS  ILLUSTRATIO.NS 


NEW  YORK 
CHARLES    SCRIBNER'S  SONS 
153-^57  Fifth  Avenue 


First  Published  in  igoj 


PREFACE 


The  long  delay  in  the  issuing  of  this  volume  must  be 
excused,  in  view  of  the  great  mass  of  fresh  discoveries 
that  have  been  on  my  hands  :  the  researches  in  the 
early  dynasties  have  not  only  occupied  much  time,  but 
they  have  necessitated  such  changes  in  the  revision  of 
what  has  been  already  published  of  this  History,  that 
no  time  could  be  given  to  the  present  volume  until 
two  years  ago.  Moreover,  the  period  here  dealt  with 
has  such  a  large  mass  of  details  in  it,  and  so  great 
a  quantity  of  references,  that  it  has  been  a  long  work 
to  place  them  in  shape.  Over  200  officials  in  one  single 
reign  imply  some  weeks  of  research  before  a  final  list 
of  their  monuments  can  be  made.  In  another  way 
much  time  has  been  required,  in  order  to  get  rid  of 
bad  references.  The  monuments  of  this  age  have  been 
so  often  published,  that  many  of  the  copies  are  quite 
worthless  when  compared  with  others  ;  and  every  copy 
that  did  not  give  something  that  was  unstated  else- 
where has  been  omitted  here,  so  as  to  save  the  student's 
time,  and  direct  him  to  the  best  sources  at  once.  There 
is,  I  believe,  no  other  country  of  which  there  is  a  com- 
plete index  to  every  historical  monument  that  is  known, 
with  a  translation  or  abstract  of  every  historical  text. 

In  some  of  the  translations  here  given  an  attempt 
has  been  made  to  show  the  idiom  so  far  as  possible. 
Ill — h 


vi 


PREFACE 


For  a  student  it  is  better  to  be  able  to  appreciate  the 
character  of  a  language,  rather  than  to  transpose  the 
ideas  into  the  expression  of  a  different  civilisation.  So 
long  as  the  sense  could  be  grasped,  the  words  have 
been  left  to  tell  their  own  tale.  The  ruggedness  and 
strange  English  is  therefore  intentional  ;  and  I  have  to 
thank  Dr.  Walker  for  looking  over  the  texts. 

Regarding  chronology,  the  greatest  care  has  been 
taken  to  get  all  the  data  together  ;  and  in  some  parts — 
as  the  XXI Ind  dynasty — a  very  different  face  is  put  on 
the  history  by  the  fresh  material  here  stated.  Broadly, 
there  is  not  as  much  as  lo  years  to  spare  anywhere 
in  this  volume.  The  fixed  amounts  occupy  the  whole 
period  very  closely,  and  it  is  even  difficult  to  suppose 
that  they  really  come  together  without  more  unascer- 
tained intervals. 

As  some  persons  still  continue  to  quote  Dr.  Brugsch's 
chronology,  I  ought,  perhaps,  to  point  out  that  it 
entirely  rests  on  two  certainly  false  assumptions,  and 
it  is  only  rendered  possible  by  freely  making  any 
number  of  arbitrary  omissions.  In  short,  it  is  no 
system,  and  it  has  no  reason.  The  assumption  that 
a  generation  is  33  years  is  certainly  wrong  ;  in  the 
royal  families  we  find  throughout  that  the  generations 
of  22  years  for  eldest  surviving  sons  (which  are  shown 
by  the  Jewish  kings)  exactly  fit  the  known  history. 
The  other  assumption,  that  a  reign  is  equal  to  a  gene- 
ration, is  also  certainly  wrong,  as  we  see  by  looking 
into  the  family  history  of  any  dynasty.  These  entirely 
false  premises  are  then  arbitrarily  doctored  by  omitting 
to  count  any  reigns  which  would  make  the  time  too 
long,  as  in  the  XXth  to  XXV^th  dynasties,  where  18 
kings  are  omitted,  and  an  overlap  of  66  years  is  made 
where  it  is  impossible.  Nothing  remains  but  a  mass 
of  guesswork,  in  which  all  the  certain  facts  are  ignored. 


PREFACE 


vit 


And  no  one  who  uses  it  can  be  supposed  to  know  of  the 
facts  of  the  history  which  are  stated  in  this  volume, 

Our  earHer  dates  depend  on  the  fixing  of  the  reign  of 
Amenhotep  I.,  which  is  generally  accepted  as  given  in 
vol.  ii.  ;  though  probably  a  difference  of  a  few  years 
may  be  involved  (see  Lehmaxx)  in  correcting  Mahler's 
new  moon  dates  from  the  theoretical  to  the  apparent 
new  moon.  The  dead  -  reckoning  of  reigns  in  the 
XVIIIth  dynasty,  however,  precludes  our  accepting 
the  dating  derived  by  ^Mahler  from  the  star  diagrams, 
which  are  to  be  treated  otherwise,  as  we  see  below. 
The  lengths  of  reigns  show  that  the  close  of  the 
XVnith  dynasty  must  be  about  1328  B.C.  And  as 
this  puts  Ramessu  I.  to  1328-26  B.C.,  it  agrees  nearly 
with  his  being  Menophres  (Men'peh*ra),  who  was  reign- 
ing at  the  Sothiac  period  of  1322  B.C. 

It  seems  therefore  certain  that  the  star  diagrams — 
which  give  well  fixed  epochs — must  belong  to  some 
earlier  points  in  the  reigns  of  Ramessu  II.  and  VI., 
and  not  to  the  time  of  constructing  the  buildings,  as 
has  been  supposed.  The  only  star  diagrams  known,  in 
any  age  with  which  we  are  familiar,  are  the  horoscopes 
of  persons'  nativities  ;  and  it  is  a  gratuitous  assumption 
that  the  diagrams  of  the  Ramessides  should  refer  to 
any  other  event  in  their  lives. 

Let  us  see  how  this  works  out.  The  cieling  of  the 
Ramesseum  shows  13 18  B.C.  as  an  epoch  (A.Z.  xxviii. 
33).  The  age  of  Ramessu  II.  was  probably  about  18 
at  his  accession  (the  age  in  A.Z.  xxviii.  34  refers  onlv 
to  his  army  rank)  ;  for  he  was  married  in  the  ist  year 
of  his  reign,  and  he  had  ten  sons  in  the  8th  year,  even 
though  they  were  not  actually  fighting.  Thus  his  reign 
might  probably  begin  in  1300  B.C.  Now,  counting 
from  the  end  of  the  XVIIIth  dynasty,  Sety  I.  began 
to  reign  in  1326  B.C.,  and  so  this  leaves  about  26  years 


viii 


PREFACE 


for  the  reig-n  of  Sety  L,  which  seems  very  probable. 
The  other  horoscope,  that  of  Ramessu  VI.,  is  dated  to 
1 198  B.C.  ;  and  as  he  was  the  second  son  of  Ramessu 
III.,  who  began  to  reign  about  1200  B.C.  (by  the  above 
data),  this  would  well  agree  to  the  horoscope  being  of 
his  nativity. 

The  whole  subject  has  been  so  much  complicated  by 
mixing  together  the  general  dating  by  stars  (of  which 
the  personal  application  is  apparently  wrong),  together 
with  the  more  detailed  dating  by  new  moons  (which 
might  apply  to  other  epochs  19  years  apart),  that  it 
is  impossible  to  disentangle  the  facts  from  the  theories, 
without  a  research  too  long  for  this  volume.  But  the 
main  conclusion,  that  the  horoscopes  are  of  nativities, 
like  later  horoscopes,  seems  the  only  view  which  will 
fit  the  tangible  data  of  the  reigns.  (See  A.Z.  xxvii.  97, 
xxviii.  32,  xxxii.  99;  O.L.Z,  iii.  202,  v.  184,  etc.) 

The  other  synchronisms,  with  the  Jewish  history, 
offer  no  difficulty,  and  will  be  found  dealt  with  under 
their  respective  reigns. 

No  one  can  feel  more  strongly  than  I  do  that  this 
work  is  only  a  skeleton  of  facts,  and  cannot  in  its 
present  scope  show  the  living  civilisation  of  the 
land.  But  as  the  palaeontologist  studies  the  exact 
detail  of  every  bone  and  joint  before  he  can  restore 
the  living  appearance  of  an  extinct  animal,  so  the 
historian  must  restore  the  detail  of  each  period  before 
he  can  begin  to  work  at  the  whole  life  of  a  country. 
And  now  the  way  is  clear  for  studies  of  various  aspects 
of  ancient  Egypt  upon  a  solid  basis  of  history. 


CONTEXTS 

PAGE 

PREFACE             .......  V 

LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS           .....  xi 

LIST  OF  ABBREVIATIONS           .....  XV 

THE  NINETEENTH  DVNASTV     .....  I 

THE  TWENTIETH  DVNASTV      .              .              .              .              ■  ^  37 

THE  TWENTY-FIRST  DVNASTV              ....  l88 

THE  TWENTV-SECOND  DVNASTV          ....  227 

THE  TWENTV-THIRD  DVNASTV             ....  261 

THE  ETHIOPIAN  DOMINION      .....  267 

THE  SAITE  DOMINION               .                                          .              .  312 

THE  PERSIAN  DOMINION           .....  360 

THE  TWENTV-NINTH  DVNASTV             ....  373 

THE  THIRTIETH  DVNASTV        .....  378 

INDEX    ........  391 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS 


FIG. 

1.  Ramessu  I.,  from  his  tomb.    C.^L  236  . 

2.  Scarabs  of  Ramessu  I.    F.  P.  Coll. 

3.  Sitra,  from  her  tomb.     R.S.  v.  19  . 

4.  ;Mummy  of  Sety  I.    Cairo  Museum 

5.  Sety  I.,  from  his  tomb.    L.D.  iii.  133 

6.  Sety  I.  smiting  the  Libyans,  Karnak 
Map  of  Syria  in  the  wars  of  Sety  L 

7.  Sety  L  offering.  Abydos 

8.  Great  hall  of  columns.  Karnak 

9.  Egyptian  plan  of  gold  mines.    L.A.  22  . 

10.  Tomb  of  Set}'  L    Hapy,  Duatmutf,  Kebhsenuf 

11.  Cylinder,  rings  and  scarab  of  Sety  L    F.P.  Coll. 

12.  Tuaa,  from  her  statue.    L.D.  iii.  297 

13.  Scarabs  and  plaque  of  Ramessu  IL    F.P,  Coll. 

14.  Ramessu  IL,  young,  from  his  statue.  Karnak 

15.  Ramesseum  ;  figures  in  peristyle  court  . 

16.  A  corner  of  the  camp.    Pylon  of  Ramesseum. 

iii-  154  •  

17.  Hittites  and  Amorites.    Pjion  of  Ramesseum 

18.  Map  of  Hittite  allies  (small  type),  and  home 

(capitals) 

19.  Beating  the  spies.    Abu  Simbel.    L.D.  iii.  153 

20.  Ramessu  conquering.    Abu  Simbel.    Pr.  A.  . 

21.  Ramessu  II.  inside  S.  of  great  hall.  Karnak 

22.  Siege  of  Dapur.  Ramesseum 

23.  Hittite  king  and  daughter.    Abu  Simbel.  L.D. 

24.  Mummy  of  Ramessu  II.    Cairo  Museum 

25.  Black  granite  figure  of  Ramessu  II,    Turin  . 

26.  Red  granite  statue  of  Ramessu  II.    Luqsor  . 

27.  Temple  of  Qurneh,  front  colonnade 

28.  Temple  of  Gerf  Huseyn  ..... 

29.  Temple  of  Abu  Simbel,  looking  south 

30.  Lesser  temple  of  Abu  Simbel  .... 

31.  Queen  Xefertari.    Abu  Simbel.    L.D.  iii.  193 

32.  Queen  Xefertari,  on  statue  of  Ramessu  II.  Luqsor 


faci 


L.D. 


and^ 


PAGE 

5 


ID 
I  I 

•5 

ng  16 

19 
20 

^3 
-5 
26 

27 
34 
40 

44 


196 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS 


33- 
34- 
35- 
36. 
37- 
38. 
39. 
40. 

41. 

42. 

43- 
44. 

45- 
46. 

47. 
48. 
49. 
50. 
51- 

52- 
53- 
54. 

5S- 
.56. 
57- 
58. 
59- 
60. 
61. 
62. 

63. 
64. 

65. 

66. 
67. 
68. 
69. 
70. 

71. 
72. 

73- 
74- 
75- 
76. 


Sons  of  Ramessu  II.    Luqsor  .... 
Inlaid  pectoral  of  Ramessu  II.    Serapeum.     M.S.  9 
Bantanta,  on  statue  of  Ramessu  11.  Memphis 
Merytamen.    L.D.  iii.  298  ..... 
Daughters  of  Ramessu  II.    Abu  Simbel 
Pectoral  of  Pasar,  Serapeum.     M.S.  12 
Penbuv,  wooden  statue.     Turin  .... 
Plaques  of  Baken'amen  and  Rameses'user'her'khepesh 

P.P.  Coll  

Merenptah,    grey   granite    figure    from    his  temple 

Thebes  ........ 

Mashuasha,  Shakalsha,  and  Shardena,  from  Medinet 

Habu  

Map  of  tribes  in  Algeria  and  Tunis 
Merenptah  in  the  Osireion,  Abydos 
Sety  II.,  from  his  statue.    L.D.  iii,  298  . 
Sety  II.,  from  his  tomb  ...... 

Plaque.    Turin  ....... 

Takhat,  from  tomb  of  Amenmeses.    L.D.  iii.  202  . 
Amenmeses,  from  his  tomb.    L.D.  iii.  202 
Scarab  of  Amenmeses.    P.P.  Coll. 
Sandstone  tablet  of  Tausert,  from  her  temple,  Thebes 

P.P.  Coll  

Tausert,  from  her  tomb.    L.D.  iii.  299  ... 
Plaques  of  Tausert,  from  her  temple,  Thebes.   F.  P.  Coll 
Sandstone  tablet  of  Siptah,  from  his  temple,  Thebes 

P.P.  Coll  

Siptah,  from  his  tomb  ....... 

Scarab  of  Siptah.    P.P.  Coll.  .... 

Sandstone  tablet  of  Bay,  from  temple  of  Siptah 
Setnekht,  from  his  tomb.    L.D.  iii.  299 
Th3'imerenast  ;  scene  from  Abydos 
Sons  of  Ramessu  III.    L.D.  iii.  214 
Map  of  tribes  in  Algeria  and  Tunis 

Ramessu  III.  receiving  hands  of  slain.    Medinet  Hab 
Philistines.    Medinet  Habu  ..... 

Sea  battle,  north  side  of  Medinet  Habu  . 
Ramessu  III.,  from  his  tomb.    L.D.  iii.  215  . 
Mummy  of  Ramessu  III.    Cairo  Museum 
Caricature  of  Ramessu  III.  ;  papyrus.    L.A.  23  . 
Front  of  Medinet  Habu  ...... 

Scarab  of  Ramessu  IV.     P.P.  Coll. 

Obelisk  of  Ramessu  V.    Bologna  .... 

Scarabs  of  Ramessu  V.  and  VI.    P.P.  Coll.  . 
Ramessu  VI.  ;  Bubastis.    Cairo  Museum 
Stele  of  Ast,  high  priestess  ;  Koptos.    Cairo  Museum 
Scarabs  of  Ramessu  VIII.  and  IX.    F.P.  Coll.  . 
Z)cr^f  amulet  of  Ramessu  X.  ;  Serapeum.    M.S.  22 
Door  of  tomb  of  Ramessu  X.  . 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS  xiii 

FIG.  PAGE 

77.  Rinsf  of  Ramessu  X.   and  scarab  of   Ramessu  XI. 

F.P.  Coll   184 

78.  Ostrakon  of  Ramessu  XL    Ins.  h.  d.  2        .               .  185 

79.  Herhor,  head  from  temple  of  Khonsu.    L.D.  iii.  300    .  196 

80.  Stele  of  Piankh ;  Ab3-dos.    Cairo  Museum  .        .        .  203 

81.  Henftaui,  from  her  funeral  pap3'rus.    Cairo  Museum  .  204 

82.  Mummv  of  Henftaui  1.    Ms.  M.  xx.  A.       .       .       .  205 

83.  Altar  of  Pinezem  I.    F.P.  Coll   207 

84.  Shabtis  of  Henftaui  I.,  Pinezem  L,  and  Maat  ka"ra. 

F.P.  Coll   208 

85.  Maatkara,  coffin  head.    Cairo  Museum       ,       .       .  209 

86.  Shabtis  of  Astemkheb,  Henftaui  II..  and  Xesikhonsu. 

F.P.  Coll  '    .       .       .  .213 

87.  Nesibanebdadu,  bronze  figure       .        .        .        .  .214 

88.  Nesikhonsu  tablet.    Edwards  Coll   218 

89.  Glazed  plaque  of  Pasebkhanu  I.     F.P.  Coll.        .        .  222 

90.  Glazed  ring- of  Pasebkhanu  I.    F.P.  Coll.    .        .        .  222 

91.  Granite  cornice  of  Siamen.    Tanis        ....  224 

92.  Scarab  of  Siamen.    F.P.  Coll.      .....  22^ 

93.  Bead  of  Pasebkhanu  11.    F.P.  Coll   226 

94.  Genealogy  of  Horpasen.    M.S.  31        ...       .  230 

95.  Sheshenq  1.     L.D.  iii.  300     ......  234 

96.  L^apet.    L.D.  iii.  300     .......  238 

97.  Scarab  of  Sheshenq  I.  and  L'asarkon  I.    F.P.  Coll.    .  239 

98.  Bronze  statuette  of  L'asarkon  I.    S.B.A.  vi.  205  .        .  241 

99.  Takerat  I.  statuette  ;  Abydos.    A.  Ab.  iii.    Brit.  Mus.  245 

100.  Mutemhat,  bronze  statuette,  Serapeum.    M.P.E.  117.  246 

101.  Mutemhat  adoring  Amen.    Berlin  Museum.    L.D.  iii. 

256  h   247 

102.  Pjion  of  Uasarkon  II. ;  Bubastis.    N.F.H.  xxxii.        .  250 

103.  Scarabs  of  Sheshenq  II.  and  Takerat  II.    F.P.  Coll.  .  253 

104.  Pamay,  scene  from  the  stele  of  Serapeum.    M.S.  26    .  258 

105.  Scarab  of  Sheshenq  I\\    F.P.  Coll.      ....  259 

106.  Pedubast,  wooden  naos ;  Bologna        ....  263 

107.  Glazed  ring  of  L^asarkon  III.  ;    Leyden.     L.  Cat. 

xcvii.  330  '.        .        .  .264 

loS.  Electrum  pectoral  of  L'asakauasa.    F.P.  Coll.     .       .  265 

109.  Top  of  granite  stele  of  Pankhy.     M.D.  i.     .        .        .  269 

no.  Gold  statuette  made  by  Pefdudubast.    P.E.  i.     .       .  271 

111.  Bronze  cartouches  of  Sheshenq  \'.    F.P.  Coll.     .        .  271 

112.  Scarab  of  Ankh'hor.    F.P.  Coll.  .....  272 

113.  Scarab  of  Pa  "ma.    F.P.  Coll.       .....  272 

114.  Scarab  of  Kashta.    F.P.  Coll       .....  280 

115.  Shabaka.    L.D.  iii.  300        ......  283 

116.  Scarab  of  Shabaka.    F.P.  Coll.    .....  285 

117.  Shabataka.    L.D.  iii.  300     ......  287 

118.  Alabaster  statue  of  Amenardus.    Karnak    .        .        .  289 

119.  Scarab  of  Pankhy  II.  and  Taharqa.    Ward  Coll.        .  291 

120.  Scarab  of  Khmeny.    F.P.  Coll.     .....  292 


xiv 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS 


FIG. 
121. 
122. 
123. 
124. 
125. 
126. 
127. 
128. 
129. 
130. 

131- 
132. 

133- 
134- 
135. 
136. 

137- 
138. 

139- 
140. 
141. 
142. 
143- 
144- 
145- 
146. 

147- 

148. 

T49. 
150. 

151- 
152. 

153- 
154- 
1 55- 
156. 

157- 
158. 
159. 
160. 
i6t. 


Menkheper'ra  and  princess.     P.  Mus.     Pr.  M. 
Mount  Barkal.     L.D.  i.  126  . 
Scarabs  of  Taharqa.    F.  P.  Coll.  . 
Scarab  of  Xefer'nub'ra.    F.P.  Coll. 
Column  of  Taharqa.  Karnak 
Taharqa  and  queen  in  festival.    Karnak.     Pr.  M. 
Napata,  Temple  B.    C.  M.F.B.  Ixvii.  , 
Xapata,  Temple  B.    C. M.F.B.  Ixxiv.  . 
Taharqa,  black  granite  statue.    Cairo  Museum 
Shapenapt  ?,  granite  statue.    Sydney  ]\Iuseum 
Mentuemhat,  gianite  statue     Cairo  Museum 


33 


Xag-a.  L.D. 


M.S.  34 


Z.  xxxiii.  1 16 

Wady  Gasus 


M.D. 


Queen  Merkara  and  Amen. 
Tafnekht  stele  scene.  Athens 
Bakenranf  name.  Serapeum. 
Bead  of  Arabra.    Paris  Mus. 
Scarabs  of  Menabra.    F.P.  Coll.  . 
Psamtek  I.,  Apis  stele.  Serapeum 
Daphnae  fort,  restored  . 
Psamtek  I.,  on  slab.    Brit.  Mus.  A 
Psamtek,  Neitaqert,  and  Shepenapt. 
Scarabs  of  Psamtek  1.  . 
Scarab  of  Nekau  II.  . 
Xekau  II.,  Apis  stele.  Serapeum 
Bronze  lion  of  Haa'ab'ra.    Cairo  Mus 
Haa'ab'ra  founding  temple.    CM.  443 
Basalt  sphinx  of  Aahmes  II.,  Rome.    S. M.E.I 
Menat  of  Aahmes  II.    F.P.  Coll.  . 
J  Scarab  of  Ankh'nes'ra'nefor "ab.  ^ 
\  Seal  of  prince  Sheshenq.  j 
Psamtek  III.    Paris  Mus.    Ms.  P.E 
Phanes  inscription.    P.N.  i.  xxxiii. 
Top  of  Darius  stele,  Shaluf.     Rec.  ix.  145 
Temple  of  El  Khargeh,  general  view.  C.O 
Temple  of  El  Khargeh,  front.    C.O.T.  xix. 
Hakar.     L.D.  iii.  301  .... 
Hakar.    Cairo  ^Museum 
Xekhthorheb.    L.D.  iii. 
Granite  naos  ;  Edfu 
Part  of  stele  of  Horus. 
Plaque  of  Xekhthorheb. 
Nekhtnebf.    Brit.  Mus. 
Temple  of  Nekhtnebf. 


66 


F.P. 

659 


Coll. 


T. 


301  . 

Metternich  Coll. 
F.P.  Coll.  . 

Philae      .'  ' 


LIST  OF  ABBREVIATIONS 


A   L'Anthropolog-ie  (Journal). 

A. A   Ayrton,  Abydos,  iii. 

A.B   Arundale  and  Bonomi  Gallery  (Brit.  Mus.). 

A.  E   L'Archeolog"ie  Eg-ypticnne  (Maspero). 

A.  G   Amelineau  Geog-raphy. 

A.  L   Arch£eolog"ia,  London,  Society  of  Antiquaries. 

Am.  P.  .    .    .  Amherst  Papyrus. 

A.  Mus.      .    .  Ashmolean  ^luseum. 

A.  R   Archaeolog-ical  Report,  Egypt  Exploration  Fund. 

A.  S   Annales  du  Service. 

A.  Z   Zeitschrift  Aeg".  Sprache. 

B.  A,  Cat.  .  Birch,  Alnwick  Catalog-ue. 
B.A.G.  .  .  .  Berlin  Anthrop.  Gesellsch. 
B.B.M.  .    .    .  Belmore  Tablets,  B.  Mus. 

B.C   Berlin  Catalogue,  1894. 

Bd.  A.    .    .    .  Breasted,  Hymn  to  Aten. 

B.E   Baedeker.  Egypt. 

Belz.  T.      .    .  Belzoni's  Travels,  3rd  edition. 

Berl   Berlin  Museum. 

Berl.  Cat.  .    .        ,,     Catalogue,  1899. 

B.F   Brend  Monuments  of  Florence. 

B.G   Brugsch.  Geographic. 

B.G.I.    ...  ..        Geog.  Inschrift. 

B.G. O.K.  .    .  ,,       Grosse  Oasis  El  Khargeh. 

B.G. M.  .         .  Benson  and  Gourlay,  Temple  of  Mut. 

B.H.      ...  Brugsch,  Histor}-. 

B.H.I.   .     .     .  Bergmann.  Hierog.  Inschrift. 

B.I   Berlin  Aegvptische  Inschriften. 

B.I.E.    .     .    .  Bulletin  Inst.,  Egypt. 

B.I.H.D.    .     .  Birch,  Inscr.  Hieratic  Demotic. 

B.  Met.  .     .  Bissing  Mctallgefasse,  C.  Mus. 

B.M.C.  .    .    .  Bliss,  Mound  of  many  Cities. 

B.  Mus.  British  Museum. 

B.O.D.  .    .    .  Bezold.  Oriental  Diplomacv. 

B.P   Birch,  Pottery. 

B.R   Brugsch,  Recueil. 

XV 


xvi 


B.R.P.  . 
B.  Rs.  . 
B.S.A.  . 
B.S.Y.  . 
B.T.  .  . 

B.  X.  .  . 

C.  B.  .  . 
C.C.T.  . 
C.E.  .  . 
C.F.  .  . 
C.L.  .  . 
CM.  . 
CM.  ex. 
CM.F.B. 
CM.O.  . 
C.  Mus. 

ex.  . 

C.O.E.  . 
CO.T.  . 
CR.  .  . 
C.T.K.  . 

C.  V.O.  . 

D.  D.  . 
D.E.  . 
D.F.  . 
D.G.  . 
D.G.P.  . 
D.H.  . 
D.  Hist. 
D.K.O.  . 
D.M.  . 
D.M.E.  . 
D.M.H. 
D.O.  . 
D.P.  .  . 
D.S.  .  . 

D.  T.I.  . 
Dv.  O.  . 

E. '  Coll. 
E.G.  .  . 
E.L.  .  . 
E.  Mus. 

E.  Ob.  . 

F.  H.  .  . 
F.  Mus. 
F.P.  Coll. 

F.  S.  .  . 

G.  A.  .  . 
G.  Bh.  . 


LIST  OF  ABBREVIATIONS 


Birch,  Two  Rhind  Papyri. 
Brug-sch,  Reiseberichte. 
Budg-e,  Saraph.  Ankhnesraneferab. 
Brug-sch,  Sieben  Jahre. 

.,  Thesaurus. 
Burton,  Excerpta. 

Champollion,  Deux  Letters  .  .  .  Due  de  Blacas. 
Chabas,  Choix  des  Textes. 

Melang-es,  Eg'vpt. 
Champollion,  Figeac  Egypt.  Anc. 

,,  Lettres,  ed'.  1868. 

,,  ^Monuments. 

,,  Musees  Charles  X. 

Cailland,  Meroe  au  Fleuve  Blanc. 
Chabas,  Mines  d'Or. 
Cairo  Museum 
Champollion,  Xctices. 
Congres  Oriental,  St.  Etienne,  1878. 
Cailland,  Oasis  of  Thebes. 
Capart,  Recueil. 
Caulfeild,  Temple  of  Kings. 
Cailland,  Voyage  a  I'Oasis. 
Duemichen,  Baugesch.  Denderatempels. 
Description  de  I'Egypte. 
Duemichen,  Flotte. 
Davies,  Gebrawi. 
Duemichen,  Grab  Patuamenapt. 
,,  Histor.  Inschrift. 

History. 

,,  Kalend-Opfer-listen,  Medinet  Habu. 

Deveria,  Memoirs. 

,.       Manuscrits  Egyptn.  (Louvre  Catalog-ue). 
Daressy,  iNIedinet  Habu. 
Duemichen.  Oasen. 
Davies,  Ptah-hetep. 

,,  Sheikh-Said. 
Duemichen,  Temple  Inschriften. 
Daressy  Osraka. 
Edwards  Collection. 
Ebers,  Gozen  zum  Sinai. 
Etudes  ded.  Leemans. 
Ermitag"e  Museum. 
Ebers,  Oberegypten. 
Fraser,  Graffiti  of  Hat-nub. 
Florence  ^Museum. 
Flinders  Petrie  Collection. 
Fraser,  Scarabs. 
Garstang,  Arabah. 
Griffith,  Beni  Hasan. 


LIST  OF  ABBREVIATIONS 


xvii 


G.  Coll.      .    .  Grant  Collection  (Aberdeen). 

G.D.      ...  Gau,  Denkmaler,  Xubia. 

G.E   Golenischelf,  Ermitage  Catalogue. 

G.  F   Greene,  Fouilles. 

G.H.      ...  Golenischelf,  Hammamat. 

G.K.      ...  Griffith,  Kahun  Papyri. 

G.L   Gatty,  Catalogue  Liverpool. 

G.M.     .    .    .  Garstang,  Mahasna. 

G.  Mus.     .    .  Gizeh  Museum  (now  Cairo  Museum). 

G.N.      .    .    .  Gardner,  Naukratis  ii. 

G.O.      ...  Gorringe,  Egyptian  Obelisks. 

G.  S   Griffith,  Siut.' 

H.  B.      ...  Hawkins,  Belmore  Tablets  (Brit.  Mus.). 
H.  Coll.     .    .  Hilton-Price  Collection. 

H.G.O.  .    .    .  Hoskins,  Great  Oasis. 

H.P   Birch,  Harris  Papyrus. 

J.A.  1.     .    .    .  Jour.  Anthrop.  Institute. 

L.A   Lepsius,  Auswahl. 

Lb.  D.   .    .    .  Lieblein,  Dictionary  of  Names. 
Lb.  P.    .    .    .  St.   Petersburg,    Aegyptischen  Denk- 

maler. 

L.C   Leyden  Congress. 

L.  Cat.  H.      .  Lee,  Catalogue  of  Hartwell  Collection. 

L.D   Lepsius,  Denkmaler. 

L.D.T.  ...         ,,  ,,  Texte. 

L.  22  Dyn.      .         ,,       XXIInd  Dynasty. 

L.K   ,,  Konigsbuch. 

L.  K.R.  .    .    .  Lincke,  Correspond.  Zeit  Ramessiden. 

L.L.S.    .    .    .  Leemans,  Letter  to  Salvolini. 

L.L   Lepsius,  Letters  (Eng.  ed.). 

L.M.E.  .    .    .  Leemans,  Monumens  Egypt,  Leyden  1840. 

L.  ]Mon.     .    .  Leyden,  Aeg.  Monumens. 
L.  Mus.      .    .        ,,  Museum. 

L.R   Livre  des  Rois. 

L.T   Lanzone,  Catalogue  of  Turin. 

L.T.P.  .    .    .  Lyons,  Temples  of  Philae. 

M.A.      .    .    .  Mariette,  Catalogue  Abydos. 

M.A.  ii.  .    .    .  .,        Abvdos  ii. 

M.A.B.  .    .    .  ],       Album  de  Boulaq. 

Mac.  Coll.  .    .  Mac-Gregor  Collection. 

M,  A.  E.  .    .    .  Max  Miiller,  Asien  und  Europa. 

M.A.F.  .    .    .  Mission  Archeol.  Franc,  Cairo. 

M.B.      .    .    .  Mariette,  Catalogue  Boulaq.,  6th  edit. 

M.  Coll.      .    .  Murch  Collection,  Chicago. 

'SLD.     .    .    .  ^Monuments  Divers. 

M.D.B.  .    .    .  Mariette,  Deir  el  Bahri. 

M.D.F.S.  .    .  ,,       Descrip.  Fouilles  de  Serapeum,  1863. 

M.E.      .    .    .  Mus^e  Egyptien, 

M.E.E.  .    .    .  Maspero,  Etudes  Egypt. 


xviii  LIST  OF  ABBREVIATIONS 

iNIel   Melang-es,  d"Arch.  Egypt  (Maspero). 

M.F.D.  .    .    .  De  Morgan,  Fouilles  ^  Dashur. 

M.G.     .    .    .  Meyer,  Geschichte. 

M.I   De  Morgan,  Monuments  et  Inscriptions. 

M.K.      .    .    .  Mariette,  Karnak. 
M.M.     ...  Mastabas. 

M.O.      .    .    .  Murray,  Osireion. 

M.P.B.  .    .     .  Mariette,  Papyrus  Boulaq. 

M.S   ,,       Serapeum,  1857. 

M.S.  Ms.    .    .  ,,  ,,         ed.  Maspero. 

Ms.  A.  .    .    .  Maspero,  L'Archeologie  Egypt. 

Ms.  C.  .    .    .  ,,        Contes  Populaires. 

Ms.  CM.  .    .  Catalogue  Marseilles. 

Ms.  E.   .    .    .  Enquete  Judicaire. 

Ms.  G.  .    .    .  .,        Guide  Boulaq. 

Ms.  G.E.    .    .  ,,        Genre  Epistolaire. 

Ms.  M.  ...  ,,         Momies  de  Deir  el  Bahari. 

Ms.  M.P.L.    .  ,,        Mem.  Papyr.  Louvre. 

Ms.  P.E.    .    .  ,,         Passing  of  the  Empires. 

Ms.  Q.G.   .    .  ,,        Guide,  Cairo  Mus.,  trans.  Quibell. 

Ms.  S.X.    .    .  Struggle  of  the  Nations. 

My.  E.  .    .     .  Murray,  Guide  to  Egypt,  ed.  1880. 

My.  T.  .    .    .         ,,        Tombs  of  Saqqara. 

N.A   Naville,  Ahnas. 

N.  Aeg.     .    .  Nicholson,  Aegyptiaca. 

N.A. P.  .    .    .  Naville,  Ahnas,  Tylors  Paheri. 

N.B   Bubastis. ' 

N.Bh.    .     .    .  Newberrv,  Beni  Hasan. 

N.D.B.  .    .    .  Naville,  beir  el  Bahri. 
N.F.H.  .    .    .         ,,       Festival  Hall. 
N.G.      ...         ,,  Goshen. 
N.L.S.  .    .    .         ,,       Litanie  du  Soleil. 

N.P   ,,  Pithom. 

■  N.  Pin.  ...         ,,       Inscrip.  de  Pinodjem. 

N.S   Newberr\',  Scarabs. 

N.Y.      .    .    .  Naville,  Tell  el  Yahudiyeh. 

O.  Coll.      .    .  Owen's  College,  Manchester. 

O.L.Z.  .    .     .  Orient.  Litteratur  Zeitung. 

O.T   Orcurti,  Catalogue  of  Turin. 

P.  A   Petrie,  Tell  el  Amarna. 

P.  Ab.  i.  and  ii.        ,,       Abydos  i.  and  ii. 

Pap.  T.  .    .    .  Papyri  of  Turin,  Pleyte  and  Rossi. 

P.  Cat.  .    .     .  Hilton-Price  Catalogue. 

P.C.E.  .    .    .  Perrot  and  Chipiez,  Egypt. 

P.D   Petrie,  Dendereh. 

P.D.P  ,      Diospolis  Parva. 

P.E   Ehnasya. 

P.E.E.  .    .    .  Pierret,  Etudes  Egypt. 

P.E.F.O.    .    .  Palestine  Exploration  Fund  Quarterly. 


LIST  OF  ABBREVIATIOXS 


xix 


P.E.T.  .    .    .  Petrie,  Egyptian  Tales. 

P.H.      ...  ,,  Ha\vara. 

Ph.  Mus.    .     .  Philadelphia  Museum. 

P.I   Petrie,  Illahun. 

P.  Ins.  .    .     .  Piehl,  Inscriptions. 

P.  K   Petrie,  Kahun. 

P.  Kop.      .    .  ,,  Koptos. 

P.  L   Pierret,  Louvre  Catalogue.  Salle  historique. 

P.-AI.      .    .    .  Petrie,  Medum. 

P.  ]Mus.      .    .  Paris  (Louvre)  Museum. 

P.X   Petrie,  Xebesheh  (in  Tanis  ii.). 

P.X.B.  .    .    .  Xaqada  and  Ballas. 

P.  X'k.   ...  ,,  Xaukratis. 

P.O.X'.  .    .    .  Prokesch  van  Osten,  Xilfahrt. 

P.P   Petrie,  Pyramids  of  Gizeh. 

P.P.R.  .    .    .  Plevte,  Papvrus  Rollin. 

P.P.T.  ...  ,,'                   de  Turin. 

P.R   Pierret,  Recueil  Inscrip.  Louvre. 

Pr.  A.    .    .    .  Prisse,  Art. 

Pr.  M.    .    .     .  ,,  Monuments. 

P.R.T.  i.  and  ii.  Petrie.  Roval  Tombs  i.  and  ii. 

P.S   ,,     '  Sea'son  18S7. 

P.  Sc.    ...  ,,  Scarabs. 

P.S.T.   ...  ,,    •  Six  Temples. 

P.T,  i.  and  ii.  ,  ,,       Tanis  i.  and  ii. 

P.T.  O.  .    .    .  Parker,  Twelve  Obelisks  in  Rome. 

O.H.  i.  and  ii.  Ouibell,  Hierakonpolis  i.  and  ii. 

O.R.      ...  ,,  Ramesseum. 

R.A   De  Rouge,  Album  Phot.  Mission,  Egypt. 

R. C.      ...  Revue  Critique. 

R.E   De  Rouge,  Etudes  Egyptologiques. 

Rec   Recueil  de  Travaux,  Egyptiennes  et  Assyriennes. 

Rev.  A.  .    .     .  Revue  Archeologique. 

Rev.  E.  .     .     .  ,,  Egyptologicjue. 

R.L   Rosellini,  Mon.  Civili. 

R.M.A.  .    .    .  Randall  Maclver,  El  Amrah  and  Abydos. 

R.M.L.  .    .    .  De  Rouge,  Monuments  Egn.  du  Louvre. 

R.X'.M.      .     .  ,,         Xotice  des  Monuments. 

R.X'.S.  .    .    .  ,,         Xot.  som.  Louvre. 

R.P.  i.  to  xviii.  Records  of  the  Past,  series  I.  i.-xii.  ;  II.  i.-vi. 

R.O.T.D.  .    .  Revillont,  Ouelques  textes  Demotiques. 

R.R.      ...  Rosellini,  Mon.  Religious  (del  Culto). 

R.S   ,,       ]Mon.  Storici. 

R.S.D.  .    .    .  De  Rouge,  Six  Dynasties. 

S.A.K.  .    .    .  Schafer,  Aethiop.  Konig  Inschriften. 

S.B.A.   .    .    .  Soc.  Biblical  Archaeol.  Proceedings. 

S.B.A.T.    .    .  ,,         ,,            ,,  Transactions. 

S.  Cat.  F.  .    .  Schiaparelli,  Catalogue,  Florence. 

S.C.R.P.    .    .  Spiegelberg,  Corr.  Rois  Pretres. 


XX 


LIST  OF  ABBREVIATIONS 


S.E.C.  .    .    .  Smith,  Eponvm  Canon. 

S.E.W.  .    .    .  Stuart,  Egypt  after  the  War. 

S.G.C.  .    .    .  Schmidt,  Glyptothek  Carlsberg-. 

S.H.O.  .    .    .  Spiegelberg-,  Hieratic  Ostraka. 

S.I   Sharpe,  Inscriptions. 

S.M.C.  .    .     .  Schmidt,  Musee  de  Copenhagen. 

S.M.E.L    .    .  Schiaparelli,  Mon.  Egn.  dell'  Iseo,  1883. 

S.  Pap.  .    .    .  Select  Papyri,  B.  Mus. 

S.P.S.S.     .    .  Spiegelberg  and  Portner,  Sud-deutschen  Samm- 
lung. 

S.S.  .    .    .  •  .  Shuckhardt,  Schliemann. 

S.S.A.    .    .    .  Schack  -  Schackenborg,    Unterw.    des  Konig 
Amenemhat. 

S.T   Schiaparelli,  Tomba  Herchuf. 

S.U   Sethe,  Untersuchungen. 

T.A   Tylor,  el  Kab,  Amenhotep  III. 

T.  Mus.      .    .  Turin  Museum. 

T.P   ,,  Papyrus. 

U.M.      .    .    .  Unger,  Manetho. 

V.G   Virey,  Catalogue  Gizeh. 

V.  Mus.      .    .  \'ienna  Museum. 

V,  P   ^  yse,  Pyramids. 

V.S   Valeriani  and  Segato,  Atlante  Monumentale. 

W.G.     .    .    .  Wiedemann,  Geschichte. 

W.G.S.  ...  ,,  Supplement. 

W.H.T.      .    .  ,,  Hier.  Text.,  Berlin  and  Paris. 

W.M.C.      .    .  Wilkinson,  Manners  and  Customs,  ed.  Birch. 

W.M.H.     .    .  ,,  Materia  Hierog. 

W.R.S.  .    .    .  Weill,  Recueil  Inscrip.  Sinai. 

W.T.     .    .    .  Wilkinson,  Topography  of  Thebes. 

Y. H.      .     .    .  Young,  Hieroglyphs. 

Y.L   Yorke  and  Leake,  Mon.  Prin.  Brit.  Mus. 


A  HISTORY  OF  EGYPT 


THE  NINETEENTH  DYNASTY 

In  the  two  previous  volumes  we  have  traced  through 
the  history  of  Eg-ypt  the  fluctuations  of  power  and 
ability.  Down  to  this  point  the  strength  of  the  civi- 
lisation though  transiently  fading,  yet  continually 
revived  in  various  forms  with  almost  equal  vitality. 
But  after  the  XVTHth  dynasty,  however,  the  decay  of 
the  State  was  without  remedy  ;  each  capable  ruler  fell 
short  of  the  scope  of  his  forerunners,  and  the  only 
prosperous  times  were  when  some  external  power — 
Ethiopian,  Libyan,  or  Greek — administered  the  country. 

Though  this  dynasty  marks  a  profound  difference  in 
the  civilisation  of  Eg3-pt,  yet  its  rise  is  very  obscure. 
The  origin  of  the  Ramesside  family  is  unknown.  The 
name  of  Rames  appears  at  Thebes  as  that  of  a  vizier 
at  the  end  of  Amenhotep  HL  and  under  his  son, 
active  therefore  about  1380  B.C.  (S.E.W.  378)  ;  this 
tomb  was  unfinished,  and  probably  the  same  man 
carved  a  tomb  at  Tell  el  Amarna,  in  which  he  is  named 
as  general  and  major-domo  of  Amenhotep  HL  The 
name  Suti,  a  form  of  the  god  Set,  is  also  that  of  a  high 
official  of  Amenhotep  IV.  (Rec.  xv.  42).  And  the  names 
of  Suti  and  Rames  appear  together  on  one  tablet  of 
about  this  period  (Munich.  Lb.  D.  640).  Probably 
Ramessu  I.  and  his  son  Sety  were  related  to  some,  or 
all,  of  these  people  ;  and  in  any  case  the  presence  of 
these  names  in  an  ordinary  Egyptian  family  of  the 
III — I 


2 


THE  NINETEENTH  DYNASTY 


[dYN.  XIX. 


time,  shows  that  no  foreign  source  need  be  supposed. 
The  position  of  Ramessu  was  a  strong  one,  as  he  had 
married  a  royal  princess  some  twenty  years  before  he 
took  the  throne. 

The  Greek  lists  are  here  so  greatly  confused,  and 
have  so  many  certain  repetitions,  that  it  will  suffice  to 
notice  them  afterwards.  From  the  monuments  we 
have  the  following  results  as  probable  : — 


Monuments. 

Lists. 

B.C. 

years. 

years. 

about 

1328 

1 

Ramessu  I. 

2 

1326 

2 

Sety  I. 

9 

1300 

3 

Ramessu  II. 

67 

63 

1234 

4 

Merenptah 

8 

20 

1  214 

5 

Sety  II. 

4 

Amenmeses 

1209 

6 

1 

5 

1208 

7 

8 

Siptah  +  Tausert 
Setnekht 

6 
1 

7 

1203 
1202 

The  general  length  of  this  dynasty  cannot  well  be 
more,  as  Bakenkhonsu  was  16  years  old,  or  more,  in 
the  reign  of  Sety,  by  1300  B.C.,  and  yet  his  statue  was 
carved  under  Ramessu  III.,  after  1202  ;  hence  he  must 
have  been  at  least  114  years  old.  On  the  other  hand, 
the  length  cannot  be  less,  as  the  row  of  ancestors  of 
Ramessu  III.  at  Medinet  Habu  shows  Setnekht  next 
after  Sety  II.,  and  therefore  probably  his  son  :  thus 
there  were  six  generations  between  Ramessu  I.  and 
III.,  so  giving  five  generations  between  Ramessu  II. 
and  VI.;  and  as  their  horoscope  dates  are  120  years 
apart,  this  averages  24  years  to  each  generation,  in- 
cluding a  13th  son  (Merenptah)  and  two  other  younger 
sons.  Hence  this  dynasty  cannot  well  be  shorter, 
especially  as  the  reigns  could  scarcely  be  cut  down. 

To  show  how  far  the  dates  will  agree  to  the  probable 
ages  of  the  kings,  we  may  arrange  them  as  follows  : — 


I.e.  1375-1202.]     THE  NINETEENTH  DYNASTY 


3 


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4 


MEN'PEHTIRA 


[DYN.  XIX.  I. 


XIX.  I.  Men-pehti-ra      I     ^  ^  ^  ^  J 


328- 

1326  B.C. 


Ramessu  (I. 


Mummy  (?)  and  cofifin  lid,  Cairo  (Ms.  M.  551). 

Tomb,  No.  16  in  valley  of  Kings'  Tombs  (L.D.  iii.  123  ;  CM.  236-7; 

M.A.F.  iii.  157). 


Sarabit         Two  steles 

Qantara       Base  of  hawk  (Pr.  M.  xix.;  P.N.  104). 

El  Merg-       Inscription  (N.Y.  69). 

Memphis?     Base  of  statue  (Louvre)  (Rev.  E.  iii.  46). 

Abydos         Name  of  ka  (P.  Ab.  Ixvi.). 
Karnak        Pylon  before  hypostyle  hall    (B.E.  243  ;  C.N.  ii.  45). 

,,              West  side               ,,  (L.D.  iii.  124  a-c). 

Wady  Haifa  Stele,  2nd  yr.  (Louvre)  (CM.  i.  2  ;  R.S.  45). 
Scarabs,  not  rare. 

Worshipped — Temple  of  Qurneh, 

by  Sety  L  (L.D.  iii.  131  b  ;  L. D.T. 

iii.  91,  99). 

by  Ramessu  IL  (L.D.  iii.  151  a,  b). 

Abydos,  ancestors  by  barque  of  Sety  (M.A.  i.  32). 

in  lists  (M.A.  i.  43  ;  Pr.  M.  ii.). 

Ramesseum,  statues  of  ancestors  (L.D.  iii.  163). 

Medinet  Habu,  ,,  (L.D.  iii.  212). 

Li  tomb  of  Anhurkhaui  (L.D.  iii.  i  d). 

Penbuy  (L.D.  iii.  173). 

On  stele  of  Hora,  Abydos  (Cairo)  (M.A.  ii.  51). 

Queen — Sitra 

Tomb  in  Bab  el  Harim  (CN.  i.  394  ;  L.D.T.  iii. 

235)- 

With  barque  of  Sety  L  (M.A.  i.  32). 

In  tomb  of  Sety  I.  (M.A.F.  ii.  pt.  iii.  pi.  xi. 

178-81). 

The  fragments  of  two  coffins,  one  perhaps  original, 
the  other  appropriated  for  Ramessu  I.,  were  found  in 
the  royal  cavern  at  Deir  el  Bahri,  lying  with  an  un- 
named and  unwrapped  mummy.  It  is  supposed  that 
Ramessu  had  been  entirely  plundered  in  the  tomb  of 
Anhapu,  and  the  remains  collected  together  and  re- 
deposited  (Ms.  M.  552).    The  inscription  records  that 


B.C.  1328-I326.] 


RA-MESSU  I 


5 


his  body  had  been  moved  to 
and  thence  to  the  tomb  of 
Anhapii.  The  rock-cut  tomb 
in  the  Biban  el  Meluk  con- 
tains the  sarcophagus  and 
carved  scenes. 

The  only  serious  work  of 
this  brief  reign  was  the  begin- 
ning of  the  great  hypostyle 
hall  at  Karnak,  by  building 
the  western  pylon  in  front  of 
it  (C.N.  ii.  45). 

That  the  beginning  of  a 
new  dynasty  was  at  once  re- 
cognised, is  seen  by  the  king 
taking    for    his    names  an 


the  tomb  of  Setv  I. 


Fig.  I. — Ramessu 
tomb.  CM. 


,,  from  his 
236. 


elaborate  parody  of  the  names 
of  Aahmes  I.,  the  founder  of 
the  previous  dynasty,  thus  : 

Uaz-kheperii  Ra-neh-pehli  Aah-mes. 
Uaz-sutenyu  Ra-men-pehti  Ra-messu. 
The  same  is  seen  when  Sheshenq  I.  parodies  the 
names  of  Nesibanebdadu ;  thus  the  founder  of  the 
XXIInd  dynasty  imitated  the  founder  of  the  XXIst. 
It  is  clear,  then,  that  the  division  in  dynasties  was 
recognised  by  the  Egyptians  at  these  four  occasions. 

The  king  was  generally  adored  in 
the  list  of  kings,  both  official  and 
private  ;  and  as  he  is  often  put  in 
tf^  succession  to  Horemheb,  it  might 

^  J      ^t^2mW        supposed  that  he  was  his  son. 

Horemheb  was  probably  in  power 
as. far  back  as  1350,  though  not 
actually  reigning  till  1330  B.C. 
Hence  his  son  might  well  be  born 


Fig.  2. — Scarabs  of  Ramessu 
I.    F.P.  Coll. 


about  1375,  as  suggested  in 
seems  no  impossibility  in  the 
against  his  royal  descent  is 
founding  a  new  dynasty. 

That  he  married  the  princess 


the  table  above.  There 
case  ;  and  the  main  fact 
the  evident  fact  of  his 


Sitra  is  practically 


6 


MEN-PEHTI-RA 


[DYN.  XIX.  1.] 


certain.  She  is  placed  next  behind  him  by  Sety  I. 
(M.A.  i.  32)  ;  she  appears  in  the  tomb  of  Sety,  and 
must  therefore  be  either  his  wife  or  mother  (see 
MasperOj  S.B.A.  xi.  190,  for  various  opinions) ;  and  as 
Tuy,  the  mother  of  Ramessu  II.,  is  well  known,  and 
Sitra  is  called  ''royal  mother"  in  her  tomb,  she  must 
be  the  mother  of  Sety.  (There  is  no  g-round  for 
the  title  "royal  wife"  being-  honorary;  for  in  the 
XXIst  dynasty  Mutemhat  is  really  the  second  name 
of  Makara.)  Moreover,  it  is  certain  that  Sety  did  not 
inherit  his  face  from  his  father,  but  he  is  strikingly 
like  Sitra.    What  was  the  descent  of  Sitra  is  unknown. 


From  the  age  of  her  son,  she  was  probably  born  about 
1363  B.C.  She  can  hardly  have  been  a  daughter  of 
Akhenaten,  or  she  would  appear  on  his  inscriptions  ; 
but  she  might  have  been  the  daughter  of  Mertaten  and 
Ra-ser-khepru,  as  Mertaten  was  born  about  1380,  and 
would  be  17  at  the  birth  of  Sitra.  Sety  I.  is  the  only 
known  child  of  Ramessu  I. 


Fig.  3. — Sitra,  from  her  tomb.    R.  S.  v.  19. 


[B.C.  1326-13OO.] 


XIX.  2.  Men'maat-ra 


SETY  I 


1 


;26- 


IIJ 


1300  B.C. 


Sety  (I.) 
Mer-en-ptah. 

Mummy  and  coffin,  Cairo  (Ms.  M.  553). 

Tomb,  No.  17  in  valley  of  Kings' Tombs  (L.D.  iii.  133-137  ;  M.A.F. 

ii. ;  X.L.S.  i.-xvii.). 

sides  of  pillars  in  P.  Mus.,F.  Mus. 
Alabaster  coffin,  London,  Soane  Mus.     (Sharpe  and  Bonomi,  ^^7;'- 

cophagiis  of  Oimenepthah  I.). 


Tell  esh  Shibab 
Sarabit  el  Khadem 

Alexandria 

5) 

Qantara 

Tanis  (?) 

Khataanah 

Tell  el  Yehudiych 

Heiiopolis 


Memphii 


Saqqara 
Fayum 

Speos  Artemidos 


Girg-eh  (?) 
Abydos 


Stele,  vase  frag'ments 
Inscriptions,  vases,  etc. 

Inscription  and  fig^ures 
Door  jamb 
Base  of  hawk 

Altar,  Vienna 
Cartouches 

Model    of    temple  of 

Heiiopolis 
Eight-sided  pillar,  Berlin 
Slabs   with    gods  and 

king-,  Brussels 
Altar,    g-ranite,  Cairo 

Mus. 

Flaminian  obelisk,  Rome 
,,        copied  on 
Sallustian 
Palace  mentioned 
Sanctuary  named 

Name  on  block 
Deposits  of  temple  of 

Ptah 
Apis  chapel 

Granite  weig-ht  (C.  Mus.) 
Stele,  2nd  year 
Inscriptions 

On  inscrip.,  Tahutmes 
III. 

Granite  cramp 
Temple  of  the  kings 


(P.E.F.Q.1902,211). 
(W.R.S.  Nos.  no, 

111;  M.S.N.  374). 
(B.  Rs.  10). 
(A.S.  V.  120). 
(Pr.  M.  xix.;  P.N. 

104). 
(Rec.  xii.  4). 
(N.G.  ix.  d). 
(G.O.  xxxii.  ;  Rec. 

viii.  8). 
(W.G.  424). 
(C.  Rec.  39). 

(A.S.  ii.  95). 


(G.O. 
(G.O. 


130). 
135)- 


Temple  of  Osiris 


(P.P.R.  3)- 

(Posno  tablet,  No. 
8). 

(P.O.N.  272). 
(B.T.    1223;  F.P. 

Coll.). 
(M.S.  12). 
(Ms.  G.  245). 
(Rec.  xiv.  38). 
(L.D.  iii.  138  h-m). 

(R.E.      149-152  ; 

L.D.T.  ii.  109-10). 
(Rec.  ix.  89). 
(M.A.vol.i.;C.T.K.; 
Ms.  Q.G.  157,165). 
(P.  Ab.  ii.). 


8 


MEN-MAAT-RA 


[DYN.  XIX.  2. 


Hammamat 
Koptos 
Medamot 
Karnak 


Luqsor 
Qurneh 

Medinet  Habu 

Redesieh 

Gebeleyn 
>» 

Silsileh 


Elephantine 
Aswan 

Kalabsheh 

Dakkeh 
Qobban 
Dosheh 
Ibrim 

Wady  Haifa 
Sesebi 


Stele,  offering  to  Amen. 
Sandstone  sphinx 
Blocks 

N.  pillars,  hypostyle  hall 

E.  face  ,, 
N.  and  S.  sides,  hypostyle 
hall 

W.  face,  hypostyle  hall 

Inscriptions  edited 

Alabaster  stele 

On  pillars  of  colonnade 

Temple 

Back  of  stat.  Amenp.  I. 
Temple 


Rock  steles 
Inscrip.  of  Huy 
Building-  (?) 
Rock  chapel 
Stele 

Quarry  inscription 

Stele,  temple  of  Khnum 
Amenemapt  inscriptions 

King  with  Horus  and 

Set 
Inscription 
Well 

Stele,  offering  to  Triad 
Stele  by  Amenemapt 
Stele,  ist  year 
Temple 


Statices  and  portraits — 
Statue 

Statue,  portion 
Statues,  portions 
Statue,  wooden 
Fragment 
Ushabtis,  common 
Group  :  Amen  and  Mut 
,,       Amen  and  king 
Portraits 


Vatican 
Sorrento 
Cairo  (Abvdos) 
B.  Mus.  (Tomb) 
Florence 

Karnak  C.  Mus. 
Luqsor 

(R.A.  84  ;  L.D. 


Pr.  M.  vi.  i). 
P.  Kop.  15). 
C.N.  ii.  291). 
M.K.  ii. ;  L.D.  iii. 

125  b-d). 
AJ.K.  ii.). 

M.K.  ii.;  L.D.  iii. 

126-130  ;  CM. 

290-302). 
L.D.  124  b-d). 
Rec.  xi.  52). 
Rec,  xxvii.  70). 
W.G.  422). 
L.D.  iii.  131,  132; 

CM.  149-50- 
M.  D.     loi  ;  Ms. 

Q.G.  268). 
L.D.    i.    loi,  iii. 

139-41;  Rec.  xiii. 

76-9). 
L.D.  iii.  138  n,  o). 
Rec.  x.  134). 
S.B.A.  XV.  499). 
ex.  248). 
R.E.  265-7). 
R.E.  263-5  ;  L.D. 

iii.  141). 
C.N.  223-5). 
P.S.  109,  no;  L.D. 

iii.  141  i,  h). 
G.D.  13). 

P.O.N.  525). 
R.  P.  viii.  78). 
L.D.  iii.  141  k). 
Rec.  xvi.  170). 
B.  Mus.  1 1 80). 
L.D.  141). 


W.G.  425). 
W.G.  425). 
M.A.  351,  352). 
A.B.  fig.  170). 
S.  Cat.  F.  209). 

Ms.  O.G.  151). 

w.  0:425). 

ni.  133,  296,  53-54). 


B.C.  1326-1300.] 


SETY  I 


9 


Restorations  by  Sety^  after  erasure  of  Amen  ^  etc. 


Karnak 


III.  leniple, 


Qurneh 

Medinet  Habu 
El  Kab 

Amada 


Pylon  IX. 

Pylon  X. 
Tahutmes 
stele 

Stele  of  Amenhotep  II. 
Obelisk  of  Hatshepsut 
Steles  of  Amenhotep  III. 
Deir  el  Bahri 
Tahutmes  III.  temple 
Amenhotep  III.  temple 
Tahutmes  III.  temple 


Small  objects. 

Plan  of  g-old  mines,  papyrus 

Papyri  of  2nd  and  3rd  years 

Weight,  grey  granite,  Saqqara 

Stone  and  wood  cramps    C.  INIus. 

Handle  of  a  stick 

Sa-amulet,  wood 

Heart  amulet,  green  glaze 

Granite  altar 

Altar 

Base  of  altar 

Stele,  Sety  offering  to  Amenhotep  I 
Scarabs,  cylinder,  and  vases. 
Queen — Tuaa. 

Mother  of  Ramessu  II. 

Statue 

Statue 

On  colossus 

Portrait 

Head 

Name  at  Ramesseum 
Name  at  Tan  is 
XII.  statue  reworked 


C.  Mus. 

B.  Mus. 
P.  Mus. 

C.  Mus. 
C.  Mus. 
Carlsberg 
^Nliramar 
C.  Mus. 
T.  Mus. 


Medinet  Habu 
Vatican 
Abu  Simbel 


Statue  reappropriated 
With  Ram.  II.  on  stele 
Granite  paint  palette 
Amen-nefer-neb-f. 


Miramar  (i  152) 
(B.  Mus.) 


Ramessu,  see  next  reign. 
Daughter — Hentmara. 

On  statue  X'atican 
Group  with  Ramessu  II.  Abukir 
Burial  (or  reburial) 


(L.D.iii.  15,61. 125a; 

C.N.  ii.  191-2). 
(C.X.  ii.  189). 
(C.X.  ii.  256;  Ms. 

O.G.  122,  127). 
(Rec.  xiii.  160). 
(L.D.  iii.  23,  24). 
(P.S.T.  X.  xi.). 
(E.  Ob.  237). 
(L.D.  iii.  202  d). 
(T.A.  i.  iii.). 
(CM.  45,  5). 

(L.A.22;C.M.O.ii.). 
(P.P.R.  3,  21,  22). 
(Ms.  O.G.  128). 
(Ms.  O.G.  330). 
(P.L.  pp.  156,  631). 

(M.D.  48  a). 
(S.G.C.  p.  144). 

(M.A.  1365). 

(L.  cat.  T.  1466). 


(M.A.  ii.  16). 
(L.D.T.  iii.  148). 
(Mon.  Inst.  ii.  40). 
(B.E.  373). 
(L.D.  ui.  297,  55). 
(R.A.  127). 
(O.R.  xxix.). 
(Rec.  ix.  18). 
(R.A.  128;  P.T.  1. 

6-7  ;  pi.  ii.  1 1-12  ; 

xiv.  1). 
(A.S.  ii.  T95). 


(M.D.  73,  68  ;  R( 
xviii.  121  1. 


(Mon.  Inst.  ii.  40). 
(Rec.  xii.  211). 
(Salt  Pap.  1 24, verso 


lO 


MEN  M  A  AT -R  A 


[dYX.  XIX.  2. 


Worshipped — 

By  Ramessu  II.  Qurneh  (L.D.  iii.  150  c). 

Karnak  hypostyle  (L.D,  iii.  143  c). 

Chapel,  A'bydos  (M.A.  i.  32). 

By  Siptah  Qurneh  (L.D.  iii.  201  c). 

In  procession  of  kings'  statues  (L.D.  iii.  163). 

The  length  of  the  reign  of  Sety  is  not  fixed ;  two 
monuments  give  the  9th  year,  but  the  abundance  of 
his  works  suggest  a  longer  reign.  The  supposed 
evidence  of  its  shortness,  from  the  figure  of  Ramessu 
II.  in  his  first  year,  is  untrue,  as  that  figure  was 
added  later  (A.Z.  xxxvii,  130).    On  the  other  hand, 

the  somewhat  vague  data 
by  dead  reckoning  of  the 
^  reigns  would  suggest  about 


26  years  of  reign  ;  or  20 
years  if  ''Menofres"  is  Ra- 
messu I.  (see  family  table  of 
dynasty,  p.  3). 

The  character  of  Sety  is 
one  of  the  best  in  the  history. 
His  zeal  for  upholding  the 
power  of  Egypt  is  worthy  of 
the  previous  dynasty ;  and 


r^,^       ,  f  f  c  ♦  T        his  pious  regard  for  his  pre- 

FiG.  4. — Munimv  of  Sety  I.  .      ^  °         1        1  r 

Cairo  Museum.  decessors   exceeds   that  01 

any  other  king.  His  temple 
at  Qurneh  was  for  the  worship  of  his  father ;  his 
temple  at  Abydos  was  in  honour  of  the  primitive 
kings,  whose  tombs  had  become  known  to  him  ;  while 
his  sculptors  were  busily  engaged  throughout  the 
land  in  carefully  recarving  the  name  of  Amen  wher- 
ever it  had  been  erased  during  the  dominance  of  the 
Aten.  These  restorations  were  exact,  and  carefully 
followed  the  traces  of  the  original  texts  ;  the  only 
insertion  by  Sety  being  in  each  case  a  single  line, 
which  never  interferes  with  the  original,  stating  that 
the  restoration  of  the  monuments  was  made  by  Sety. 
This  work  is  in  the  strongest  contrast  to  the  mad 
piracies  and  destruction  wrought  by  his  son  and  grand- 


P.C.  1326-1300.] 


SETY  T 


son,  which  have  deprived  us  of  a  large  number  of 
monuments. 

The  history  of  Sety  opens  with  his  first  year,  which 
shows  that  he  was  not  coregent  for  any  length  of  time. 
He  began  by  a  brief  expedition  to  pacify  Nubia,  as  we 
see  by  an  inscription  of  Wady  Haifa  (B.]\I.  stele  1180, 
end  of  Mesore),  and  then  turned  to  the  serious  work 
of  recovering  Syria.  On  the  north  wall  of  the  great 
hypostyle  hall  of  Karnak  is  a  grand  series  of  scenes, 
covering  over  200  feet  of  wall,  along  the  outside.  The 
outgoing  and  the  return  on  the  eastern  half  are  both 
specified  as  being  in  the  first 
year  ;  but  there  is  no  date  to 
the  scenes  on  the  western 
side  of  the  doorway  which 
divides  the  wall.  As  a  war 
with  the  Tahennu  on  the 
west  of  Egypt  is  shown 
there,  as  well  as  a  war  with 
the  Khita  in  northern  Syria, 
it  is  almost  certain  that 
these  sculptures  belong  to 
subsequent  years.  There  is 
nothing  to  prove  that  scenes 
were  not  selected  from  the 
whole  history  of  a  king,  to  be 
recorded  on  his  buildings  ; 
and  the  presence  of  a  prince 
(even  if  inserted  in  the  first  carving)  may  easily  be  an 
exaggeration,  or  a  pure  invention,  in  his  honour,  when 
the  carving  was  made  perhaps  ten  or  twenty  years 
after  the  events.  The  arrangement  of  the  wall  is 
somewhat  confused  ;  but  after  comparing  the  names 
recorded  and  the  directions  of  the  scenes,  it  seems  best 
to  take  them  in  the  following  order  : —  _ 


Fig.  5.— Sety  I.,  from  his  tomb. 
L.D.  iii.  133. 


4 

05 

i 

3 

6 

7  10 

I 

0 
0 

5  \ 

2 

8    9  11 

< — 

— > 

\ 

— >  — * 

12, 13 


18 


17  16  14  15 


If) 


12 


MEN'MAAT-RA 


[DYN.  XIX.  2. 


The  arrows  show  the  direction  of  movement  of  the 
scenes  ;  1-5  are  the  war  of  the  first  year  ;  6-9  the 
return  with  the  captives  ;  10  the  presentation  before 
Amen;  11-12  are  the  Tahennu  (Libyan)  war;  13-14 
the  Khita  war  ;  15-18  the  return  with  the  captives  to 
Amen.  The  references  below  are  given  to  RoselHni, 
as  being  the  most  complete  series  of  plates  ;  but  for 
full  list  of  copies,  see  Rec.  xi.  52,  noting  A.Z.  xxxvii. 
139.  Sety  started  from  Zahi  on  Epiphi  9  (Rec,  i.  95), 
about  the  second  week  in  May. 

Scene  i.  In  the  first  year  the  king  dev^astates  the 
Shasu  (Bedawin)  from  Zalu  (the  frontier  of  Egypt), 
to  Pa-Kanana  [Kana7i,  2  m.  S.W.  of  Hebron).  The 
Shasu  all  wear  short  jerkins  and  caps,  and  carry  metal 
battle-axes  like  those  used  by  the  Egyptians  in  the 
Xllth  dynasty.  A  lake  is  shown  as  being  fed  from 
a  spring  at  the  fort  of  Kanan,  which  points  to  the 
Wady  Khulil  being  dammed  to  retain  the  water.  This 
scene  gives  the  raid  across  the  south  of  Judea  up  to 
the  hill  country.    (R.S.  48,  2.) 

Scene  2.  The  king  passes  a  reservoir  and  fort  named 
after  him,  a  second  fort,  a  lake  Absaqa,  a  third  fort 
and  reservoir  of  Sety,  all  the  way  chasing  the  Syrians, 
who  seem  to  flee  up  into  the  next  scene.  This  must 
represent  the  progress  up  the  Jordan  valley  ;  unfortu- 
nately the  forts  being  named  after  the  king  prevents 
our  identifying  the  course.    (R.  S.  49,  2.) 

Scene  3.  Here  the  king  comes  to  close  quarters  with 
the  northerners,  and  obtains  the  submission  of  the  fort 
of  Ynuamu  (  Ya?ii(h,  near  Tyre)  ;  the  foes  are  all  of  the 
upper  Syrian  type,  and  are  shown  hiding  in  the  forests. 
(R.S.  46,  2.) 

Sce7ie  4.  The  king  here  halts  before  turning  back, 
at  a  fort  named  Kaduru  by  the  lake  .  .  .  ma,  the 
name  of  which  is  injured.  As  he  here  receives  the  sub- 
mission of  the  men  of  Lemanen  (Lebanon),  who  cut 
down  great  trees  to  send  them  by  ship  to  Egypt  for 
the  temple  of  Amen,  it  must  have  been  far  north,  and 
Lake  Merom  (Marma  in  Tahutmes'  list)  is  probably 
the  lake,  and  would  agree  to  this  inscription.    The  fort 


B.C.  1326-1300.] 


SETY  I 


13 


of  Kaduru  is,  then,  the  modern  Hadireh,  a  fertile  plain 
6  m.  west  of  Merom,  Khazura  in  cuneiform. 

Sce?ie  5.  The  return  with  northern  captives  ;  the  chiefs 
of  Khalu  (Palestine)  are  shown  leaving  a  fort  (name  lost), 
and  passing  a  fort  with  a  reservoir  Hu  .  .  .  tha,  a  lake 
Ba(?)rbatha,  a  fort  named  after  Sety,  and  another  lake 
of  "sweet  water."  These  are  probably  places  down 
the  coast  road,  but  are  too  illegible  to  be  identified. 

Scene  6.  Here  Sety  selects  his  captives,  binding  some 
and  slaying  others,  probably  in  Palestine,  preparing 
for  the  desert  journey  home. 

Sce7ie  7.  Sety  proceeds  on  his  return,  carrying  some 
captives  and  dragging  "the  great  chiefs  of  the  Ru- 
tennu  "  (N.  Palestine  hills). 

Scene  8. — Here  Sety  has  picked  up  his  southern 
captives  of  the  beginning  of  the  war,  and  drives  before 
him  the  Shasu  (Bedawin)  and  the  chiefs  of  Khalu  (the 
Palestine  coast),  while  others  are  dragged  behind  him. 
He  passes  the  "reservoir  of  Ain  .  .  .,"  "the  migdol  oi 
Sety,  and  reservoir  Hupaina(?),"  lastly  the  reservoir 
stores  of  the  "  fort  of  the  lion,"  at  which  point  he  struck 
the  coast,  shown  by  a  line  of  water  full  of  fish.  This 
last  fort  was  probably  at  Rhinokorura,  now  El  Arish. 

Scene  9.  At  the  end  of  the  coast-line  comes  a  long 
canal  full  of  crocodiles,  Ta  denat^  "the  cutting," 
which  separates  Egypt  from  the  desert ;  a  canal  which 
must  have  run  from  the  Red  Sea  to  the  Mediterranean, 
on  the  line  of  the  present  Suez  Canal.  This  position 
is  shown  by  Zalu,  probably  the  Greek  site,  the  modern 
Tell  ahu  Sefe,  which  lies  to  the  east  of  the  canal  (P.T. 
ii.  106)  in  Sety's  march.  The  canal  is  crossed  at  a 
fortified  bridge,  where  is  another  reservoir  of  water, 
Hu  pa  ...  a  ;  the  repetition  of  this  name  suggests 
that  Hu  here  is  an  adjective  of  the  water  in  the  reser- 
voir, as  being  "  drinkable."  On  the  west  of  the  canal 
a  large  body  of  Egyptians  await  the  king  with  bouquets 
of  flowers  and  rejoicings,  "The  priests,  the  ancients, 
the  nobles  of  the  south  and  the  north  .  .  .  say,  in 
adoring  his  majesty  and  exalting  his  prowess,  Thou 
art  come  from  the  lands  .  .  .  thy  falchion  is  on  the 


14 


MEN-MAAT-RA 


[DYN.  XIX.  2. 


head  of  all  lands,  and  their  chiefs  have  fallen  by  thy 
sword." 

Scene  lo.  Sety  comes  before  the  triad  of  Thebes, 
Amen,  Mut,  and  Khonsu,  leading  lines  of  the  northern 
captives,  the  Retennu,  and  presenting  a  magnificent 
booty  of  vases  of  gold  and  silver. 

Scene  ii.  In  the  lower  line  is  the  same  subject,  but 
the  captives  are  of  the  Shasu,  or  southern  Syrians. 
The  vases  offered  are  of  exactly  the  same  forms  as 
above,  but  they  are  said  to  be  from  the  Retennu  ;  and 
it  is  not  very  likely  that  the  southern  people,  in  a 
poorer  land,  had  such  magnificent  spoils.  These  two 
offerings  may  well  have  been  on  different  days  of  the 
triumph,  so  that  there  is  no  incongruity  in  figuring 
them  as  two  scenes  of  dedication. 

Scene  12.  Sety  holds  a  group  of  captives  by  the  hair, 
and  prepares  to  smite  them  with  a  mace. 

Scene  13.  Amen  stands  holding  captive  three  rows  of 
countries  by  cords  ;  and  below  him  a  goddess  holding 
three  rows  of  captive  towns.  If  we  had  a  correct 
copy,  the  study  of  these  names  would  be  of  much 
value  ;  but  as  the  copies  are  hopelessly  different  in  their 
order,  and  the  edition  promised,  h  suivre,''  Rec.  1889, 
p.  77,  has  never  appeared,  it  is  useless  to  consider 
them  here. 

On  the  opposite  half  of  the  wall,  west  of  the  door 
there  are  first  Scenes  14,  15  of  a  war  with  the  Tahennu 
or  Libyans,  which  give  some  good  typical  heads  of 
that  people,  but  do  not  name  anything  of  importance. 
Probably  this  was  in  some  year  later  than  the  previous 
scenes. 

Scene  16.  Sety  in  his  chariot  drives  before  him  two 
lines  of  Tahennu  captives  ;  and  is  stated  to  bring  both 
Tahennu  and  Retennu  to  Amen. 

Scene  17.  Sety  leads  two  similar  lines  of  captives 
before  the  triad  of  Thebes,  and  presents  a  grand  booty 
of  vases  of  gold  and  silver,  which  are  by  their  shapes 
apparently  entirely  from  the  Retennu. 

Scene  18  is  the  only  one  left  of  the  upper  line  of  the 
wall  ;  it  shows  Sety  fighting  the  Amar  or  Amorites,  and 


B.C.  1326-1300.]  SETY  I  15 

attacking  their  city  of  Qedesii,  N.W.  of  Merom.  The 
Httle  country  scene  of  wooded  hills,  with  a  herdsman 
driving  off  his  cattle,  is  noticeable. 

Scene  19.  Sety  is  here  chasing  the  chariots  of  the 
Hittites  before  him  ;  but  there  are  no  details  named  of 
the  places. 

Scene  20  is  the  return  of  Sety  stepping  into  his 
chariot,  grasping  a  group  of  captive  Hittites,  and 
followed  by  chariots  containing  other  Hittite  captives. 


Fig.  6. — Sety  I.  smiting  the  Libyans.  Karnak. 


Scene  21.  Sety  leads  two  lines  of  "the  great  chiefs 
of  the  Retennu  led  by  his  majesty  from  his  victories 
over  the  land  of  Kheta";  showing  that  the  whole  land 
of  northern  Palestine  was  called  "the  land  of  the 
Hittites,"  probably  from  their  overlordship  of  the 
country.  The  distinction  of  the  dress  of  the  Retennu 
and  Hittites  is  carefully  preserved  in  the  sculptures. 
The  offerings  of  precious  vases  brought  before  the 
triad  of  Thebes  are  entirely  of  the  usual  Syrian  styles. 


i6 


MEN-MAAT-RA 


[DYN.  XIX.  2. 


Probably,  however,  such  are  largely  due  to  western 
work,  and  may  have  been  imported  into  Syria. 

Scene  22  is  a  list  of  conquered  towns,  of  which  we 
have  one  good  copy  (L.D.  iii.  129).  These  rows  of 
towns  are  grasped  by  Amen,  before  whom  the  king  is 
slaying  a  group  of  enemies,  exactly  as  on  scene  13. 
The  upper  two  rows  are  southern,  the  next  row 
western,  the  fourth  row  general  names  of  people  or 
countries,  the  fifth  and  bottom  rows  are  of  towns  or 
localities.  The  extent  of  these  we  consider  below. 
This  great  group  of  scenes  refers,  then,  to  the  campaign 
of  the  first  year,  across  the  south  of  Judea,  and  up  to  the 
north  of  Galilee  ;  also  to  a  war  with  the  westerners,  and 
probably  a  second  Syrian  campaign  in  some  later  year. 

Beside  the  list  above,  there  are  also  lists  of  places  on 
a  sphinx  in  the  temple  of  Qurneh  (L.D.  iii.  131  a),  and 
at  Sesibi  (L.D.  iii.  141  1,  m),  Redesieh  (L.D.  iii.  139), 
and  Abydos  (M.A.  i.  28  f).  The  last  three  are,  how- 
ever, useless  from  their  bad  state  and  the  fewness  of 
names,  which  are  also  too  general,  or  not  identified. 
We  must  turn  to  the  other  lists,  of  Karnak  and 
Qurneh,  to  see  the  extent  of  the  conquests  of  Sety. 
The  general  character  of  this  king  is  so  honourable  in 
his  works,  that  we  are  bound  to  credit  his  statements 
if  we  cannot  show  them  to  be  wrong.  In  the  fourth 
row  at  Karnak  we  reach  exact  statements  in  the  names 
Khita  (Hittites),  Naharain  (N.  Syria),  Retenu,  upper 
(hill  Palestine),  Retenu,  lower  (plain  Palestine),  San- 
gart  (or  Sangar,  Segar^  a  castle  on  Orontes,  43  m. 
N.  Qedesh),  Unum  or  Unu  (R.S.  61),  EL  Awani,  and 
Kefr  Yic7i,  7  N.W.  of  Segar  ;  fifth  row,  Qedshu 
(Qedesh,  Lake  Homs),  Pabekh  (El  Bukeiah^  plain 
12  m.  N.W.  of  Qedesh),  Qedna  (Qatana,  14  W.S.W. 
Damascus),  Asy  (Cyprus?  or  the  Orontes,  Nahr  el  Asy), 
Mannus  (Mallos  ?  or  Mar??a,  9  m.  N.  of  Aleppo);  the 
list  of  32  names  after  this  is  rather  broken,  and  has 
no  common  ground  with  other  lists  or  known  places 
to  show  its  region  ;  in  the  absence  of  any  fixed  points, 
it  would  be  difficult  to  identify  so  many  unknown 
sites. 


Pages  16-17. 


B.C.  1326-1300.] 


SETY  I 


17 


The  list  on  the  sphinx  is  more  useful.  It  has  several 
repetitions  in  it,  which  serv'e  to  show  that  it  is  a  com- 
pilation of  three  lists,  or  more.  It  begins  with  the 
usual  generalities,  the  Hanebu,  the  south  land,  etc. 
At  No.  II  we  reach  exact  statements  :  Khita  (Hittites), 
Naharin  (N.  Syria),  Alosa  (Alashiya,  Cyprus,  or  N. 
Syria),  Aka  (Akka),  Bamait  (Bamoth,  a  "high  place"), 
Pahil  [Fa/iil,  Pella,  18  m.  S.  of  Sea  of  Galilee),  Bat-shar 
(Beth  Shur,  4  N.  Hebron?),  Ynnua  waters  (Yanoah,  by 
Tyre),  Abamah,  Anu-roza,  Qamadu  (Kumidi,  Kamid^ 
29  S.E.  Beyrut),  Zar  (Tyre),  Autu  (Uzu,  'Essiyeh,  6  S. 
Tyre,  see  M.A.E.  194),  ^Bat-hant  (Beth  Anath,  17  S.E. 
Tyre),  Qarma  (a  vineyard),  Upper  Retenu,  Lower 
Retenu.  A  fresh  list  begins  at  No.  28,  Mennus  or 
Marnusa,  which  has  been  identified  with  Mallos  in 
Cilicia,  although  it  generally  appears  with  inland 
Syrian  sites,  and  it  would  seem  more  likely  to  be 
MaTnia^  10  m.  N.  Aleppo,  with  the  ethnic  suffix 
Sha.  Aputha  (unknown),  Artinu  {Ardi?i,  37°4»  S?"})? 
Naharin  (N.  Syria),  Qedshu  (Qedesh),  Tunep  (Teimib, 
18  N.  Aleppo),  Thekhsi,  Pa-bakh  (El  Bukei'ah,  12 
N.W.  Qedesh).  At  36  a  fresh  list  begins  with 
Thekhsi,  Asy  (usually  supposed  to  be  Cyprus,  but 
here  inland  in  Syria,  and  perhaps  the  Orontes,  Nahr 
el  Asy)^  Assu,  Tunep  (Teiniib),  Arethnu  {A7'din?), 
Pa-bekh  [El  Biikciali)^  Mennus  (Mania,  10  N.  Aleppo), 
Barga  (Tell  Berki,  20  N.W.  Aleppo),  Runuru.  It 
seems  from  these  lists  that  Sety  claimed  the  subjec- 
tion of  North  Syria  up  to  the  Bay  of  Issus,  including 
the  coast  of  Palestine,  and  across  to  the  north  of  Aleppo, 
but  not  to  the  east  of  the  inland  valley  of  the  Orontes. 

There  is  nothing  impossible  in  this  ;  these  lists  are 
not  copied  from  any  earlier  monument  known  to  us  ; 
and  if  the  compiler  was  romancing,  he  would  have 
included  more  important  places,  such  as  Karkemish  and 
Aleppo.  It  seems  only  reasonable  to  accept  the  lists 
as  a  summary  of  the  acquisitions  of  this  reign. 

Of  the  history  of  the  latter  part  of  the  reign,  the 
records  at  the  mines  are  the  only  dated  monuments, 
and  those  do  not  go  beyond  the  ninth  year.    As  we 
III — 2 


i8 


MEN'MAAT-RA 


[DYN.  XIX.  2. 


have  seen  in  the  chronolog-y  of  the  dynasty,  about 
twenty  years  is  Hkely  for  the  length  of  this  reign. 
The  whole  of  the  supposed  data  from  the  figures  of 
Ramessu  II.  or  other  princes  in  scenes  are  useless,  as 
we  have  no  guarantee  of  their  real  date  or  exactness. 
The  lengths  of  51,  55,  or  59  years  in  the  Greek  lists 
are  impossible,  as  they  would  imply  that  Sety's  heir 
was  not  born  till  he  was  over  60. 

The  monuments  of  Sety  extend  from  the  east  of 
Jordan,  and  the  Sinai  mines,  to  distant  Sesebi  in  Nubia, 
beyond  the  old  frontier  at  Semneh.  At  Sinai  the 
mining  industry  was  pushed,  and  one  stele  of  the 
seventh  year  remains  (M.S.N.  374  ;  W.R.S.  110)  ;  also 
a  stele  to  Hathor  and  scene  of  offering  to  Ptah. 

In  the  Delta  there  are  no  important  works  except 
at  Heliopolis,  which  seems  to  have  been  largely  re- 
built. Nor  in  Middle  Egypt  is  there  much,  even  at 
Memphis.  Of  the  Apis  burial  at  Saqqara,  only  a 
fragment  of  the  chapel  was  found.  At  Speos  Artemi- 
dos  some  carving  was  done,  and  Sety  placed  his  name 
where  that  of  Tahutmes  III.  has  stood  before. 

One  of  the  finest  works  of  the  reign  was  the  noble 
temple  at  Abydos,  built  by  Sety  for  the  worship  of  the 
early  kings,  whose  tombs  had  been  brought  to  notice 
at  that  time.  One  of  the  largest  of  the  tombs,  that  of 
king  Zer,  had  been  cleared  and  made  into  a  shrine  of 
Osiris,  perhaps  in  the  XVIIIth  dynasty,  as  the  earliest 
of  the  pottery  offering  jars  seem  to  be'  as  old.  A 
natural  rise  close  to  the  tombs  seems  to  have  been 
supposed  to  contain  a  tomb,  as  it  was  thickly  heaped 
over  with  pottery  offering  jars  ;  and,  being  the  only 
point  visible  from  a  distance,  it  was  adopted  as  the 
objective  of  the  great  temple,  whose  axis  points 
directly  towards  it.  The  temple  appears  to  have 
been  originally  designed  of  a  usual  type,  with  a  clear 
passage  through  it,  and  a  back  doorway  leading  out 
to  a  back  pylon  in  the  temenos,  and  so  to  the  royal 
tombs  ;  but  the  plan  was  altered  during  the  building, 
and  the  back  halls  were  built  on  at  the  side,  thus 


B.C.  I326-I3OO.] 


SETY  I 


19 


making  the  plan  unsymmetrical  (C.T.K.  14,  xxiii.  xxv.). 
The  plan  of  the  temple  is  familiar.  First  is  seen  the 
outer  court,  then  the  two  great  halls  of  columns,  and 
after  those  the  breadth  is  divided  into  seven  chapels  ;  the 
middle  one  for  Amen  ;  to  the  south  those  for  Harem- 
akhti,  Ptah,  and  Sety  ;  to  the  north  for  Osiris,  Isis, 
and  Horus.  The  chapel  of  Osiris  is  a  through  passage 
leading  to  halls  with  figures  of  the  various  Osiride 
emblems  and  other  shrines  ;  and,  as  originally  planned, 
this  led  further  to  the  long  corridor  containing  the 


Fig.  7. — Sety  I.  offering.  Abydos. 


register  of  the  early  kings,  the  hall  for  starting  the 
processions,  and  the  exit  towards  the  royal  tombs. 
The  sculptures  of  this  temple  are  the  finest  known  of 
this  age  ;  and  though  the  real  vitality  of  the  earlier 
work  does  not  appear,  yet  they  attract  and  please 
by  technical  finish,  and  a  somewhat  mournful  grace. 
Sety  also  did  some  work  in  the  temple  of  Osiris, 
where  one  slab  of  sandstone  was  found  with  his 
name. 

At  Karnak  is  the  great  work  by  which  Sety  is  best 


20 


MEN'MAATRA 


[dVN.  XIX.  2. 


known.  Though  his  father  must  have  designed  the 
great  hall  of  columns,  or  perhaps  taken  up  a  great 
design  of  Horemheb  for  the  re-establishment  of  the 
glory  of  Amen,  yet  it  fell  to  Sety  to  carry  out  the  larger 
part  of  the  work.  The  whole  of  the  axial  avenue  of 
columns — the  largest  of  all — and  the  northern  half  of 
the  hall,  were  finished  by  him  ;  and  it  seems  not  un- 


FiG.  8. — Great  hall  of  columns.  Karnak. 


likely  that  the  whole  hall  was  built  by  Sety,  though  the 
southern  columns  were  sculptured  by  his  son.  In  area 
this  hall  is  only  the  same  as  the  roofed  parts  of  the 
temple  of  Abydos  ;  a  dozen  of  the  pyramids  at  Saqqara 
each  cover  as  much  ground,  and  far  surpass  it  in 
amount  of  material  ;  and  the  large  pyramids  at  Gizeh, 
Dahshur,  and  elsewhere  are  beyond  all  comparison 


B.C.  1326-1300.] 


SETY  I 


21 


with  it  in  the  amount  of  work  ;  or,  looking"  to  modern 
times,  the  cathedral  of  Milan  roofs  a  larger  area  with 
only  forty  columns  instead  of  a  hundred  and  forty. 
The  only  special  feature  of  this  hall  is  its  great  defect 
— that  the  columns  are  too  numerous,  and  are  also  far 
too  thick  and  massive  for  the  spaces  ;  and  the  cause  of 
this  lies  in  the  weakness  of  the  sandstone  used  for  the 
columns,  which  is  unsuited  for  work  on  such  a  scale. 
The  size  that  strikes  us  is  not  the  g^randeur  of  strength, 
but  the  bulkiness  of  disease.  Many  of  the  columns 
have  crushed  with  their  own  weight,  and  when  one 
goes  over  a  whole  row  fall  like  ninepins,  as  in  1899 
(A.S.  i.  123).  The  sculptures  on  the  outside  of  the 
great  hall  we  have  described  above. 

The  other  great  Theban  work  was  the  temple  at 
Qurneh  for  Ramessu  I.,  which  was  also  taken  over 
and  completed  by  Ramessu  II.  for  Sety.  The  pylons 
and  walls  of  the  two  courts  have  disappeared  ;  but  the 
front  colonnade  and  the  mass  of  chambers  are  in  almost 
complete  condition.  The  plan  has  a  sacred  cell  and 
is  not  of  the  processional  type  of  older  temples.  The 
middle  is  occupied  by  a  small  hall  surrounded  by 
chambers,  and  a  shrine  at  the  end  of  it  ;  and  on  either 
side,  entirely  isolated  from  the  middle  group,  is  another 
hall  with  subsidiary  chambers.  The  sculptures  are 
much  like  the  work  of  the  temple  at  Abydos  ;  but  the 
coarser  material  of  soft  sandstone,  instead  of  smooth 
limestone,  has  prevented  such  fine  execution.  The 
beginning  of  the  Ramesseum  was  also  a  work  of  Sety, 
as  we  shall  see  in  the  next  reign. 

One  of  the  most  interesting  works  of  this  reign  is 
the  temple  on  the  road  to  the  mines  of  Jebel  Zubara,  a 
track  which  starts  from  Redesieh,  a  village  nearly 
opposite  to  Edfu.  At  about  36  miles  from  the  Nile, 
about  a  third  of  the  way  to  the  mountains  and  the  Red 
Sea,  stands  a  small  temple,  mainly  cut  in  the  rock 
and  partly  built  on  in  front  (C.V.O.  ii.;  M.S.N.  375). 
Three  long  inscriptions  here  give  details  about  the 
mining  enterprises.  In  the  ninth  year  of  his  reign,  at 
the  end  of  November  when  the  cold  season  had  just 


22 


MEN-MAAT-RA 


[dyn.  XIX.  2. 


begun,  Sety  inquired  about  the  deserts,  and  wished  to 
visit  the  gold  mines.  Struck  with  the  difficulty  of 
water  supply,  and  the  hardships  of  travelling  there,  he 
gathered  workmen  and  made  a  cistern,  getting  a  great 
abundance  of  water,  like  the  Nile  springs  at  Elephan- 
tine, which  lightened  the  cattle  of  the  nomads.  He 
also  ordered  the  overseer  of  the  masons  and  sculptors 
to  excavate  the  temple  (L.D.  iii.  140  b).  From  the 
phrases  it  seems  that  this  was  a  cistern  which  reached 
to  some  springs  ;  and  that  it  was  used  by  nomadic 
herdsmen  for  watering  their  cattle  ;  it  is  unlikely  that 
it  actually  irrigated  the  country,  and  the  text  seems  to 
refer  to  cattle  (determined  with  horns)  rather  than  to 
pasturage.  A  second  and  third  tablet  refer  to  the 
same  subject  (R.P.  viii.  69-74). 

A  papyrus  map  has  been  preserved,  which  is  the 
oldest  example  of  map-making  known  at  present.  It 
shows  two  parallel  valleys  amid  the  mountains,  with  a 
winding  valley  joining  them.  At  a  corner  is  a  cistern 
of  water,  and  a  round-topped  stele  of  Sety  ;  opposite 
to  that  are  the  openings  of  four  galleries  in  the  rock, 
and  others  are  in  an  adjoining  hill.  This  is  a  part  of 
the  map  of  the  gold  mines,  which  was  necessary  as 
a  record  for  official  use  ;  perhaps  the  stele  of  Sety  may 
yet  be  found,  and  serve  to  identify  the  exact  locality 
here  figured. 

The  great  building  works  involved  enormous  quarry- 
ing, the  records  of  which  remain  at  Gebeleyn  (Rec.  x. 
134)  and  Silsileh  (R.E.  263-7). 

At  Kalabsheh  the  temple  appears  to  have  been  begun 
by  Sety,  who  is  shown  between  Horus  and  Set  (G.  D. 
13),  as  on  scenes  at  Heliopolis  and  Karnak  (L.D.  124). 
The  triads  in  recesses  there  are  like  those  at  Redesieh. 
The  other  Nubian  remains  are  but  slight,  until  we  reach 
the  southern  limit,  where  the  columns  at  Sesebi  show 
that  an  important  temple  has  existed  there. 

The  tomb  of  Sety  in  the  Biban  el  Meluk  at  Thebes  is 
the  largest  tomb  of  that  cemetery,  and  for  the  fineness 
of  its  work  and  its  completion,  it  is  justly  the  most 


B.C.  1 326-1300.] 


SETY  I 


23 


celebrated.  It  is  in  the  eastern  branch  of  the  valley 
where  all  the  other  tombs  of  this  dynasty  were  ex- 
cavated. The  theory  that  a  great  rock  cutting  had 
been  made  to  gain  access  to  this  valley  is  baseless  ; 
the  whole  of  the  present  ground  is  entirely  natural, 


Fig.  9. — Egyptian  plan  of  gold  mines.    L.A.  22. 


except  a  few  feet  of  grading  away  a  low  waterfall. 
The  tomb  had  been  opened  in  the  XXth  dynasty  in 
order  to  use  it  as  a  store  place  for  other  royal 
mummies  ;  then  these  mummies  and  that  of  Sety  were 
taken  to  the  tomb  of  Anhapu,  and  the  entrance  to  the 


24 


MEN  M  A  AT -R  A 


[dYN.  XIX.  2. 


tomb  of  Sety  was  carefully  closed,  so  that  its  existence 
was  not  suspected  until  it  was  opened  by  Belzoni, 
i8th  Oct.  1817.  The  body  of  Sety  was  removed  from 
the  tomb  of  Anhapu  to  the  tomb  of  Amenhotep  I.  ; 
thence  to  the  great  deposit  by  Pinezem  II.  at  Deir  el 
Bahri,  and  lastly  to  Cairo  in  1881,  where  it  has  been 
unwrapped  and  photographed. 

The  tomb  itself  is  over  300  feet  long,  beside  a  winding 
passage  in  the  rock  below  it,  which  has  never  been 
finished.  The  numbers  here  refer  to  the  plan  in 
Baedeker.  A  steep  flight  of  steps  leads  to  corridor  I. 
with  a  long  hymn  to  Ra,  recited  at  his  setting  ;  another 
long  flight  of  steps,  II.,  continues  the  hymn,  and  begins 
the  Book  of  Am  Duat^  or  the  Underworld.  In  corridor 
III.  is  the  journey  of  the  sun  in  the  4th  and  5th  hours  of 
the  night.  Next,  at  IV.,  a  deep  dry  pit  opens  across 
the  whole  passage,  made  to  arrest  the  storm  floods, 
and  prevent  water  from  reaching  the  tomb.  This  pit 
stood  open  to  a  depth  of  30  feet  when  Belzoni  entered 
the  tomb  ;  and  on  the  opposite  wall  was  a  small 
opening  2  feet  wide  forced  through  the  wall,  doubtless 
when  the  tomb  was  opened  to  remove  the  mummy 
of  Sety.  Around  the  top  of  the  pit  are  figures  of  the 
king  and  gods. 

The  first  hall,  V.,  with  four  pillars,  shows  the 
passage  of  the  sun  through  the  4th  and  5th  gates 
of  the  night,  from  the  Book  of  Gateways.  The  well- 
known  figures  of  the  four  races  of  man  are  on  the  left 
wall.  The  hall  VI.,  to  which  V.  leads,  shows  the  sun 
in  the  gth,  loth,  and  nth  hours  of  the  night  from  the 
Book  of  Diiat. 

From  the  side  of  hall  V.  a  flight  of  steps  descends, 
in  the  same  direction  as  before,  to  corridors  VII.  and 
VIII.,  which  are  covered  with  scenes  and  inscriptions 
of  the  Book  of  Opening  the  Mouth,  the  ceremonies 
needful  to  give  the  spirit  full  possession  of  the  statues 
of  the  king.  In  room  IX.  is  the  king  before  the  gods. 
The  great  hall,  X.,  with  six  pillars,  has  scenes  of  the 
sun  passing  the  ist,  2nd,  and  3rd  hours  in  the  under- 
world (Dual),  and  the  ist,  2nd,  and  4th  of  the  twelve 


B.C.  1326-1300.] 


SETY  I 


25 


gates.  In  this  room  a  stairway  descends  to  a  passage 
which  goes  downward  in  the  rock  for  over  300  feet, 
and  has  never  been  finished.  This  passage  was  walled 
across  near  the  top,  and  over  it  were  slabs  of  flooring 
continuous  with  the  chamber  ;  on  these  stood  the  ala- 
baster sarcophagus,  the  cover  of  which  was  found 
broken  up  at  the  entrance  to  the  tomb. 

On  one  side  of  hall  X.  is  a  small  chamber,  XL,  with 
the  3rd  gate  of  the  underworld.  On  the  other  side  is 
another  small  chamber,  XII.,  with  the  legend  of  the 
destruction  of  mankind  by  Hathor,  for  their  rebellion 
against  Ra  (R.P.  vi.  105).  A  large  hall,  XIII.,  also 
opens  from  hall  X.  at  the  side,  and  has  the  passage 


Fig.  10. — Tomb  of  Sety  I.    Hapy,  Duatmutf,  Kebhsenui. 

of  the  sun  through  the  6th,  7th,  and  8th  hours  of  the 
night.  A  remaining  hall,  XIV.,  beyond  hall  X.,  is 
unfinished.  Thus  it  appears  that  the  subjects  are  in 
irregular  order  of  the  hours  and  the  gates,  and  one 
hour  and  seven  gates  are  not  described.  In  the  un- 
finished room,  XIV.,  was  found  a  mummified  bull  ;  in 
the  hall,  X.,  with  the  sarcophagus,  were  large  wooden 
statues  ;  and  scattered  all  about  these  halls  was  a  pro- 
fusion of  ushabti  figures  of  glazed  stone,  blue  glazed 
ware,  and  carved  wood,  which  are  now  in  many  different 
museums.    (See  M.A.F.  ii.  ;  Belz.  T.  i.  359-'.  .) 

The  alabaster,  sarcophagus,  now  in  the  Soane 
Museum,  London,  is  closely  covered  with  hieroglyphs 


26 


MEN -M  A  AT -R  A 


[dYN.  XIX.  2. 


and  scenes,  inside  and  out,  engraved  in  the  stone, 
and  filled  with  blue  copper  frit.  The  greater  part 
of  the  scenes  are  those  of  the  Book  of  the  Twelve 
Gates  ;  there  are  also  portions  of  the  Book  of  the 
Dead  ;  and  on  the  bottom  is  a  large  figure  of  the 
goddess  Nut.    A  facsimile  of  the  whole,  by  Bonomi, 


Fig,  II. — Cylinder,  rings  and  scarab  of  Sety  I.    F.P.  Coll, 


is  in  The  sarcophagus  of  Oimenepthah  ;  and  a  trans- 
lation in  R.P.  X.  71-134,  xii.  1-35). 

The  only  queen  known  in  this  reign  is  Tuaa,  of 
whom  many  figures  exist  as  the  mother  of  Ramessu  II. 
The  best  statue  is  in  the  Vatican  [Mon.  de  V Inst.  ii. 
40  ;  Annali,  ix.  167)  ;  but  probably  the  best  portrait  is 
that  from  Tanis  (C.  Mus.  ;  R.A.  127).  An  old  seated 
figure  of  a  Xllth  dynasty  princess  at  Tanis  was  re- 
worked, the  face  altered,  the  head-dress  recut,  and  the 
thumbs  narrowed,  while  the  re-attribution  of  it  to  Tuaa 
was  put  on  the  side  (R.A.  128;  P.T.  i.  6-7;  pis.  ii. 


B.C.  1326-1300.] 


SETY  I 


27 


xiv.).  The  titles  of  Tuaa  name  her  as  the  heiress, 
divine  wife,  and  royal  mother. 

The  sons  of  Sety  are  doubtful, 
owing  to  the  vanity  of  his  successor 
Ramessu.  There  was  certainly  one 
older  son,  and  probably  two  such. 
One  son  had  neh  in  his  name,  which 
is  thought  to  be  "  the  king's  chief 
son  Amen-nefer-neb-f,"  who  is  named 
at  Sehel  (M.D.  73,  68);  this  is 
doubted,  but  there  seems  quite  room 
enough  for  this  name  in  the  scene  on 
the  north  wall  of  the  hypostyle  hall 
(L.D.  iii.  128  a),  where  he  occurs 
following  the  chariot  of  his  father. 
The  figure  of  Ramessu  II.  on  this 
wall  is  clearly  a  later  insertion  by 
himself.  See  the  whole  discussed  in 
A.Z.  xxxvii.  T37. 

One  daughter,  Hent-ma-ra,  appears 
on  the  side  of  Tuaa's  statue  in  the 
X^atican.    The  crowd  of  sons  and  daughters  attributed 
to  Sety  in  the  Livre  des  Rois  are  doubtless  those  of 
Ramessu  II. 


Fig.  12. — Tuaa,  from 
her  statue.  L.D.  iii. 
297. 


The  officials  known  of  this  reign  are  as  follows  : — 
Any  (?),  prince  of  Kush  (L.D.  iii.  138  n). 
Amenemapt,  prince  of  Kush  ;  Aswan  (L.D.  141  h  ;  P.S. 

109)  ;  Dosheh(L.D.  141  k)  ;  Ibrim(Rec.  xvi.  170). 
Amenmes^  scribe,  slate  palette,  B.  Mus.  12,778. 
Pasar^  vizier  (L.D.  iii.  132  n-r  ;  Pr.  M.  xxx.). 
Hormin^  Louvre,  C.  213  (P.R.  ii.  10),  scene  as  Pasar. 
Panubii^  chief  archer  ;  Redesieh  (L.D.  iii.  1380). 
Huy^  scribe  of  quarrymen  ;  Gebeleyn  (Rec.  x.  134). 
Huy-shem^  scribe   of   gold;    Stockholm,    stele  25 

(Lb.  D.  882). 
Rum,  studkeeper  ;  P.  Mus.  C.  92  (P.R.  20). 
Ruma,  scribe  of  troops  ;  B.  Mus.  146. 
Userhat^  scribe  of  guard  ;  C.  Mus.  (M.A.  1137). 
Baka^  foreman  ;  Turin  stele  (L.T.  1549). 


28 


MEN -MA  AT -R  A 


[dYX.  XIX.  2.] 


Nianuy,  official  of  Temple  of  Sety  (P.R.  ii.  22). 
DudiiUy  scribe  of  temple  of  Amen  (CM.  191  i). 
Hornefer^  chief  priest  (?)  of  Sety  (P.R.  ii.  no). 
Ned .  .     royal  fanbearer  in  temple  of  Sebek,  pedestal, 
C.  Mus. 


XIX.  3.  USER*MAAT-RA 
SOTEP'EN'RA 

RA'MESSU  (II.) 
MeRY'AMEN 


o 


■3 


300- 
1234 

B.C. 


Mummy  and  coffin,  Cairo  (Ms.  M.  556,  765,  xi.  b,  xiv.-xvi 

Tomb,  Xo.  7  in  valley  of  King-s'    (M.A.F.     iii.     31-4;    L.D.  i 
Tombs  '  172  g"). 


Nahr  el  Kelb 
Saadiyeh  (Bashan) 
Sarabit  el  Khadem 
>> 

Abukir 

Alexandria 

Schedia 

Kom  el  Abqain 

Kom  el  Hisn 

Kom  Zimran 

Qantara 


Delta 
Nebesheh 

Qantir 

Thmuis-Mendes 
Semenud 


Steles 
Stele 

Steles  and  doorway 
Vases,  menats,  B.  INIus, 
Granite  triad,  sphinx 
R.  II.  and  Hentmara 
Sandstone  pyramid 
Blocks  of  stone 
Block 

Groups  and  statues 
Block 

Base  of  hawk 

Obelisks 

Statues 


Stek 


Shrines,  etc. 
Palace,  A?ikhuast 
Two  statues 
Statue  of  Uati 
Blocks 
Inscriptions 

Column 


(L.D.  iii.  197a,  b,  c). 

(A.Z.  xxxi.  100). 

(W.R.S.  1 1 2-6). 

(W.R.S.  126-9). 
^  (Rec.  xii.  211;  A.S. 
j      V.  114,  116). 

(L.D.T.  i.  3). 

(Mv.  E.  146). 

(A.'S.  V.  130). 

(G.X.  78,  82). 

(G.N.  80). 

(Pr.  M.  xix.  ;  P.X. 
104). 

(R.E.  294-7;  PT. 

i.  vii.-xi.). 
(P.T.  i.  22-5,  xiv.  ; 

4   in    C.    Mus.  ; 
fragment,  Berlin, 
2274). 
(R.E.  67-70;  P.T. 

ii.  ii.-iii. ;  Rev.  A. 
xi.  169,  iv.  ;  R.P. 
iv.  35). 

(P.T.  i.  and  ii.). 
(Rec.  xix.  89). 
(P.X.  8). 
(P.X.  7,  13). 
(X.G.  22-3). 
(M.D.  45  c;  X.A. 

18). 
(X.Y.  26). 


[B.C.  I300-I234.] 


RA-MESSU  II 


29 


Tell  Mokdam 
Tell  el  Maskhula 


Tell  Rotab 
Saft  el  Henna 
Bubastis 


Belbeis 
Benha 


Terraneh 


HeliopoHs 


Gizeh 


Memphis 


Serapeum 


Atfih 

lUahun 

Gurob 

Herakleopolis 


Statue 

Triad,  granite 
Sphinxes,  etc. 


Inscription 
Statue 

Statues  and  steles 
Usurpations,  etc. 
Granite  column 
Block 

Granite  lion,  B.  Mus. 
Blocks 

Ouartzite  base,  C.  Mus. 
Block 


Tell  el  Yehudiyeh      Statue,  etc. 


Obelisks,  etc. 


Great  well  mentioned, 

P.  Mus.  stele,  C.  94 
Blocks 

Blocks  and  stele 

Two  steles  bv  Sphinx, 

P.  Mus. 
Statue  largest 

Granite  statue 
Granite  fist 
Statues  of  Ptah 
Temple 

Eig-ht  Apis  burials 


Base  of  g-ranite  statue 
Stone  in  mosque 
Graffiti 

Groups  of  objects 
Temple 


Etneh  by  Mag-haga  Inscription 
Antinoe  Temple 


(N.A.  28-31). 

(Pr.  M.  xix.  ;  P.T. 

i.  xvi.  3). 

(N.P.  2,  4,  II,  xii.  ; 

P.T.    i.  .xvi.   4  ; 

A.Z.  xxi.  43-53  ; 

xxiii.  45). 
(X.G.  24). 
(X.G.  5). 
(X.B.  34,  37-44). 
(X.B.  36). 
(B.  Mus.). 
(X.Y.  22). 
(L.D.T.  i.  221). 
(B.R.  i.  10,  i.  ii.). 
(Seen  P.P.) 
(X.Y.  60). 
(X.Y.  9,  10  ;  front, 

ii.  ;  xi.  21  ;  L.  cat. 
H.  Xo.  484). 

(CM.  444-6  ;  G.O. 

134,    130;  A.Z. 

xix.    116;  X.Y. 

6s-6;  L.D.T.  i.  s). 
(P.R.  ii.  50). 

(X.Y.  66). 
(L.D.T.     i.  127; 

Mv.  E.  260). 
(M.S.  Ms.  96  ;  V.P. 

iii.  p.  117). 
(L.D.      iii.      142  ; 

S.B.A.  x.  452). 
(S.B.A.  x.  456). 
(B.  Mus.). 
(Rec.  xiv.  174). 
(M.D.  31  ;  A.Z.  vii. 

2  ;  A.S.  iii.  26-30). 
M.S.  12  ;  Rec.  xxi. 

71-2  ;  B.R.  i.  viii. 

I  ;  P.  Ins.  iii.  79). 
(M.M.  445). 
(My.  E.  397). 
(P.L  4). 
(P.I.  xviii.). 
(X.A.  9,  10,  i.  ii.  V. 

P.E.). 
(S.B.A.  vii.  176). 
(Rev.  A.  iii.  xxxix. 

77  ;  A.Z.  viii.  24). 


30 


USER-MAAT-RA  SOTEP  EN'RA 


[DYN.  XIX.  3. 


Eshmuneyn 
Tell  el  Amarna 
Ekhmim 
El  Birbeh 
Mesheikh 


Abyd( 


Dendereh 


Nubt 
Koptos 


Medamot 
Karnak 


Luqsor 


Statue,  granite 
Name  in  quarry 
Column 

Stele  and  statue 
Temple 

Stele  and  statues 

Temple  of  Osiris 
Temple  of  Sety  I. 

Temple  of  Ram.  II. 
Portal  of  Ram.  II. 

Statues 

Fragments 

Bronze  vase 

Blocks 

Temple  of  Set 

Triad 

Steles 

Baboon,  etc. 
Blocks,  re-used 
Great  hall 

Enclosed  earlier  temple 

Building-  E.  of  hall 
Statues  before  N.  temple 

Young  bust 
Temple  of  Mut 
Building  S.  of  lake 
Poem  of  Pentaur 


Hittite  Treaty 

Pillar,  C.  Mus. 
Colossus,  temple  R.  III. 
Colossi  and  statues 
Additions  to  temple 


Obelisks 


(Ms.  Q.G.  5). 
(P.A.  4). 
(E.L.  85). 
(Rec.  xvi.  125). 
(S.B.A.  vii.  172). 
(M.D.     p.  26-7; 

S.B.A.  vii.  172). 
(Ab.  iii.). 

(M.A.   vol.   i.   5-9 ; 

C.T.K.). 
(M.A.  vol.  ii.). 
(M.A.  vol.  ii.  p.  34  ; 

iii.  419). 
(M.A.353;  D.E.  iv. 

37). 

(Rec.  xi.  90  ;  R.E. 

(c!'mus.*3445;P.D. 

xxiv.  6). 
(D.D.  iii.). 
(P.N.B.  70). 
(P.  Kop.  xvii.). 
(P.  Kop.  xviii.  xix. ; 

Rec.  ix.  100). 
(P.  Kop.  16). 
(C.N.  ii.  290). 
(M.K.  ii.  ;  C.N.  ii. 

36-204). 
(M.K.  ii.  ;  L.D.  iii. 

147-8). 
(C.N.  ii.  256-8). 
(M.  K.  i.  ;  My.  E. 

503). 

(See  phot.  fig.  14). 
(B.G.M.). 
(My.  E.  503). 
(M.K.  48-51  ;  R.E. 

206  -  31  ;  B.R. 

29-32  ;    R.P.  ii. 

67)-  ... 
(Rec.  xiii.  1 1^3  ;  xiv. 

67;  R.P.  W.  27). 

(B.E.  242). 
(Rec.  xxvii.  70). 
(L.D.  iii.  149;  R.S. 

104-7  ;  Rec.  XV. 

55  ;  A.S.  i.  191). 
(R.S.     117;  G.O. 

77-95). 


B.C.  130O-I234.] 


RA-MESSU  II 


31 


Luqsor 


Qurneh 


Ramesseum 


Deir  el  Bahri 
Medinet  Habu 

El  Kab 


Silsileh 

Ombos 
Elephantine 

Aswan 


Bases  with  cynocephali 


Poem  of  Pentaur 

Conquest  inscrip. 
Small  temple 
Finished  temple 


Historical  reliefs 
Religious  reliefs 
Horoscope 
List  of  sons 
Plan,  etc. 

Bust,  B.  Mus. 

Ostraka 
Restored  temple 
Re-used  blocks 

Chapel 

On  destroyed  temple  of 

Sebek 
Stele 

Inscription    on  temple 
Amenp.  III. 

Inscription  of  Taa,  29th 
year 

Rock  shrines,  etc. 


Steles 
Stones 

Bust  (B.  Mus.) 
Quay 

Statue 

Stele,  2nd  year 

Steles,  33rd  and  40th  yr. 


,,  Family  stele 

{Private  inscriptions,  see  belo7v.) 


(C.  Mus.  ;  P.  Mus.; 
R.N.S.  p.  54;  Pr. 

A.  61). 

(B.R.     40-2,  53; 

R.E.  232-48). 
(Rec.  xvd.  49). 
(Rec.  xvi.  52). 
(L.  D.  iii.  132,  I  ^o-2  ; 

B.  R.  51-2  ;  C.M. 
150-2  ;  P.  Ins.  i. 

145-6). 
(L.D.  iii.  153-66). 
(L.  D.  iii.  162-4, 1^9)- 
(L.D.  iii.  170-1). 
(L.D.  iii.  168). 
(L.D.  i. 88-90 ;Q.R. 

i.  ii.  iv.  XV.). 
(D.E.  ii.  32  ;  A.B. 

39)- 
(S.H.O.). 

(X.D.B.  introd.  11). 
(D.K.O.  ;  B.G.I,  i. 

440  ;  My.  E.  466). 
(L.D.i.  loi  ;  L.D.T. 

iv.  38;  B.Rs.224). 
(C.M.  140). 

(L.D.  iii.  174  a). 
(W.G.  450). 

(Rec.  XV.  68). 

(L.  D.  iii.  175  a-e  ; 

C.  M.  102,  3,  122 
bis,  iii.). 

(L.D.    iii.    174   f.  ; 
C.M.  1 15, 16, 18, 19). 
(A.Z.      xxi.      78  ; 

P.O.N.  479). 
(AB.  40). 

(S.B.A.     xi.     230  ; 

B.  Rs.  246;  M.L 

i.  113,  117,  118). 
(B.  Mus.). 
(L.D.    iii.    175  g; 

R.E.  252). 
(M.L    i.    88,  62; 

M.D.  71,  33). 
(L  D.  iii.  175  h). 


32  USER-MAAT-RA  SOTEP  EN-RA        [dyn.  xix.  3. 

BeitelWally  Temple  (CM.  61-74;  L.D.  iii. 

176-7;    G.D.  12-5; 

C.N.   145-55.  Casts 

B.  Mus.  A.B.  38). 
GerfHuseyn  Temple  (CM.  56-7;    L.D.  iii. 

(  =  Kirsheh)  178  ;  G.D.  27-32). 

Qubban  Stele  (Rec.  viii.  122  ;  x.  60  ; 

xiv.  96  ;  Pr.  M.  xxi.  ; 

R.  P.  viii.  75). 
,,  Blocks  (My.  E.  538). 

Wady  Sebud  Temple  (L.D.  iii.'  179-82  ;  G.D. 

42-  7  ;  Pr,  M.  XX.). 
Statue                       (P.M.  xx.) 

Derr  Temple  (L.D.  iii.   183-4;  C.M. 

40-3  ;  G.D.  50-2). 
Ibrim  Rock  shrine  (CN.  i.  81-2  ;  L.D.  iii. 

184  d). 

Abu  Simbel  Great  temple  (L.D.  iii.  185-91,  194-5  ; 

CM.  I  i-^S  bis  ;  C.N. 
56-77;   G.D.  57-61  ; 
Rec.  viii.  120). 
Smaller  temple  (L.D.  iii.  192-3 ;  CM. 3, 

5-9;  G.D.  54-6;  C.N. 

43-  55)- 

,,  Small  chamber  (Edwards,   1000  miles, 

478-520). 

Stele,  35th yr.,  added  (L.D.  iii.  194;  R.P.  xii. 

in  temple  81-91). 
Steles  (all  different)    (L.D.  195  a  [  =  Rec.  x. 

60],  b,  c,  d,   196  a  ; 

CM.  ix.  2  ;  X.  4). 

Faras  (  — Mashakit)  Rock  shrine,  etc.        (C.N.  i.  38,  40,  609). 
Aksheh  ( =  Serreh)     Temple  (L.D.    iii.    191    m,  n; 

Rec.  xvii.  163). 
Napata  Temple  (L.L.  222). 


Statues  {not  quoted  above). 
Seated,  black  granite  Turin 


Standing-,  syenite 
Two  standing  and  two 

seated 
Kneeling,  black  granite 
Seated 

Head,  black  granite 
Head,  syenite 
Head,  grey  granite 
Seated 

Wooden  figure 


Turin 
C.  Mus. 

Alexandria 
Alexandria 
C.  Mus. 
C.  Mus. 
B.  Mus. 
Vatican. 
B.  Mus. 


(L.D.  iii.  297,  58 

No.  1380). 
(L.T.  No.  1381). 


(A.S.  V.  114). 
(A.S.  V.  121). 
(No.  166). 
(N.B.  XV.). 
(37,886). 
(W.G.  459). 
(A.B.  pi.  47). 


L.T. 


B.C.  130O-I234.] 


RA-MESSU  II 


33 


Bronze  kneeling-  figure    B.  Mus,  (32,747). 
Seated,  diorite,  usurped    P.  Mus.  (R.M.L.  No.  20). 

Seated  Alexandria  (L.  D.  iii.  142  a-c). 

Bronze  ushabti  P.  ]Mus. 

At  Karnak,  Luqsor,  and  the  Ramesseum,  see  above. 


Monuments  {^iinnamed  sources). 

Group  R.  II.  and  Ra-hor-akhti     C.  Mus. 

Pillars  C.  Mus.  ;  P.  Mus.,  D.  62. 

Architraves,  Berlin,  151  C.  Mus. 

Obelisk  '  Rome,  Villa  Mattei  (G.O.  134). 

,,  ,,      Iseum  (S.M.E.     I.  Tav. 

vii.). 

,,  Florence,  Boboli  Garden   (G.O.  137). 

,,  Berlin  (Berl.  Cat.  p.  124). 

fragments     Marseille  (Ms.  C.M.  i); 

Collegio  Romano  (G.O. 
136) ;  F.  P.  Coll. 
Altar   bases,    Ram.    II.,     III.,    VII.,  X. 

Marseille  (Ms.  C.M.  s). 

P.  Mus,  (R.M.L.  p.^2io,  D. 

61  ;  L.A.  14). 

Scene  before  Hapi  with  Khacmuas.  Miramar. 

Stele  before  Hathor.    Turin  (L.T.  1462). 

,.  Horus.  (Rousset  Bey  Coll.). 

,,  Osiris  with  Tuaa.   Miramar,  1 152. 

Lion,  limestone.    Luqsor  Gardens. 

Trial  piece  and  sketch.    B.  Mus.  308.   C.  Mus.  (Ms.  O.G.  319). 
Panel,  figure  with  names  of  Sety  I.  and  Ram. 
II.  Turin. 

Panel  with   young   Ram.    II.   kneeling  on   (Rec.  iv.  140). 
heh.  C.  Mus. 

Two  reliefs  of  young  Ram.   II.     P.  Mus.    (P.L.  2,4;  R.M.L. 

p.7i;P.C.E.  706). 
Sandstone,  fragments,  with  Nubian  Amen        (R.N.M.  p.  132). 
Statue  of  Ptah,  fragment.    Berlin,  2274. 
Pectoral.    M.S.  iii.  9. 

Blue-glazed  cy nocephalus  plaque.  Lee  Coll.  ( L.  cat.  H. ,  No.  1 26). 
Bronze  box  with  figures.    Leyden  (L.M.E.  p.  98,  H. 

562). 

Gilded  vases.    B.  Mus.  35,273-4. 

Handle  of  stick.    P.  Mus.  (P.L.  pp.  157,  632). 

Palette.    B.  Mus.  (Synopsis  1850,229). 

Sphinxes,    carnelian.      Vienna  ;    B.    Mus.  ; 
F.P.  Coll. 

Gold  ring  with  horse  in  P.  Mus.  (Ms.  A.  p.  314,  fig. 


Scarabs  and  rings,  very  common. 


298). 


34 


USER-MAAT-RA  SOTEP-EN-RA        [dyn.  xix.  3. 


Papyri^  etc. — Wine  jars  from  the  Ramesseum — Yr.  II.  i,  III. 
5,  IV.  6,  V.  9,  VI.  7,  VII.  9,  VIII.  6,  XIII.  XIX.  XXIX. 
XXXIX.  LVII.  LVIII.  I  each  (S.H.O.  19-38;  A.Z.  xxi.  34). 

Yr.  \"III.  iNIesore  25,  workmen  pap.  Turin  (P.P.T.  41,  xxix.). 

Yr.  XII.  Khoiak  13,  revenue  pap.  Turin  (Lieblein,  Christiania 
Vid.  Sels.  Forh.  1875). 

Yr,  XLVI.  Paophi  14,  law  pap.  Berlin  (A.Z,  xvii,  72). 

Yr.  LI  I.  Pauni  27  and  on,  revenue  pap.  Leyden  (i,  350). 

Yr.  LXVI.  Athyr  5,  certificate  of  Neferhotep,  Ost.  C.  Mus. 
(M.A.  1497). 

{Religious.) — Ostraka,  C.  Mus.  (Dy.  O.  25204,  25220);  pap. 
Turin  (P.P.T,  83,  Ixv.), 

Fig.  13. — Scarabs  and  plaque  ol  Ramcssu  II.    F.l*.  Coll. 

{Historical.)— Ssi\YiG.r  ii.,  Kheta  war  (R,P,  ii,  65). 

Sallier  iii. ,  poem  of  Pentaur  (R.  P.  ii.  65  ;  Rev.  Eg.  iii.  149-vii.  182). 

Anastasi  i.,  travels  in  Syria  (S.  Pap.  35-62;  R.P.  ii.  107). 
Anastasi  ii.  iv.,  Kheta  embassy  (C.E.  ii.  151).  Nubian  war, 
Ostrakon,  C.  Mus,  (Dv,  O.  25219),  Letters,  Bologna  paps. 
(L.K.R.),  P.  Mus.  (W.H.T.  x.-xiv.),  on  building-  temple  of  Mut, 
Turin  (P.P.T.  9-14).    New  moon  feast  (B.T.  250). 

Worshipped  by  himself,  Abu  Simbel  (L.D.  iii.  191  h),  Aksheh 
(L.D.  iii.  191  n)  ;  by  Merenptah,  Silsileh  (CM.  103);  by  Siptah, 
Qurneh  (L.D.  iii.  201  c)  ;  by  Qen  (Rec.  i.  136,  iii.  103);  tomb  20, 
Qurneh  (L.D.  iii.  199  h) ;  by  Thaa  (S.  cat,  F.  1598).  Priests: 
Rames,  stele,  B.  Mus.  139  (Lb.  D,  933) ;  Ahmes,  Berlin  sarcoph. 
(Lb.  D.  1311);  Samtaui-tafnekht  and  INIerenptah,  Serapeum  stele 
413  (Lb.  D,  1217)  ;  Serapeum  stele  427,  P,  Mus. 

Priests  of  the  Ramesseum:  Aahmes  (B.T.  910);  Hun  (R.M,A. 
xxxvi, ). 

Qiceefis — 

Nefertari,  mery  Mut. 

Tomb  in  valley  of  Queens'  Tombs  found  (1904). 
Behtim,  base  of  statue  (N.  Y.  65). 

Luqsor,  on  statues  of  Ramessu  (Fig.  32). 

Silsileh,  adoring  Taurt,  Tahuti,  and  Nut  (L.D.  iii.  175  c). 
Abu  Simbel,  great  temple,  scenes  (CM. v.  3, 4,  vi.  1,2,4, 

vii.  I,  2,  viii.  i,  2). 
,,  stele  (L.D,  iii.  189b). 

,,  second  temple,  front  (L.D,  iii,  192). 

,,  on  colossus  (B.E.  373). 


B.C.  13OO-1234.] 


RA-MESSU  II 


35 


Abu  Simbel,  honoured  bv  Xekhtu 


Statue  of  black  granite,  Vatican. 
Statuette,  carnelian  (P.  Mus.  S.  h.  series). 
Portraits  ( 

Alabaster  vase  mounted  in  gold  (P.P.  Coll. 
Scarabs 

In  list  of  Osirians 

AST'NEFERT. 

Silsileh  with  R.  II.  and  children 

,,      named  as  mother  of  Khaemuas 
,,      adoring-  Taurt,  Tahuti,  and  Nut 

Aswan  with  R.  II.  and  children 

Group  with  sons  (P.  ]\Ius.) 

Scarab 

Maat-NEFERU-ra,  princess  of  Kheta 
Tanis  on  colossus 

Plaque,  Tell  el  Yehudiyeh,  Xew  York 
Sons — 

1.  Aine7ilierk1iopshef,  Ramesseum  list 
Abu  Simbel,  in  chariot 

,,  on  colossi 

Karnak 

On  statue,  Turin 

Probably  same  as  Amen  hertaiviif,  named 
as  "first  son  of  the  kiiig-"  at  Beyt  el 
Wally 

2.  Ramessii^horn  of  Astnefert, group  (P.  Mus.) 
Ramesseum  list 

Silsileh,  stele 
Aswan,  stele 
Abu  Simbel,  in  chariot 
,,  statue 

,,  ushabtis,  year  xxvi. 

3.  Pa'ra'her'tuimify  Ramesseum  list 
Abu  Simbel,  in  chariot 

,,  on  statue 

Scarab 

4.  Khaeimias,  born  of  Astnefert 
Bubastis,  on  statue  of  R.  II. 
Mummy.    C.  Mus. 

Gizeh,  tomb 

,,  ushabtis 

,,      canopic  jar 
Serapeum,  canopic  jar.  Apis  3 
,,        Apis  3,  tie  amulet 


L.  D.  iii.  19:^ 
CM.  4,  iii.).^ 


193;  297, 


L.D. 

Xo.  59). 
). 

P.  Sc.  1604-9). 
L.K.  xxii.). 

L.D.  iii.  174  e). 
CM.  1 20 a). 
CM.  103,  iii.). 
L.D.  iii.  175  h). 
P.L.  633). 
P.  Sc.  1610). 
L.D.  iii.  196  a). 
P.T. 
P.Sc. 


1603). 


i). 


L.D. 
CM. 


168). 


B.E.  373,  377). 


ex. 


L.D. 
L.D. 
L.D. 
C.  M. 
B.R. 


L.D.  iii.  297,  60). 
L.D.  iii.  176  a,  e  : 
CM.  62,  63,  68, 

71). 
P.L.  633). 

iii.  168). 
iii.  1746). 
iii.  175  h). 

i.  V.  2,  col. 
2 ;  A.Z.  xxiii.  8o\ 
M.S.  13). 
L.D.  iii.  168). 
CM.  14). 
B.E.  377). 
X.S.  XXXV.  20). 
L. D.  iii.  175  e\ 

X.B.  43). 
Ms.  O.G.  441). 
M.dT  p.  11; 

S.X.  426). 
Pr.  M.  XX.  . 

10,  13)- 
M.D.  36  d). 
M.S.  10). 

P.L.  539;  M.S.  II). 


Ms. 


:  M.S. 


USER-MAAT-RA  SOTEP-EN  RA 


[dYN.  XIX.  3. 


Serapeum,  Apis  3. 

M  9 


carnelian  bead 
tie  amulet 
oval  amulet 
,,  >»     >>  amulet 

burial  of  Apis 
scene,  Apis  2 
Memphis,  syenite  figure 

relief  (P.  Mus.) 
Karnak,  war  scene,  statues 

Ramesseum,  siege  of  Dapur 

,,  list  of  princes 

El  Kab,  visit  in  XLII  yr.  R.  II. 

scene 
Silsileh,  stele 

,,       stele  with  Astnefert 

Aswan,  stele  with  Astnefert 
Beyt  el  Wally,  siege  of  Dapur 

Group  (P.  Mus.) 
Sed  heb  festivals 


Plaque  (Golenischeff  Coll.). 
Double  feather  amulet  (P.P.  Coll.). 
Statues,  granite,  Vienna 

(B.  Mus.) 
In  slave  papyrus,  Leyden 


(P.L.  525;  M.S.  11). 
(P.L.  527;  M.S.  20). 
(P.L.  540;  M.S.  20). 
(P.L.  541;  M.S.  20). 
(M.S.  8-13;  B.R.  i.8). 
(M.S.  8). 
(B.R.  V.  i.). 
(P.L.  3). 

(C.N.  ii.   123  ;  Rec. 

xxvii.  71). 
(L.D.  iii.  166). 
(L.D.  iii.  168). 
(B.T.  1 128). 
(L.D.  iii.  174  d). 
(L.D.  iii.  174  e). 
(L.D.  iii.  175  e  ;  CM. 

120  a). 
(L.D.  iii.  175  h). 
(L.D.    iii.    176  b,  = 

CM.  71). 
(P.L.  633). 

(B.R.  i.  82,  V.  ;  83, 
iii,;  M.D.  Ixxi.  32, 
33;  L.D.  iii.  175  f; 
CM.  115,  ii6). 


(A.Z.  xviii.  49). 

(M.S.N.  426). 

(L.  Mon.  179;  CE. 

i.  3). 
(L.D.  iii.  168). 
(L.D.  iii.  166). 
(N.B.  43). 
(L.D.  iii.  168). 
siege  of  Dapur  (L.D. 


5.  Meiitii'her'khopshef,  Ramesseum  list 
Siege  of  Dapur 
Usurped  figure,  Bubastis 

6.  Neh'eji'khani,  Rams,  list 

7.  Meryamen,  Rams,  list  (L.D.  iii.  168); 

iii.  166);  at  Karnak  (C.N.  ii.  123). 

8.  Amenemtia,  Rams,  list  (L.D.  iii.  168) 

iii.  166)  ;  called  Setyemua  in  list 
which  ends  at  this  point. 

9.  Sety,  born  of  Xefertari,  living  in  yr.  53  (Rec.  xvi.  65)  ;  Rams. 

list  (L.D.  iii.  168),  tenth  in  Luqsor  list  (Rec.  xiv.  31);  siege 
of  Dapur  (L.D.  iii.  166) ;  at  Karnak  (C.N.  ii.  123). 

0.  Sotepenm,  Rams,  list  (L.D.  iii.  168),  ninth  in  Luqsor  list 

(Rec.  xiv.  31)  ;  siege  of  Dapur  (L.D.  iii.  166). 

1,  12.  Rajnery,  Herherun7n{f,  Rams,  list  (L.D.  iii.  168);  Abydos 
(M.A.  i.  4). 


siege  of  Dapur  (L.D. 
of  Derr  (L.D.  183-4), 


(L.D. 


174  e,   175  h)  ;  at 


Meroiptah,  born  of  Astnefert 
Silsileh  (L.D.T.  iv.  85)  ;  Rams,  list  (L.D.  iii.  168) ;  Bubastis, 
scenes  (N.B.  43,  xxxvi.);  statue,  Tanis  (P.T.  i.  pi.  i.  4  a) ; 


B.C.  13OO-1234.] 


RA-MESSU  II 


37 


on  statue,  Tanis  (Ms.  Q.G.  153);  on  statue,  Heliopolis 
(N.Y.  65);  high  priest,  Serapeum  (M.S.  iii.  21),  dedicating- 
statue  of  Ptah,  F.  Mus.  ;  see  next  reign. 

14.  Amenhotep,  Rams,  list  (L.  D.  iii.  168). 

15.  Atefa77ie7i,  Rams,  list  (L.D.  iii.  168)  ;  in  Slave  papyrus,  Leyden 

(L.  Mon.  179  ;  C.E.  i.  3)  ;  omitted  at  Luqsor  (Rec.  xiv.  31). 

16.  17,  18,  Mery-ttim,  Heb-eti-fa-neb,  Mery-ra,  Rams,  list  (L.D. 

iii.  168);  the  Luqsor  list  (Rec.  xiv.  31)  ends  with  these. 

Merytum  and  Meryra  on  statue  at  Abu  Simbel  (B.E.  377). 
19,  20,  21,  22.  Amenemapt,    Snehhtenainen^  Ranicss-mcrenra, 

Tahutmes,  Rams,  list  (L.D.  iii.  168)  ;  Abydos  list  (M.A.  i.  4). 
23.  Simentu,  last  of  Rams,  list  (L.D.  iii.  168)  ;  married  Arit, 

daug-hter  of  Syrian  shipmaster  Banuanta  in  yr.  42  of  Ram. 

It.,  Ostrakon,  P.  Mus,  2262  (Rec.  xvi.  64);  probably  born 

before  yr.  22  of  R.  II. 
Set-her-khopshef,  living  in  53rd  year  (Rec.  xvi.  65),  position 

unknown. 

Ramessu-userpehti^  plaque  (F.S.  310),  position  unknown. 
Anub-er-rekhu,  born  of  Nefertari,  statue,  Berlin  7347,  position 
unknown. 

48.  Ramessu-Jtierttnara,  Sabua  list  (L.D.  iii.  179) ;  Abydos  (M.A. 
i.  4). 

51.  .  .  .  Khamuas,  Sabua  list  (L.D.  iii.  179). 
79.  End  of  Sabua  list. 

Amongf  the  unplaced  sons  are  the  following  from  the 
broken  lists  of  Abydos  :  — 

.  .  .  amen,    Rameses-si-him,      Mentu-hcqii,  Mentu-em-nas, 
Stamen,  Siptah,    Ramessxi-ynery  ,  .  .,  Ramessic-si-khepra  ; 
and  broken  names  (M.A.  i.  4). 
Rames'merySet  is  on  a  door  jamb,  C.  Mus. 
Da  lighters — 

1.  Banutantha,  Luqsor  list  (Rec.  xvi.  32),  daughter  of  Astnefert 

(Silsileh,  L.D,  iii.  1746;  Aswan,  175  h);  tomb  (C.N.  i. 
401-2;  L.D.  iii.  1726;  L.D.T.  ii.  227);  on  statues,  Sarabit ; 
Tanis  (P.T.  i.  24;  Rec.  ix.  13);  Abu  Simbel  (B.E.  373); 
Memphis  (fig.  35),  Karnak  (C.N.  ii.  23);  portraits  (R.S. 
vi.  24  ;  CM.  3  iii.,  231  ii.).    In  list,  papyrus  (L.K.  xxii.). 

2.  Ka  .  .  a  .  .  .  Abu  Simbel  list  (L.D.  iii.  186). 

3.  Bakmiit,  Derr  list  (L.  D.  iii.  184). 

4.  Meryiarnen,  Luqsor  list  (Rec.  xvi.  32);  t^th  at  Abu  Simbel 

(L.D.  iii.  186);  tomb,  Thebes  (L.D.  iii^  172  d  ;  L.D.T.  iii. 
227;  C.N.  i.  399,  744;  R.S.  35,  i.);  Abu  Simbel,  scene 
(CM.  iv.  3);  on  statue,  Abu  Simljel  (B.E.  377);  vase, 
P.  Mus.  (P.L.  377);  on  statue,  at  Tanis  (P.T.  i.  35); 
portraits  (L.D.  iii.  172  d,  298,  61  ;  R.S.  xiv.  58);  scarabs; 
in  list  of  Osirians  (L.K.  xxii.). 

5.  6.  Piqay,  and  one  lost,  Luqsor  list  (Rec.  xvi.  32). 

7.  Nefertari,  Luqsor  list,  inverted  with  Amennieryt  in  Abu 
Simbel  list  (L.D.  iii.  186). 


38  USER-MAAT-RA  SOTEP-EN-RA       [dyn.  xtx.  3. 

8.  Nehttmii,  on  colossus,  Abu  Simbel  (B.E.  373);  Derr  list  (L.  D. 

iii.  184)  ;  tomb,  Thebes  (C.N.  i.  397-8;  L.D.  iii.  172  f; 
L.D.T.  ii.  228);  portraits  (R.S.  xiv.  59;  Pr.  A.  42);  in  list 
of  Oslrians  (L.K.  xxii.)  married  x,  daur.  Astemakh,  bead, 
Koptos  (Rec.  xi.  81). 

9.  Asf-neferf,  Derr,  Abu  Simbel,  and    Luqsor  lists,  married 

Merenptah  (CM.  114,  121). 

10.  Hent-taiii,  Derr  list  (L.D.  iii.  184)  ;  on  statue  at  Abu  Simbel 

(B.E.  377);  carnelian  bead,  Serapeum,  P.  Mus.  (P.L.  547). 

11,  12.  UrnurOy  Nezem-vmt,  Derr  and  Abu  Simbel  lists  end  here 

(L.D.  iii.  184,  186). 
13.  Hathor-nehtant.     14.    Rciipitnefer.     15.    Merytsekhet.  16. 
.  .  .  h  .  .  .  ha,  Luqsor  list  (Rec,  xvi.  32). 

17.  Mut-tuy,  pieces  of  statue,  temple  of  Osiris,  Abydos,  1902 

(Ab.  ii.  xxxix.);  Luqsor  list. 

18.  Meryptah.     19.  Pa-ra-rcnpit-nefer.     20.  .  .  .  lieh.     End  of 

Luqsor  list  (Rec.  xvi.  32). 
.  .  .  ayia-nehet,  .  .  .  khcsbed,  Shcpsesheratfs,  Mert-ma-hap, 
Mert-atfs,    Ntib-ejti-anf,    Hentsekhefmi,  Hent-pahuronier, 
Pit>uy,  Neferu-ra,  Meryneter,  in   broken   list  at  Abydos 
(M.A.  i.  4). 

Taurt^  Hent-ta-neh,  Tuaa,  Hent-ta-desh,  Hotpu-emanien^ 
Neht-am^i-nezem,  Hent-taniehti,  Neht-an-miash,  Sitamen^ 
Thaasitra,  Tiiaa-7iebi-tau i,  Takhat,  Njib-cm-usekht,  list  on 
Ostrakon,  666,  P.  Mus.  (Rec.  xvi.  67),  probably  of  yr.  53 
by  list  officials,  as  on  Ost.  2261. 
31.  Hent-pa-ra  ...  on  list  of  Sebua(L.D.  iii.  179),  which  ends 
at  59. 

Dated  Momtmenfs — 

ist  year.    Epiphi  10,  hymn  to  Nile,  Silsileh  (L.D.  175  a). 

Paophi  25,  Abu  Simbel  begun  ?  (L.D.  iii.  189  a). 
Athyr,  visit  to  Thebes,  Nebunnef  (L.D.T.  iii.  239). 

Athyr  23  left  Thebes  (M.A.  i.,  vi.  26 col.). 

Wine  jars,  Ramesseum  ist  and  (A.Z.      xxi.      34  ; 

various  years  S.H.O.  19-38). 

Stele  from  sphinx.    B.  Mus.  440. 

2nd    ,,       Nahr  el  Kelb,  stele  (L.D.  197c). 

Aswan  stele  (Kheta,  etc.)  (L.D.  i75g;  R.E. 

252). 

3rd  Tybi  4,  Kuban  stele  (Pr.  M.  xxi.). 

4th     ,,       Khoiak  2,  Nahr  el  Kelb,  stele  (L.D.  197  b). 

5th     ,,       Great  war  with  Kheta.     Left  (Rev.  E.  iii.  156). 
Zalu,  Pauni  9 

Epiphi  8,  report  of  war.    Luqsor  (B.  R.  xl.  2). 

Epiphi  9,  Abu  Simbel  (Rec.  viii.  126). 
7th     ,,       Pauni  copy  of  poem  of  Pentaur. 
8th     ,,       War  in  Palestine. 

Mesori  25,  list  of  officials,  pap.  Tur.  (PI.  29,  p.  41). 
loth  ,,       Statue  of  Khay,  vizier.    C.  Mus. 


.c.  1300-1234.] 


RA-MESSU  II 


39 


12th  year. 
13th  „ 
1 6th 

2 1  St 

23rd 
26th 
30th 


31st 
331'd 


34th 


35th 

36th 
37th 

38th 

40th 


41st 

42nd 

46th 

52nd 

531'd 
62nd 

66th 


67th 


Khoiak  13,  pap.  Tur.  revenue. 
On  Apis  stele 
Apis  II.,  burial,  Serapeum 
Treat}'  on   south  of  hypost^vle 

hall,  21  Tybi 
On  Apis  stele 

Apis  III.,  burial,  Serapeum 
Apis  I\'. ,  burial,  Serapeum 
Sed  heb,  Silsileh 


see  papyri. 
(B.T.  964). 
(M.S.  iii.  12). 
(L.D.  iii.  146  ;  Rec. 

xiii.  153,  xiv.  67). 
(B.T.  964). 
(M.S.  iii.  12). 
(M.S.  iii.  12). 
(CM.   cxv.  ;  B.T. 
1 1 28). 

Stele  of  Baknaa.    B.  Mus.  164. 

Stele,  Karnak.    Bib.  Xat.,  Paris  (P.M.  xxiv.) 

(a  later  romance) 
Sed  heb,  Big-eh  (B.T.  1128). 

Sed  heb,  Sehel  (M.I.  i.  pp.  88,  62). 

Abu  Simbel,  stele,  Kheta  marriage  (L.  D.  iii.  196;  Rec. 

xviii.  160), 
(CM.    cxv.;  B.T. 


Sed  heb,  Silsileh 

Abu   Simbel,   stele,  decree 

Ptah,  13  Tybi 
Sed  heb,  Silsileh 
Sed  heb,  Silsileh 

Abu  Simbel,  stele,  by  Setau 

Sed  heb,  Silsileh 


Sehel,  stele  of  Khaemuas 
Khay,  stele,  Silsileh 
Stele,  temple  Amenhotep  III.. 

El  Kab. 
Stele  of  Unnefer,  Abydos 
Ostrakon.    P.  Mus.' 
Sed  heb,  stele  of  Khay,  Silsileh 
Paophi  14,  papyrus,  Berl. 
Pauni  27-9,  Epiphi  1-4,  Leyden 

pap.  i.  350 
Ostrakon.     P.  Mus. 
Pachons  29,  stele  of  Xeferher. 

B.  Mus.  163. 
Stele  of  Bakur 
Athyr  5,  Ostrakon 


End  of  reisrn 


1 127-8). 
of    (L.D.       iii.  194; 
T.S.B.A.  vii.  120). 
(B.T.  1 127). 
(CM.   cxv.  ;  B.T. 

1 128). 
(CX.  i.  78;  L.D. 

iii.  195). 
(CM.    cxv.;  B.T. 

1128). 
(M.D.  Ixxi.  I-,). 
(B.T.  1128). 
(My.  E.  509). 


(M.A.  ii.  41). 
(Rec.  xvi.  64). 
(B.T.  1128). 
(A.Z.  xvii.  71). 
(Rec.  xvii.  152). 

(Rec.  xvi.  65). 
(Lb.  D.  889). 

(Rec.  ix.  100). 
(M.A.  1497  ;  Dy.  O. 

25237  ;  O.L.Z.  V. 

318)- 

(Stele  of  Ram.  IV.). 


In  the  foregoing  lists  of  the  monumental  remains  of 
this  reign,  a  careful  selection  of  materials  and  refer- 


40 


USER-MAAT-RA  SOTEP'EN-RA 


[dyn.  XIX.  3. 


ences  was  needed,  owing  to  the  great  amount  to  be 
dealt  with.  Mere  appropriations  of  earlier  monuments 
are  of  no  historical  use  in  so  profuse  a  series  ;  and 
objects  in  collections,  which  have  lost  their  source,  and 
give  only  a  repetition  of  the  name,  are  also  useless  : 
the  various  publications  of  the  same  monument  have 
been  compared,  and  such  as  only  repeated  the  informa- 
tion in  a  poorer  manner  have  been  omitted  from  the 
references.  Thus  it  would  have  been  far  easier  to  have 
made  lists  of  double  the  length  ;  and  the  comparison 

and  selection  of  the  sources 
has  occupied  most  of  the 
time. 

The  question  of  the  age 
of  Ramessu  at  his  accession 
has  been  variously  stated. 
On  the  one  hand,  six  of  his 
sons  (including  his  tenth 
son)  are  represented  in  the 
Syrian  war  of  year  8,  which 
would  imply  that  he  was 
between  30  and  40  at  the 
time  ;  but  probably  these 
are  only  honorific  figures 
of  children,  who  were  too 
young  to  be  actually  present. 
The  figures  of  Ramessu 
accompanying  Sety  in  his 
first  year's  campaign  are 
no  evidence,  as  they  have 
been  inserted  later  than  the  original  carving.  The 
statement  of  Ramessu  that  he  was  put  into  the  army 
at  full  ten  years  old  (stele  of  Qubban,  line  17)  only 
shows  that  he  was  not  then  king.  And  the  proof  that 
he  had  an  elder  brother  (Rec.  xviii.  121)  prevents  our 
giving  any  value  to  the  boastful  assertions  of  his  having 
power  from  his  birth.  The  main  fact  is  that  he  was 
married  to  queen  Nefertari  already  in  the  first  year  of 
his  reign  (L.D.T.  ii.  239),  which  puts  his  age  then 
to  about  eighteen  or  over  ;  yet  his  horoscope  on  the 


Fig.  14. — Ramessii  II.,  young,  from 
his  statue.  Karnak. 


B.C.  I3OO-I234.] 


RA-MESSU  II 


41 


Ramesseum  g-ives  1318  b.c.  for  his  nativity,  and  we 
cannot  bring  his  accession  much  later  than  1300  B.C.  in 
view  of  the  birth  of  Ramessu  VI.  in  the  family  history 
(see  Table,  p.  3).  The  conclusion  must  then  be  that  he 
was  about  eighteen  or  a  year  or  two  less,  or  possibly 
a  few  years  older. 

The  change  of  rule  brought  more  activity  to  the  work 
in  hand  at  the  great  temple  of  Abydos.  The  main 
part  had  probably  been  completed  already  by  Sety  ; 
but  the  completion  of  the  front  courts,  and  of  the 
sculpturing,  and  the  dedication  of  the  temple,  fell  into 
the  young  king's  reign.  The  long  inscription  in  which 
he  describes  this,  is  the  most  important  one  of  his 
early  years.  The  assertions  of  this  inscription  must 
be  weighed  before  acceptance,  as  Ramessu  already 
there  asserts  that  he  was  the  eldest  son  and  heir, 
which  we  know  to  be  false.  He  states  that  the  build- 
ing of  the  temple  had  slackened,  and  it  was  left 
unfinished  ;  that  the  columns  were  not  on  their  bases, 
and  the  statues  lay  on  the  earth  (L.  32)  ;  and  that  he 
ordered  the  completion  of  the  walls,  the  pylon  (L.  54), 
and  pillars.  This  is  consistent  with  the  whole  of  the 
hypostyle  halls  having  been  already  finished,  but  the 
open  courts  and  pylons  being  incomplete,  though 
already  begun  (M.A.  i.  p.  10),  and  the  pillars  in  those 
courts  yet  unbuilt.  And  such  a  division  seems  prob- 
able from  the  different  quality  of  the  work.  Ramessu 
takes  great  credit  to  himself  for  his  carrying  on  of 
Sety's  building  ;  but  as  he  covered  all  the  blank  walls 
with  his  own  scenes,  the  piety  of  it  fades  before  his 
self-assertion. 

It  seems  that  the  king  came  to  the  throne  at  some 
time  in  the  half-year  between  Khoiak  and  Pakhons  ; 
and  went  to  Nubia  soon  after  his  accession.  In  the 
I  St  year  we  find  a  hymn  to  the  Nile,  dated  10th  of 
Epiphi  (about  21st  May)  at  Silsileh  ;  an  inscription  of 
25th  of  Paophi  (gth  Sept.),  at  Abu  Simbel,  points  to 
his  having  gone  up  on  the  high  Nile,  and  ordered  the 
excavation  of  the  temple  there.  Thence  going  down 
to  Thebes  on  the  flood  he  arrived  before  the  end  of  the 


42 


USER-MAAT-RA  SOTEP-EN-RA       [dyn.  xix.  3. 


great  feast  of  Amen  of  19th  Paophi  to  12th  Athyr  (2nd 
to  25th  September),  and  stayed  for  the  feast  of  the  fifth 
day  (30th  Sept.).  His  arrival  at  Thebes  from  the 
south  in  the  month  of  Athyr  is  noted  on  the  tomb  of 
Nebunnef.  Then  leaving  Thebes  on  the  23rd  of  Athyr 
(6th  Oct.)  he  went  down  on  the  high  Nile  to  Tanis 
(Abyd.  Inscr.  1.  29).  In  order  to  visit  Abydos  he 
directed  his  rowers  to  turn  into  the  canal  (then  pass- 
able, as  it  was  in  the  inundation)  to  visit  the  shrines  of 
Unnefer  and  Anhur.  There  he  was  struck  by  seeing 
the  buildings  of  the  cemetery  of  the  kings  who  were 
before  him,  and  their  tombs  in  Abydos,  rapidly  becom- 
ing destroyed,  and  the  walls  broken  down  (L.  31)  ;  this 
must  refer  either  to  the  cemetery  of  the  kings  of  the 
first  dynasty  or  that  of  the  twelfth,  more  likely  the 
latter,  as  the  earlier  tombs  had  no  structure  above 
ground. 

He  also  saw  the  temple  of  Sety  yet  unfinished,  the 
revenues  for  it  having  been  misappropriated.  He 
ordered  the  seal-bearer  to  assemble  the  court,  to  whom 
he  lamented  the  neglect  with  which  previous  kings  had 
treated  the  tombs  of  their  predecessors,  and  declared 
his  intention  of  completing  the  temple  of  his  father,  to 
whom  he  owed  so  much.  He  ordered  the  architects, 
masons,  and  sculptors  to  proceed  with  the  work,  and 
had  statues  of  Sety  carved ;  he  also  appropriated 
double  the  revenue  to  carry  on  this  work  and  the 
worship.  The  sacred  domains  included  herds  of  cattle, 
birds,  fishermen,  serfs,  and  temple  servants.  The  facts 
here  stated  are  wrapped  up  in  very  lengthy  addresses 
of  adulation,  which  have  no  other  value  beyond  show- 
ing the  extravagant  style  of  that  time.  On  the  second 
pylon  between  the  two  courts  are  remains  of  figures  of 
princes  and  princesses  of  the  family  of  Ramessu,  which 
were  added  later,  in  the  sculpturing  of  the  decoration. 

The  main  activity  of  the  beginning  of  the  reign 
seems  to  have  been  at  the  Ramesseum.  The  dates  of 
the  wine  jars  found  in  the  heaps  of  potsherds  there 
are  nearly  all  of  the  years  i  to  8 ;  they  have  been 
attributed  to  some  successor  of  Ramessu  ;  but  this  is 


B.C.  1300-1234.1 


RA-MESSU  II 


43 


hig-hly  unlikely,  as  there  is  no  other  great  group  of 
datings  that  can  be  assigned  for  the  inevitable  piles  of 
waste  jars  which  must  have  accumulated  during  the 
building  of  such  a  temple.  The  actual  names  on  the 
jars  are  4  of  Sety  I.  (S.H.O.  139,  141,  168,  230),  46  of 
Ramessu  II.,  and  none  of  any  other  king.  Hence  it  is 
certain  that  the  Ramesseum  was  built  from  the  ist  to 
8th  year  of  the  reign.  Also  a  form  of  the  king's  name 
appears  which  was  entirely  unknown  later,  Ra-nser- 
maat^  sotepenra^  her  her  maat. 

Why  this  funerary  temple  should  thus  be  the  first 
labour  of  a  youth  may  be  guessed  when  we  look  at  the 
temple  of  Qurneh.  That  funerary  temple  shows  a 
curious  mixture  of  intention,  the  sculptures  pointing  to 
its  being  for  both  Ramessu  I.  and  Sety  I.  ;  such  a 
combined  temple  is  not  known  elsewhere,  and  it  seems 
evident,  therefore,  that  Sety  built  the  Qurneh  temple  for 
his  father,  and  had  just  begun  the  Ramesseum  for  his 
own  temple,  when  he  died.  His  unfilial  son  changed 
the  purpose,  finished  off"  the  sculptures  of  Qurneh  for 
Sety,  and  made  it  serve  for  his  father  and  grandfather  ; 
while  he  appropriated  for  himself  the  grand  temple  just 
begun  by  Sety,  and  finished  and  sculptured  it  to  his 
own  glory.  Thus  the  proportion  of  a  tenth  of  the  wine 
jars  being  of  Sety's  reign,  and  the  temple  being  built 
in  the  first  eight  years  of  Ramessu  II.,  agrees  with  the 
peculiarity  seen  in  the  sculptures  at  Qurneh.  Most 
unfortunately  none  of  the  wine  jars  of  Sety  have  pre- 
served the  year  of  dating  ;  for  the  ostraka  from  here 
are  far  the  most  likely  source  for  settling  the  length  of 
his  reign. 

Some  interesting  details  of  the  building  of  the 
Ramesseum  have  been  preserved,  on  the  flat  flakes  of 
limestone  which  served  for  memoranda  and  accounts. 
The  stones  were  transported  from  the  quarries  in  boats 
of  about  the  smaller  size  of  the  ordinary  Nile  boats  of 
the  present  day,  about  15  to  20  tons  burden,  or  70  to 
100  ardebs  ;  each  boat  carried  5  to  7  blocks,  the 
largest  of  which  were  about  5  feet  long,  the  load  being 
40  to  55  cubic  cubits  ;  the  boats  floated  down  from  the 


44 


USER-MAAT-RA  SOTEP-EX-RA       [dyn.  xik.  3. 


quarries  of  Silsileh  in  parties  of  five  together  ;  and  the 
four  tablets  of  accounts  which  we  have  record  the 
dimensions  of  about  120  stones,  or  rather  more  than 
there  are  in  the  whole  of  the  well-known  wall  with  the 
Khita  war  and  siege  of  Dapur.  The  boats  are  dis- 
tinguished by  the  names  of  their  owners  or  reises, 
which  are  of  the  usual  style  of  that  period  (S.H.O. 
i34>  5»  6,  7). 

Though  the  temple  was  started  under  Sety,  the  work 
had  not  gone  further  than  laying  out  the  ground, 


Fig.  15. — Ramesseum  ;  figures  in  peristyle  court. 


building  probably  some  of  the  brick  galleries  for  stores 
and  offices  for  the  architects,  and  collecting  materials. 
The  stone  foundations  were  laid  by  Ramessu,  at  least 
at  the  back  of  the  temple,  the  western  end,  as  is  shown 
by  his  name  on  the  under  side  of  a  block,  and  on  the 
foundation  deposit. 

The  general  plan  was  like  that  of  other  temples  of 
the  age  ;  a  great  pylon  stood  in  front,  the  first  court 
was  quite  open,  the  second  court  had  a  double  colon- 
nade around  it,  the  third  space  was  a  covered  hypostyle 
hall,  behind  that  were  four  successive  chambers,  flanked 


B.C.  130O-T234.] 


RA-MESSU  II 


45 


at  each  side  with  a  mass  of  small  rooms  ;  the  whole 
was  enclosed  in  long  walls,  completely  hiding-  all  the 
features,  which  are  now  seen  after  the  walls  have  been 
stripped  away.  Nothing  is  left  except  the  front  pylon, 
the  columns  which  could  not  well  be  used  for  materials, 
and  about  a  tenth  of  the  whole  amount  of  the  flat  walls, 
which  were  so  tempting  a  quarry  to  later  builders. 
The  scenes  which  remain  are  therefore  only  about 
a  seventh  of  what  was  originally  sculptured,  and 
can  give  us  but  a  very  imperfect  idea  of  the  whole 
design. 

The  brick  galleries  around  the  Ramesseum  are  the 


Fig.  16. — A  corner  of  the  camp.    Pylon  of  Ramesseum.    L.D.  iii.  154. 


largest  example  of  ancient  brickwork  remaining.  Many 
of  them  still  have  their  barrel  roofs  in  complete  condi- 
tion, and  show  the  system  of  lighting  by  small  holes, 
about  a  foot  across,  placed  12  feet  apart.  About  70 
long  galleries  of  30  feet  or  so,  and  over  40  shorter 
galleries  of  about  half  the  length,  can  still  be  traced, 
and  have  been  cleared  and  planned  (Q.R.  6,  i).  Alto- 
gether there  was  over  half  a  mile  length  of  gallery 
about  12  feet  wide.  From  the  lighting  it  seems 
probable  that  these  were  for  barracks  as  well  as  for 
stores. 

The  principal  subjects  of  the  sculptures  are  the 
campaigns  of  the  5th  and  8th  years  in  Syria  on  the 


46 


USER-MAAT-RA  SOTEP  EX-RA       [dyn.  xix.  3. 


pylon  ;  the  Kheta  war  and  battle  of  Qadesh  on  the 
entrance  side  of  the  first  court ;  the  siege  of  Dapur  on 
the  entrance  side  of  the  hypostyle  hall  ;  on  the  back  of 
this  hall  the  sacred  boats  of  the  triad  of  Thebes,  and 
the  scene  of  the  king  seated  beneath  the  persea  tree,  on 
the  leaves  of  which  Safekht  writes  his  name  ;  while 
the  smaller  halls  beyond  contain  scenes  of  offering-. 
In  the  first  court  are  the  remains  of  a  colossal  seated 
figure  of  the  king  in  red  granite  ;  the  square  mass 
of  the  throne  has  been  largely  split  up  for  millstones, 
and  the  upper  part  lies  now  in  fragments.  The 
original  height  is  estimated  as  57  feet ;  it  was  slightly 
exceeded  in  scale  by  the  granite  colossus  of  Tanis, 
which  being  a  standing  figure  was  probably  92  feet 
high. 

The  next  great  undertaking  was  the  war  in  Syria  in 
the  second  year  ;  this  extended  as  far  as  the  Nahr  el 
Kelb,  half-way  up  the  coast  of  Syria,  where  a  rock 
stele  shows  the  king  smiting  a  Syrian  before  Amen  ; 
the  dozen  lines  of  inscription  have  unhappily  all 
perished,  except  a  few  signs,  among  which  remain  the 
date  of  the  2nd  year  (not  the  loth  by  the  length  of  the 
strokes).  More  of  this  campaign  is  learned  from  the 
stele  at  Aswan  (R.E.  252),  which  mentions  the  Kheta, 
the  Sati,  the  Thahennu,  and  the  people  of  the  great 
sea.  This  would  not  imply  any  further  conquest  than 
the  Nahr  el  Kelb  ;  but  the  Tahennu  and  Mediterranean 
people  being  named  imply  a  western  war,  perhaps  in 
the  I  St  year.  (The  reading  Themhennu  is  probably 
wrong,  and  cannot  be  connected  with  a  Syrian 
Tamahu  people,  as  supposed  in  A.Z.  xiii.  102,  for 
Sanehat  in  the  tale  had  come  from  a  war  with  the 
Libyan  Tamahu,  and  had  to  cross  the  Nile  at  Cairo 
before  he  could  reach  Syria.  It  is  therefore  only  com- 
parable with  a  western  name,  Tamahu  or  Tahennu, 
and  the  latter  is  far  more  likely.) 

In  the  third  year  the  development  of  the  gold  mines 
was  pushed,  as  we  see  from  the  stele  of  Qubban  ;  the 
lack  of  water  in  the  desert  had  led  to  great  complaints, 
and  at  last  to  the  cessation  of  the  mining  (1.  10)  ;  the 


B.C.  13OO-1234.] 


RA-MESSU  II 


47 


king  appointed  a  royal  commission  of  chiefs  to  report 
(1.  11-13),  provided  with  a  map  of  the  country;  after 
seven  lines  of  courtier  compliments,  they  state  that 
Sety  had  made  a  well  120  cubits  deep,  but  it  was  left 
unfinished,  and  without  reaching  water,  and  they 
recommended  deepening  and  completing  it  (1.  22)  ; 
this  was  ordered,  and  the  viceroy  of  Kush  reported 
having  made  a  tank  12  cubits  long,  and  with  4  cubits 
deep  of  water  in  it. 

The  Syrian  war  was  renewed  in  the  fourth  year,  as 
shown  by  a  stele  at  Nahr  el  Kelb,  which  shows  the 
king  devoting  a  Syrian  to  Ra,  probably  as  a  temple 
serf;  this  indicates  that  there  was  not  so  much  a  war 
as  an  expedition  for  tribute  and  slaves.  The  stele  is 
dated  in  the  fourth  year,  the  second  day  of  Khoiak 
(middle  of  September),  which  suggests  that  the  king 
passed  the  summer  in  the  Syrian  hills. 

This  renewed  activity  in  Syria,  which  was  more 
energetic  than  any  action  of  Egypt  for  some  time  past, 
roused  the  Hittite  confederacy  ;  and  the  great  chief  of 
the  Kheta  prepared  an  alliance  of  the  countries  behind 
him,  to  form  a  decided  barrier  to  the  Egyptians, 
and  to  prevent  their  regaining  the  power  over  Syria 
and  Mesopotamia  that  they  had  enjoyed  two  or  three 
centuries  before.  In  this  he  succeeded  ;  and,  not- 
withstanding the  pompous  boasts  of  Ramessu,  the 
Egyptians  had  to  remain  content  with  Palestine,  and 
did  not  possess  more  than  had  been  easily  acquired  in 
the  beginning  of  his  reign.  The  confederacy  of  the 
Kheta  is  described  in  four  passages  in  the  poem  of 
Pentaur,  which  vary  in  the  order  of  the  names.  The 
peoples  mentioned  have  been  identified  by  historians 
with  races  of  the  west  coast  of  Asia  Minor,  regardless 
of  the  fact  that  this  is  a  land  confederacy,  and  that  a 
gathering  of  troops,  ''three  men  on  a  car,"  across  so 
rough  a  country  as  Asia  Minor  is  unlikely. 

In  three  out  of  the  four  passages  the  actual  lists  of 
names  are  the  same  in  the  versions  of  the  Raifet- 
Sallier  papyrus,  Luqsor,  and  Karnak  ;  the  whole  of  the 
versions  are  given  together  in  Rev.  Eg.  iii.  149  to 


48  USER-MAAT-RA  SOTEP-EX-RA       [dyn.  xix.  3. 

vii.  182.  The  names  are  of  great  historical  import- 
ance, as  they  are  not  merely  lists  of  conquests,  but 
show  the  extent  of  the  military  organisation  of  the 


Fig.  17. — Hittites  and  Amoritci.    Pylon  of  Ramesieuni. 


Kheta,  which  they  could  draw  on  for  defensive 
purposes. 


B.C.  13OO-I234.] 


RA-MESSU  II 


49 


Rev.  Eg. 


IV. 


1  Kheta 

2  Naharin 

3  Arethu 

(down) 

6  Pidasa 


9  Dardanj- 
4  Masa 

10  Qa)r  .  ,  sha 

11  Kirkmash 


Rev.  E. 
Raifet. 

Kheta 

Xaharna 

Arethu 

Masu 

Keshkesh 

■(up)" 


(up) 
(down) 


16  Qedi 
[5  Qedesh 


14  Akarith 
18  Mushena 


(up) 
(up) 

ti  Qarqamesha' 
8  Luka 
12  Qazauana 
(up) 

(down) 
t5  Qedesh 
14  Akaret 

"(up)' 

(up) 

[7  An)augasa 

(up) 
18  Mushanatha 

(up) 


11.  159. 

Luxor,  Karnak. 


1  Kheta 

2  Naharin 


6  Pidasa 

7  Arwena 


Qarkish 
(down)  , 
Lu)ka 
Qazuada 
Kirkemish 


(down) 

Qedi 
(down) 

(up) 
A)nnugas 

Mushanth 
Qedesh 


Rev.  E.  iv.  129. 

I  Kheta 

3  Arethu 

4  Mausu 

(down) 

5  Keshkesh 
7  Arwena 


(up) 
(up) 


X 


(down) 
I  12  Qazauadana 

13  Khilbu" 

14  Akarta 

15  Qedesh 

(up) 

I  "(up)' 
I    8  Luka 

I  "(up)' 

"(up)" 


Rev.  E.  vi.  36. 


3  Aretu. 

4  ;Masa. 


7  Arwena. 

8  Luka. 

9  Derdenj'. 

(up). 
5  Keshkesh. 
II  Qairqamesh. 
ID  Qirqash. 

(up). 

"(up).  ■ 
13  Khilbu. 


(up). 


Each  list  here  is  in  precisely  the  same  order  and 
spelling  as  is  given  in  the  document  ;  the  numbers 
refer  to  the  probable  standard  list  conformable  to  the 
majority  of  the  occurrences,  i.  Kheta  (Hittites)  are 
the  head  of  the  'organisation  at  Qadesh.  2.  Naharin 
is  the  land  between  the  two  rivers  Orontes  and 
Euphrates.  3.  Aretu,  Aradus,  on  the  coast.  4.  Masa 
are  credited  with  being  Mysians,  500  miles  distant  ; 
but  by  the  list  rather  belong  to  the  North  Syrian  coast, 
perhaps  the  people  of  Gebel  Musa.  5.  Keshkesh, 
probably  the  cuneiform  Kash,  Mt.  Kasios,  close  to  the 
last  place.  6.  Pidasa  (strangely  credited  with  being 
Pisidia)  might  be  Pedasos  in  Karia  ;  but  it  may  well 
be  at  the  Cypriote  river  Pidias,  opposite  to  places  4 
and  5,  or  at  some  other  "  plain."  7.  Arwena,  credited 
with  being  Iliuna,  Ilion  ;  but  more  probably  Arwan 
(Gr.  Oroanda)  on  the  N.W.  of  Cilicia.  8.  Luka, 
Lykians.  g.  Dardeny,  credited  with  being  Dardanians 
at  the  N.W.  extremity  of  Asia  Minor  ;  but  probably  of 
the  Durdun  Mts.,  N.  of  Issus.  10.  Qarkish,  Kirke- 
III— 4 


USER-MAAT-RA  SOTEP-EN-RA       [dyn.  xix.  3. 


sion  on  the  Euphrates,  always  named  next  to  11. 
Qarqamesh,  Karkemish  on  the  Euphrates.  12.  Qaza- 
uana  or  Qazaua-dana  ;  the  termina.tion-dana  points 
rather  to  the  Persian  side  than  to  the  Greek,  and  the 
form  Qazaua-ira  for  balsam  from  the  Kheta  shows 
that  Qazaua  or  Qataua  was  the  essential  name.  This 
people  were  outside  of  the  Kheta,  but  closely  con- 
nected, as  the  king  swears  by  the  gods  of  the  Kheta 
and  the  gods  of  Qazauadana.    The  region  of  Kataonia 


7  0  Avwena 


KARZ  AITAoXVl 

TERPANTARYZ) 
TUNUSA*       III  oaRENNAC^"^  KHISASPA 


SARISU  o  p/ll 

■A 


2  u 


Or  xm 

«  -^EMKHl  PAINA 


2dr  p  ^oAnaugasa 


Fig.  18. — Map  of  Hittite  allies  (small  type),  and  home  lands  (capitals). 


well  agrees  to  this  in  all  ways.  13.  Khilbu,  modern 
Haleb,  Aleppo.  14.  Akaret,  the  Ugarit  of  cuneiform, 
the  Gebel  Okrad  or  mountain  of  the  Kurds  or  Carduchi. 
15.  Qedesh,  the  Hittite  capital.  16.  Qedi,  well  identi- 
fied with  Phoenicia  (M.A.E.  244);  and  certainly  on 
the  Egyptian  side  of  the  Kheta,  as  the  prince  of  Qedi 
is  given  a  message  for  Egypt  from  the  Kheta  prince. 
17.  Anaugasa,  one  of  the  three  store  cities  of  Megiddo, 
near  Tyre.     18.  Mushena,  perhaps  Masna,  40  m.  E. 


B.C.  1300-1234.] 


RA-MESSU  II 


of  Kedesh.  Thus  we  see  that  nearly  all  of  these  allies 
came  from  a  region  between  Cappadocia  and  Tyre,  and 
betw^een  the  Euphrates  and  Phoenicia,  a  space  about 
equal  to  the  size  of  England.  The  only  names  beyond 
these  limits  are  Arwena  and  the  Luka  ;  but  in  no  case 
need  we  look  to  an  alliance  of  Greek  races  or  the 
people  of  the  Aegean  coasts.  This  army  of  charioteers 
is  quite  a  different  group  to  the  naval  alliance  which 
attacked  Egypt  under  Ramessu  III. 

The  authorities  for  this  war  are  two  inscriptions  ; 
one  an  official  report  dated  Epiphi  8  at  Luqsor,  or 
9  at  Abu  Simbel  (19th  May)  ;  the  other  a  poem,  which 
having  been  copied  by  a  scribe,  Pentaur,  has  been 
usually  named  after  him.  Of  the  report  there  are 
copies  at  Abu  Simbel  (Rec.  viii.  126,  including  the 
following),  Luqsor  (B.R.  xl.  2),  and  the  Ramesseum 
(L.D.  iii.  153)  ;  of  the  poem  the  papyrus  (Raifet- 
Sallier),  Luqsor,  and  Karnak  versions  are  collated  in 
Rev.  Eg.  iii.  149  to  vii.  21.  For  full  bibliography  see 
M.S.N.  390,  396. 

The  Egyptian  army  was  formed  in  four  divisions, 
named  after  the  gods,  doubtless  according  to  the 
regions  from  which  they  were  recruited  ;  the  army  of 
Amen  from  the  Thebaid,  the  army  of  Ptah  from 
Memphis  and  middle  Egypt,  the  army  of  Ra  from 
Heliopolis  and  the  Delta,  and  the  army  of  Sutekh  from 
Tanis  and  the  eastern  allies.  Beside  these  there  were 
many  Shardana  from  the  Mediterranean,  and  probably 
Libyan  and  Negro  conscripts.  The  whole  of  this  body 
was  collected  during  the  spring  at  the  frontier  ;  and 
by  Pauni  9  (19th  April)  the  king  left  the  fortress  of 
Zaiu,  just  east  of  the  Suez  Canal,  and  started  to  cross 
more  than  a  hundred  miles  of  desert  which  barred  the 
way  to  the  nearest  habitable  land.  The  road  had  been 
long  familiar  to  the  Egyptians,  and  Sety  had  repaired 
the  wayside  reservoirs  and  wells,  which  enabled  such 
a  large  body  of  men  to  cross  the  desert.  The  total 
numbers  are  supposed  to  have  been  about  15,000  or 
18,000  men  (M.S.N.  212).  The  travelling  must  have 
been  rapid,  as  the  decisive  battle  near  Qedesh  was 


52 


USER-MAAT  RA  SOTEP'EN  RA       [dyn.  xix.  3. 


foug-ht  within  a  month,  showing  that  the  400  miles 
must  have  been  covered  at  about  15  miles  a  day  for 
clear  marching.  It  seems  as  if  this  were  a  rapid  forced 
advance,  in  order  to  strike  before  the  Hittite  alliance 
was  assembled. 

The  town  of  Ramessu-mery-Amen  was  passed  ;  but 
we  cannot  identify  it,  owing  to  the  vanity  of  the  namer. 
The  successive  facts  which  are  recorded  in  the  report 
(R.),  the  scenes  (S.),  and  the  poem  (P.),  are  in  the 
following  order:  (P.)  Ramessu  went  northward  to  the 
ridge  or  high  land  of  Qedesh  (the  watershed  in  the 
valley  between  Lebanon  and  Antilebanon,  going  up 


Fig.  19.— Beating  the  spies.    Abu  Simbel.    L.D.  iii.  153. 


the  Nahr  el  Kelb  and  down  the  Orontes)  ;  (P.)  Ram. 
went  down  the  valley  of  Aronta  with  the  chief  army 
of  Amen  ;  (R.)  Ram.  came  to  the  S.  of  Shabtuna  ; 
(R.)  two  spies  of  the  Shasu  came  and  stated  the  Kheta 
to  be  near  Aleppo  ;  (P.)  Ram.  drew  near  Qedesh  on  the 
N.W.  and  halted;  (R.)  two  spies  of  the  Kheta,  when 
beaten,  stated  the  Kheta  army  to  be  near  ;  (R.)  Ram. 
held  a  council  of  war  with  all  the  chiefs  of  his  army, 
(P.)  on  the  shore  in  the  land  of  Amaur  ;  Ram.  was 
alone  with  his  staff,  the  army  of  Amen  was  marching 
behind,  the  army  of  Ra  was  crossing  the  valley  S.  or 
W.  of  Shabtuna  to  go  towards  Arnama,  the  army  of 


B.C.  I3OO-I234.] 


RA-MESSU  II 


53 


Ptah  in  the  midst  of  ...  ,  the  army  of  Sutekh  on  the 
roads  (g^uarding-  the  communications,  as  being  least 
dependable)  ;  (R.)  Ram.  sends  back  an  officer  to  hasten 
the  troops,  (S.)  or  the  army  of  Ptah,  (R.)  from  S.  of 
Shebtuna  ;  (Q.)  the  Kheta  were  hidden  behind  Qedesh, 
they  advanced  from  the  S.  of  Qedesh,  attacked  the 
army  of  Ra  in  the  midst,  while  on  the  march  and 
unready,  broke  them,  and  chased  them  (R.)  toward 
Ram.  ;  (P.)  Ram.  was  N.  of  Qedesh  and  W.  of  Aronta, 
a  messenger  was  sent  from  the  army  of  Ra  to  Ram., 
who  arose  and  alone  struck  the  Kheta  in  midst,  (P.R.) 
and  threw  them  back  into  the  Aronta,  (P.)  and  chased 
them  to  the  junction  of  roads. 

Now  turning  to  the  present  state  of  the  region  of 
Qedesh,  there  is,  first,  the  question  of  the  position  of 
the  city.  Some  have  assigned  it  to  Tell  Neby  Mindu, 
others  to  the  island  in  the  lake,  on  the  strength  of  the 
scenes  where  Qedesh  is  shown  surrounded  by  a  lake. 
The  fact  that  at  his  farthest  advance  Ramessu  was 
west  of  Orontes  and  yet  north  of  Qedesh,  shows  that 
the  city  was  in  the  bend  of  the  river,  in  a  position  like 
the  island.  Had  it  been  at  Tell  Neby  Mindu  his 
position  could  hardly  have  been  so  described  ;  and, 
moreover,  he  would  have  advanced  directly  on  the  Tell 
to  besiege  it.  His  going  round  the  lake  shows  that 
he  was  advancing  to  a  causeway  on  the  north  of  the 
city,  by  which  the  Kheta  troops  had  left  in  going  to 
their  position  N.W.  of  the  city. 

The  whole  action  seems  to  have  been  this  :  Ramessu 
descended  the  Orontes,  came  to  the  south  of  Shabtuna 
(a  valley  S.W.  of  Qedesh,  T.S.B.A.  vii.  396),  and, 
supposing  the  Kheta  far  away,  advanced  round  the 
west  end  of  the  lake,  to  the  causeway  to  Qedesh,  to 
seize  the  city.  This  must  have  been  the  object  of 
advancing  west  of  Orontes,  as  the  regular  road  to 
Aleppo  lay  east  of  the  river.  The  Kheta  had  already 
gone  out  of  the  city  to  the  north  -  west.  Seeing 
the  straggling  advance  of  the  Egyptians,  they  stole 
along  the  north  of  the  lake,  crossed  to  Homs,  and 
struck  down   the  road  so  as  to  cut  the  Egyptian 


54 


USER-MAAT-RA  SOTEP-EN-RA 


[dYN.  XIX.  3. 


army  in  two.  They  broke  into  the  army  of  Ra  at  the 
S.  of  Shabtuna,  crushed  it,  and  chased  it.  Ramessu 
was  by  this  time  N.W.  of  the  lake,  sitting-  down  before 
Qedesh,  waiting  for  the  army  to  come  up.  His  council 
on  the  shore  in  the  land  of  Amaur  could  hardly  refer 
to  the  general  Amorite  country,  as  that  is  too  wide  a 
region  to  specify  for  a  single  detail  ;  rather  it  points 
to  his  position  at  Amari,  exactly  north  of  Qedesh, 
where  he  is  said  to  have  been.  He  was  hurried  back 
to  the  scene  of  disaster,  rallied  the  fugitives  of  Ra  on 
the  way,  rushed  on  the  Kheta,  who  were  disordered 
in  their  pursuit,  and  by  sheer  dash  held  them  back 
till  he  was  supported  by  his  other  troops.  His  army 
was  advancing  on  the  west  bank  of  the  Orontes  ;  and 
as  he  threw  the  Kheta  back  into  the  Orontes,  he  drove 
them  to  the  east  bank  again  ;  some  escaped  by  swim- 
ming over  to  Qedesh  (L.D.  iii.  164),  but  most  rejoined 
their  infantry,  and  were  then  chased  by  the  king  to  the 
junction  of  roads,  probably  the  great  meeting-place  of 
roads  at  Homs,  whence  the  allies  fled  to  their  own 
districts,  and  there  was  no  longer  any  solid  body  to 
be  followed.  The  chief  of  the  Kheta  fled  back  along 
the  north  bank  to  the  entrance  to  Qedesh,  where  he 
was  received  by  the  remaining  garrison.  The  diff"er- 
ences  between  the  above  summary  and  the  full  descrip- 
tion in  M.S.N.  390-5  are  due  to  that  being  drawn 
solely  from  the  report,  while  in  the  present  account  the 
important  details  given  in  the  poem  are  also  included. 
In  a  recent  study  on  this  war  Breasted  adopts  the  site 
Tell  Neby  Mindu,  south  of  the  lake,  and  reads  the 
narrative  with  this  view.  More  study  on  the  ground 
is  needed  before  the  exact  locality  can  be  fixed  [Univ. 
Chic.  Deceit.  Pub.  vol.  v.). 

The  slaughter  of  the  Kheta  in  this  sudden  onset, 
which  wrecked  their  easy  victory,  was  very  serious. 
A  list  of  the  slain  was  drawn  up,  and  many  of  their 
names  are  inserted  on  the  battle  scenes  of  the  pylons 
of  the  Ramesseum.    The  names  are — 

Sipazar,  brother  of  the  chief  of  the  Kheta  (Abydos). 
Mazarima,  brother  of  the  chief  of  the  Kheta. 


B.C.  I3OO-1234.] 


RA-MESSU  II 


55 


Thydur,  chief  of  bodyg-uard  of  the  chief  of  the  Kheta. 
Gerbatusa,  shield-bearer  of  the  c.  Kh. 
Targ-a-nunasa,  charioteer  of  the  c.  Kh. 
Paysa,  charioteer  of  the  c.  Kh. 
Khirpasar,  chief  recorder  of  the  c.  Kh. 


Zauazasa,  chief  of  the  land  of  Tanusa  (Tonosa  Gr,,  Tunuz  now, 

N.  of  Kataonia). 
Targa-bazasu,  chief  archer  of  Xaqsu  (cuneif.  Xukhashi). 
Agma,  chief  archer  of  the  Nasa  (?  Xastae  Gr.,  Xasnly  now, 

Commag-ene). 

Rabbasunna,  chief  archer  of  Annasa  (?  native  title,  Rah  master, 
Sim  arrow). 


Qamayza,  chief  of  the  Tuhairu  (=  heroes). 
Tadar,  chief  of  the  Tuhairu. 
Samaritsa, 

The  effect  of  this  defeat  in  victory  was  that  the  chief 
of  Qedesh  sent  a  messeng-er  with  a  letter  proposing- 
terms,  according  to  which  Ramessu  accepted  peace, 
and  immediately  returned  to  Egypt.  Not  a  word  is 
said  of  presents  or  tribute,  and  certainly  Qedesh  was 
not  plundered.  The  Kheta  therefore  were  still  too 
strong  for  further  operations  against  them,  and  the 
result  of  the  war  was  a  drawn  game. 

Having  thus  noted  the  facts,  we  may  turn  to  some 
of  the  poetical  setting  in  which  they  are  placed.  The 
heart  of  the  poem  is  the  address  of  the  king  to  Amen, 
and  the  reply,  beginning  at  Pap.  Sail.  i.  5.  For  the 
three  versions  see  Rev.  E.  iii.  151,  etc. 

The  peril  of  Ratiiessu. 

Then  his  Majesty  arose  like  Mentu, 

he  seized  his  panoply  of  war, 

he  clad  him  in  his  haberg"eon, 

himself  like  Baal  in  his  hour. 

The  great  horses  that  were  with  his  Majesty, 

named  "  Victories  in  Thebes," 

were  from  the  stable  of  Usermara,  chosen  of  Ra,  loved  of  Amen. 
Then  did  his  majesty  dash  on  ; 

then  he  entered  into  the  midst  of  the  foes,  of  the  vile  Kheta  ; 

he  alone  by  himself,  no  other  with  him. 

When  his  Majesty  turned  to  look  behind  him 

he  found  around  him  2500  chariots,  in  his  outward  way  ; 


56  USER-MAAT-RA  SOTEP  EN-RA       [dyn.  xix.  3 

all  the  light  troops  of  the  vile  Kheta, 

with  the  multitudes  who  were  with  them  ; 

from  Arvad,  from  Mausu,  from  Pidasa, 

from  Keshkesh,  from  Arwena,  from  Kataua-dana, 

from  Khilbu,  from  Okrad,  Qedesh,  and  Lycia, 

they  were  three  men  on  each  chariot, 

they  were  united. 

*'  But  there  was  never  a  chief  with  me, 
there  was  never  a  charioteer, 
there  was  never  an  officer  of  the  troops, 
never  a  horseman  ; 


Fig.  20. — Ramessu  conquering.    Abu  Simbel.    Pr.  A. 

being"  abandoned  by  the  infantry, 

the  chariots  fleeing  away  before  them, 

there  remained  not  one  of  them  for  fighting  along  with  nie." 

T/ic  {7ivocafiu}i  of  A  men. 

Then  said  his  Majesty, 

"  What  is  in  thy  heart,  my  father  Amen, 

Does  a  father  ignore  the  face  of  a  son  ? 

I  have  made  petitions,  and  hast  thou  forgotten  me  ? 

Even  in  my  going  stood  I  not  on  thy  word  ? 

I  never  broke  the  decrees  thou  ordained. 

Very  great  is  the  great  Lord  of  Egypt, 

to  make  to  flee  the  people  who  are  in  his  path  : 

What  is  thy  will  concerning  these  Amu  ? 


B.C.  130O-1234.] 


RA-MESSU  II 


57 


Amen  shall  bring-  to  nought  the  ig-norers  of  God. 
Made  I  never  for  thee  great  multitudes  of  monuments? 
I  filled  thy  holy  house  with  my  prisoners, 
I  built  for  thee  a  temple  of  millions  of  years, 
I  have  g-iven  all  my  goods  to  thee  by  decree, 

I  give  thee  the  whole  of  every  land  for  offerings  to  thy  holy  altar, 
I  have  slain  for  thee  myriads  of  oxen 
With  all  perfumes  sweet  to  smell. 

I  have  not  put  behind  my  hand  (neglected)  any  good  thing 

which  has  not  been  done  for  thy  courts, 
Building  for  thee  the  pylons  of  stone  unto  completion, 
setting  up  for  thee  their  masts  myself : 
Bringing  for  thee  obelisks  of  Elephantine, 
I  have  caused  eternal  stones  to  be  brought. 

Moreover,  I  bring  to  thee  transports  on  the  great  sea,  to  ship 

to  thee  tributes  of  the  countries. 
Let  thou  order  an  evil  fate  to  befall  him  who  attacks  thy  excellent 

decrees. 

And  a  good  fate  to  him  whom  thou  accountest  just. 

Amen  I  behold  this  has  been  done  to  thee  out  of  love, 
I  call  on  thee,  my  father  Amen, 

for  I  am  in  the  midst  of  many  nations  whom  I  know  not, 

the  whole  of  every  land  is  against  me, 

I  alone  am  my  guard,  no  other  is  with  me, 

being  abandoned  bv  these  many  troops  ; 

m}'  chariots  never  look  once  for  me,  though  I  cry  to  them  ; 

there  is  not  one  among  them  that  listens  when  I  call. 

I  find  that  Amen  is  worth  more  than  millions  of  troops, 

more  than  hundreds  of  thousands  of  chariots, 

more  than  myriads  of  brethren  or  children, 

if  they  were  together  in  one  place. 

Never  the  deeds  of  an  abundance  of  people, 

but  the  excellence  of  Amen  exceeds  them  ! 

I  end  this  waiting  on  the  decrees  of  thy  mouth.  Amen  ! 

never  overstepping  thy  decrees, 

even  making  to  thee  invocations  from  the  ends  of  the  earth." 

The  coming  of  Amen. 

The  voice  was  repeated  in  Anu  of  the  south  (Hermonthis) — 

Amen  came  because  I  cried  to  him. 

He  gave  me  his  hand,  and  I  rejoiced  : 

He  cried  out  to  me,  "  My  protection  is  with  thee, 

my  face  is  with  thee,  Ramessu,  loved  of  Amen, 

I  am  with  thee,  I  am  thy  Father, 

my  hand  is  with  thee, 

I  am  more  excellent  for  thee  than  hundreds  of  thousands  united 
in  one. 


58 


USER-MAAT-RA  SOTEP-EN'RA        [dyn.  xix.  3. 


I  am  Lord  of  mig"ht, 

Those  who  love  valour  shall  find  me  a  firm  heart,  a  rejoicing 
heart, 

All  that  I  have  done  has  come  to  pass  ; 

For  I  am  like  Mentu, 

I  strike  on  the  right  hand  ; 

In  seizing  in  the  left  hand, 

I  am  like  Baal  in  wrath  upon  them." 

The  deliverance, 

"  I  found  2500  chariots, 

I  being  in  the  midst  of  them. 

They  became  in  dread  before  my  mares. 


Fig.  21. — Ramessu  II.  inside  S.  of  great  hall.  Karnak. 


Never  found  even  one  among  them  his  hand  to  fight, 

Their  hearts  rotted  in  their  bodies  for  fear, 

Their  arms  were  all  powerless. 

They  were  unable  to  shoot  an  arrow. 

Never  found  they  their  hearts  to  carry  their  lances  ; 


B.C.  I30O-I234.] 


RA-MESSU  II 


I  caused  them  to  plung-e  them  in  the  water, 
even  as  plung-e  the  crocodiles  ; 

they  were  fallen  on  their  faces  one  over  the  other  ; 
I  was  slaying"  among-  them, 

I  loved  that  never  one  among-  them  should  look  behind  him, 

never  another  should  turn  his  face, 

Every  fallen  one  among-  them  did  not  lift  himself  up." 

Behold  the  vile  chief,  the  smitten  one,  of  the  Kheta, 

stood  among  his  troops  and  his  chariots, 

for  g-azing-  on  the  fight  of  his  Majesty, 

for  that  his  Majesty  was  alone  by  himself, 

there  being-  never  a  soldier  with  him,  never  a  chariot. 

He  was  standing-  and  turning-  about  for  fear  of  his  Majesty, 

Then  ordered  he  many  chiefs  to  come, 

every  one  among-  them  being-  with  chariots, 

and  they  were  arrayed  with  all  weapons  for  fig-ht  ; 

The  chief  of  Arvad,  and  this  of  Masa, 

the  chief  of  Arwena,  and  this  of  Luka, 

the  chief  of  Dardeny,  and  this  of  Keshkesh, 

the  chief  of  Karkemish,  the  chief  of  Kirkash,  and  this  of  Khilb 

the  brethren  of  this  Kheta,  to  the  bounds  of  the  whole  of  them 

being-  all  tog-ether  2500  chariots. 

"  I  came  up  to  them  quicker  than  fire, 

I  was  carried  among  them, 

I  was  like  Mentu  ; 

g-ave  I  to  them  the  taste  of  my  hand, 

in  the  passing-  of  an  instant. 

I  was  upon  consuming-  among-  them, 

upon  slaying  in  their  places  (as  they  stiaod)." 

The  terror  of  the  foe. 
One  was  crying  out  among  them  to  another,  and  saying, 
"  Never  a  mortal  this,  the  which  is  among  us. 
It  is  Sutekh  great  of  might,  it  is  Baal  in  the  flesh. 
Never  did  a  man  like  the  deeds  of  him — 
The  one  alone  terrifies  the  multitudes, 
and  there  is  never  a  chief  with  him,  never  a  soldier. 
Come,  hasten,  save  ourselves  from  before  him, 
seek  we  for  us  the  life,  to  breathe  the  breath. 
Behold  thou  !  all  who  meet  with  him  fall  powerless, 
His  hand  is  on  all  their  limbs  ; 
They  never  know  how  to  grasp  the  bow. 
Nor  the  spear  likewise." 

When  he  saw  them  come  to  the  union  of  the  roads. 
Then  his  Majesty  was  behind  them  like  a  gryphon. 
He  was  on  slaying  among  them,  they  escaped  him  not, 
He  shouted  to  the  soldiers  and  the  charioteers,  to  say, 
"  Steady  yourselves  !  steady  your  hearts  ! 
My  soldiers  and  my  chariots  j 


6o 


USER-MAAT-RA  SOTEP-EX'RA        [dyn.  xix.  3. 


Behold  ye  these  my  mig-hty  acts, 

I  am  alone,  and  it  is  Amen  who  sustains  me, 

His  hand  is  toward  me. 

When  Menna  my  charioteer  beheld  that, 

namely  multitudes  of  chariots  completely  around  me, 

he  became  weak,  his  heart  failed, 

a  very  g'reat  terror  went  throug"h  his  limbs  ; 

behold  he  said  to  his  Majesty — 

'  My  good  lord  !  my  brave  prince  ! 

Oh  mig-hty  strength  of  Eg-ypt  in  the  day  of  battle ! 

We  are  standing  alone  in  the  midst  of  the  enemy, 

Behold  they  abandon  us,  the  soldiers  and  the  chariots, 

make  a  stand  to  save  the  breath  of  our  lips. 

Oh  save  us  !  Ramessu,  loved  of  Amen,  my  good  lord.'  " 

Then  said  his  Majesty  to  his  charioteer, 

"Steady  !  steady  thy  heart  !  my  charioteer, 

I  am  going-  in  among-  them  like  the  striking  of  a  hawk, 

I  shall  slay  in  smiting,  and  throw  in  the  dust. 

What  is  in  thy  heart  about  these  Asiatics? 

By  Amen  !  they  are  extremely  vile  in  ignoring  God, 

Who  never  shall  shine  his  face  on  millions  of  them." 

His  Majesty  then  led  rapidly, 

He  arose  and  penetrated  the  enemy. 

To  whom  six  times  he  penetrated  in  among  them. 

He  was  like  Baal  behind  them  in  the  time  (of  his  power). 

He  was  slaying-  among  them,  none  escaping  him. 

The  reproaches  of  the  King. 

Then  called  his  Majesty  to  his  soldiers  and  his  chariots, 
likewise  to  his  chiefs  who  ig-nored  the  fig-ht, 
His  Majesty  said  to  them, 

"It  is  evil  in  your  hearts,  oh  my  charioteers. 

It  is  unworthiness  that  fills  your  hearts  amongst  you, 

There  is  not  one  among  you  but  what  I  have  g-iven  him  good 

fortune  in  m}'  land  ; 
Had  I  never  risen  as  lord,  ye  were  in  poor  estate. 
I  g-ive  to  make  you  chiefs  in  positions  every  day, 
I  g-ive  to  the  son  to  succeed  to  the  goods  of  his  father  ; 
If  any  pest  comes  in  the  land  of  Egypt, 
I  remit  to  you  your  tribute  : 
Never  give  I  to  you  the  things  plundered? 
Whoever  asks  requests  (of  the  g-ods), 

Behold  I  make  petitions  for  him  myself  daily  (as  High  Priest), 
Never  a  lord  did  for  his  soldiers  what  his  Majesty  did  for  your 
hearts. 

I  gave  you  to  rest  in  your  houses  and  in  your  towns. 

There  were  no  orders  given  by  the  captains. 

Nor  likewise  by  my  charioteers. 

I  g-ave  them  a  way  to  their  many  towns, 


B.C.  130O-1234.] 


RA-MESSU  II 


6r 


For  that  I  soug-ht  likewise  for  them  the  day  and  hour  of  rising- 
up  for  war. 

Now  behold  ye  have  made  a  miserable  return, 
the  whole  of  you  together, 

Never  stood  any  among  you  to  give  his  hand  to  me  ; 
I  was  fighting,  I  swear  by  the  ka  of  my  father  Amen, 
Behold  me  over  Egypt  as' were  my  fathers, 
Who  had  never  beheld  the  Syrians." 


Here  the  stress  of  equal  powers,  neither  of  whom 
could  hope  for  mastery,  brought  peace  for  a  short  time. 
But  the  Kheta  chief  was  strengthening  his  alliances  in 
the  south.  The  war  of  the  Vth  year  had  brought  up 
for  him  allies  from  Phoenicia  and  Anaugasa,  near  Tyre  ; 
but  the  Vlllth  year  found  the  frontier  pushed  further 
south,  and  the  fighting  was  in  Galilee,  a  region  which 
had  for  centuries  been  regarded  as  within  the  Egyptian 
sphere  of  influence.  The  list  of  places  recaptured  in 
this  campaign  is  on  the  pylon  of  the  Ramesseum  (L.D. 
iii.  156  ;  C.N.  i.  871)  ;  it  consisted  of  six  rows  of  three 
forts  in  each.  In  the  top  line  Shalma  [KJmrhei  SellameJi, 
Gr.  Salamis,  10  W.  of  Capernaum)  is  the  only  name 
read,  but  overthrown.  In  2nd  line  Bayka  [Bakah  ?, 
14  S.W.  of  Megiddo)  only  is  left.  In  3rd  line  .  .  .  rtha, 
.  .  .  na,  and  Maroma  (Lake  ]Merom).  In  the  4th  line, 
"In  the  land  of  Amaur,  Dapur "  (Tabor),  has  been 
supposed  (M.A.E.)  to  be  in  N.  Syria  from  the  mention 
of  Amorites  ;  but  as  they  were  pushing  south  at  the 
time,  there  is  no  difficulty  in  accepting  the  site  of 
Tabor :  Kaur  (Kh.  el  Kur,  3  W.  of  Capernaum)  ;  An- 
myma  (not  identified  locally  =  Anamim,  M.A.E.).  5th 
line,  Ain  Naama  (?)  (Kh.  Tell  en  Naam,  N.  of  Merom)  ; 
Bayta  Antha  (Beth  Anath,  Temple  of  Anaitis,  10  N.W. 
of  Merom)  ;  below,  the  name  Karpu  (which  is  not 
identified);  Qemna  [Tell  Kaiinim,  Gr.  Kyamon,  12 
S.E.  of  Haifa).  6th  line,  only  the  2nd  legible  Gaba  .  .  . 
(Gabara,  Kh.  Kabra,  12  E.  of  Acre,  or  Geba,  11  S.  of 
Haifa,  etc.,  a  common  name  ="  hill").  Thus  these 
forts  were  all  within  50  miles  in  Galilee.  This  w^as 
a  far  less  claim  than  that  set  up  in  the  Vth  year,  as 
he  seems  to  have  stopped  more  than  a  hundred  miles 


62 


USER-MAAT-RA  SOTEP-EN'RA       [dyn.  xix.  3. 


short  of  that,  and  not  to  have  attempted  the  Litany- 
Orontes  valley  through  the  Lebanon.  The  siege  of 
Askalon,  of  which  there  is  a  spirited  picture  at  Karnak, 
is  undated  in  the  publications  of  it  ;  but  it  is  referred 
by  Maspero  to  the  IXth  year  (M.S.N.  400).  Another 
undated  inscription  at  the  Ramesseum,  ascribes  to 
Ramessu  an  attack  upon  Tunep.    The  king*  "arrived 


Fig.  22. ■ — Siege  of  Dapur.  Ramesseum. 


to  attack  the  city  ot  the  Kheta  in  which  had  been  the 
statue  of  the  Pharaoh  himself.  His  Majesty  .  .  .  his 
soldiers  and  his  chariots  ;  his  Majesty  being  before  the 
soldiers  and  the  chariots  .  .  .  the  Kheta,  who  were 
in  the  region  of  the  city  of  Tunep,  in  the  land  of 
Naharina.  His  Majesty  began  to  take  his  cuirass  .  .  . 
arose  to  fight  the  city  of  the  vile  Kheta  before  his 


I.e.  1300-1234.] 


RA-MESSU  11 


63 


soldiers  and  his  (chariots)  .  .  .  his  cuirass.  His 
Majesty  sent  to  take  his  cuirass  and  to  put  it  on 
him.  .  .  .  Kheta  who  were  in  the  region  of  the  city 
of  Tunep,  in  the  land  of  Naharina.  He  put  his  cuirass 
upon  him"  (B.R.  liv.  ;  Rec.  viii.  143). 

There  is  nothing-  to  show  to  what  year  this  passage 
refers.  And  as  there  is  no  trace  of  dated  wars  in  Syria 
after  the  VII Ith  (or  IXth)  year,  and  by  the  XXIst 
year  a  permanent  treaty  of  peace  on  equal  terms  was 
renewed  between  the  Kheta  and  Egyptians,  it  seems 
more  likely  that  this  fragment  belongs  to  the  early 
wars  of  the  Nahr  el  Kelb  steles  of  the  Ilnd  and  IVth 
years,  those  wars  which  provoked  the  great  Kheta 
alliance  of  the  Vth  year.  The  statue  of  Pharaoh  in 
the  city  of  Tunep  was  probably  one  of  Sety,  which  had 
been  overthrown  on  hearing  of  his  death. 

Minor  objects  of  the  earlier  years  carry  on  the 
history.  At  the  close  of  the  campaign  of  the  Vlllth 
year,  on  July  5,  there  is  a  list  of  officials,  inspectors, 
foremen,  and  masons,  who  were  engaged,  perhaps  on 
finishing  the  Ramesseum,  as  it  mentions  "the  funeral 
chapel  .  .  .  the  left  side  was  in  the  hands  of  the  chief 
foreman,  Mentu  "  (Pap.  Tur.  p.  41). 

Of  the  succeeding  years  we  have  no  records  bearing 
any  date  until  the  XXIst  year,  when  the  celebrated 
treaty  with  the  Kheta  was  ratified.  This  document  is 
one  of  the  most  important  preserved  to  us,  as  it  shows 
the  ideals  of  government  and  affairs,  the  political 
situation,  and  many  details  of  the  religion,  customs, 
and  geography  of  the  Kheta.  The  best  copies  are 
given  in  L.D.  iii.  145  for  the  whole,  and  earlier  half 
better  in  B.R.  xxviii.;  recopied  and  edited  in  Rec.  xiii. 
153,  from  Karnak  ;  and  a  duplicate  of  the  lower  lines 
at  the  Ramesseum,  in  Rec.  xiv.  67.  The  document 
will  be  perhaps  more  intelligible  if  parts  are  summarised. 

In  the  XXIst  year  on  Tybi  21  (28th  November), 
Ramessu  was  in  the  city  of  Pa-Ramessu-mery-Amen 
making  off"erings  to  Amen,  Harkhuti-Atmu,  Amen  of 
Ramessu,  Ptah  of  Ramessu,  and  Sutekh  son  of  Nut 
(here  the  city  of  Ramessu  is  substituted  for  Memphis, 


64  USER-MAAT-RA  SOTEP'EN-RA        [dyn.  xix.  3. 

otherwise  these  gfods  belong  to  the  four  great  divisions 
of  the  army).  Then  came  the  "royal  opener  of 
audience,"  or  introducer  of  ambassadors,  with  mes- 
sengers from  the  great  chief  of  the  Kheta,  namely, 
Tarte-sebu  (perhaps  "commander  of  the  captives,"  who 
was  accustomed  to  Egyptians)  and  Rames,  evidently 
an  Egyptian  agent,  to  propose  "satisfactions"  [hotepzi) 
or  peace.  Copy  of  the  aiui  (Heb.  anah.,  declaration), 
tablet  of  silver  sent  by  the  great  chief  of  the  Kheta, 
Kheta-sar  ("prince  of  the  Kheta"),  to  Pharaoh,  by  the 
hand  of  his  ambassador  Tarte-sebu  and  his  ambassa- 
dor Rames,  to  ask  for  peace. 

Copy.  The  protocol. 

"The  ordinance  made  by  the  great  chief  of  the 
Kheta,  Kheta-sar  the  mighty  ;  the  son  of  Marsar  the 
great  chief  of  the  Kheta,  the  mighty  ;  the  son  of  the 
son  of  Saparuru  the  great  chief  of  the  Kheta,  the 
mighty  ;  on  a  declaration  tablet  of  silver,  to  Ra-user- 
MAAT  the  great  prince  of  Egypt,  the  mighty  ;  the  son 
of  Ra-men-maat  the  great  prince  of  Egypt,  the  mighty; 
the  son  of  the  son  of  Ra-men-peh  the  great  prince  of 
Egypt,  the  mighty.  The  good  ordinances  of  peace  and 
brotherhood,  giving  peace  .  .  .  (are  to  last)  .  .  .  eter- 
nally, even  from  the  beginning  to  the  end  eternally,  even 
the  agreement  of  the  great  prince  of  Egypt  with  the 
great  chief  of  the  Kheta  ;  may  God  grant  that  there 
never  shall  come  enmity  between  them,  according  to 
the  ordinances.  Now  in  times  past  Mauthnuro, 
my  brother  fought  with  (Ramessu?)  great  prince  of 
Egypt.  But  now  and  hereafter,  beginning  from  this 
day,  behold  Kheta-sar  the  great  chief  of  the  Kheta 
ordains  to  affirm  the  decree  made  by  Ra  and  made  by 
Sutekh,  of  the  land  of  Egypt  with  the  land  of  Kheta, 
to  prevent  the  coming  of  enmities  between  them  for 
ever." 

The  conditions. 

Kheta-sar  agrees  with  Ramessu  that  there  shall  be 
good  peace  and  brotherhood  between  them  for  ever. 


I.e.  1300-1234.] 


RA-MESSU  II 


65 


He  shall  fraternise  with  me  and  be  at  peace,  and  I  will 
fraternise  with  him  and  be  at  peace  for  ever. 

After  the  time  of  Mauthnuro,  after  he  was  killed, 
Kheta-sar  sat  him,  as  great  prince  of  the  Kheta,  on 
the  throne  of  his  father.  Behold  after  it  with  Ramessu 
there  is  peace  and  brotherhood,  better  than  the  peace 
and  brotherhood  that  was  before  in  the  land. 

The  chief  of  the  Kheta  will  be  with  Ramessu  in  good 
peace  and  in  good  fellowship.  The  children  of  the 
children  of  the  chief  shall  fraternise  peacefully  with  the 
sons  of  the  sons  of  Ramessu. 

By  our  brotherhood  and  agreement  (the  land  of 
Egypt  shall  be)  with  the  land  of  the  Kheta  in  peace 
and  brotherhood  altogether  for  ever.  Never  shall 
enmity  come  to  separate  them  for  ever. 

Never  shall  the  chief  of  the  Kheta  make  an  invasion 
of  the  land  of  Egypt  for  ever,  to  carry  off  anything 
from  it. 

Never  shall  Ramessu  make  an  invasion  of  the  land  of 
the  Kheta  for  ever,  to  carry  off  anything  from  it. 

Confir^nation  of  past  treaties. 

Now  the  equitable  treaty  which  remained  from  the 
time  of  Saparuru,  likewise  the  equitable  treaty  which 
remained  from  the  time  of  Mauthenro  (?  Marsar),  my 
father  [sic)^  I  will  fulfil  it.  Behold  Ramessu  will  fulfil 
(it,  and  we  agree)  with  one  another  together  beginning 
in  this  day,  we  will  fulfil  it,  performing  it  in  an  equitable 
manner. 

Defensive  alliance. 

Now,  if  an  enemy  shall  come  to  the  lands  of 
Ramessu,  let  him  send  a  message  to  the  chief  of  the 
Kheta  to  say,  Come  to  me  with  forces  against  him  "  : 
and  the  chief  of  the  Kheta  shall  come  and  smite  his 
enemies.  But  if  the  chief  has  never  a  heart  (will)  to 
march,  he  shall  send  his  soldiers  and  his  chariots  to 
smite  the  enemy  or  Ramessu  will  be  angry.  Or  if  the 
servants  of  the  gates  (frontier  tribes)  shall  make  a  raid 
on  him,  and  he  shall  go  to  smite  them,  the  chief  of  the 
HI— 5 


66 


USER-MAAT-RA  SOTEP'EN'RA       [dyn.  XIX..3. 


Kheta  shall  act  with  the  prince  of  Eg-ypt.  (The 
reciprocal  clause  follows  this,  vice  versa.) 

Changes  of  allegiance  repudiated. 

If  there  be  one  from  the  city,  if  there  be  one  from  the 
pastures,  if  there  be  one  from  the  (desert),  of  the  land 
of  Ramessu,  and  they  shall  come  to  the  chief  of  the 
Kheta,  never  shall  the  chief  receive  them,  but  shall 
give  them  back  to  Ramessu  ;  if  there  be  one  of  the 
people  or  if  there  be  two  of  the  people  who  unknown 
shall  come  to  the  land  of  the  Kheta,  to  do  service  for 
another,  never  shall  they  be  allowed  to  stay  in  the  land 
of  the  Kheta,  but  shall  be  returned  to  Ramessu,  or  if 
there  be  one  great  man  coming-  to  the  land  of  the 
Kheta  he  shall  be  returned  to  Ramessu.  (The  recipro- 
cal clause  follows  this,  vice  versa.) 

The  ratification  calls  to  witness  all  the  gods,  male 
and  female,  of  the  land  of  the  Kheta  and  of  Egypt  : 
the  various  cities  of  Sutekh  are  important  as  showing 
the  homes  of  the  Kheta  race  before  they  came  down 
from  Armenia  into  Syria  (see  Fig.  18).  The  list 
runs — 

I.  Sutekh,  lord  of  heaven. 
II.      ,,       of  the  Kheta  (Hittites). 

III.  „  cityof  Arenna(Arana,  39°5'N.,  37°35'E.). 

IV.  .,  ,,    Tapu  Aronta  (Daphne  Orontem  ?). 
V.      „  Pirqa  (P^ro-//,  Lynch.  aS^N.,  39°  E.; 

Bargenek,  37°  50'  N.,  38^°  E.). 
VI.       ,,  ,,    Khisaspa   {Kasaba?   L.    39^""  N., 

4orE.). 

VII.  Sarisu  (Serastere,  5"/zz>o^,  38' 20' N., 

39°  10'  E.). 

VIII.      „  „  „    Khilp  (Hated,  Aleppo). 

IX.  ,,    Rekhasna  (Erag^iza?  on  Euphrat, 

E.  Aleppo). 
X.-XII.  Lost. 

XIII.  ,,  Emkhi  Paina(Amki, plain, of  Panias). 

XIV.  Anetharta  of  the  Kheta  (Hittites). 

XV.  The  god  of  Zaita-thekerra  (Tc/iai,  stream  word  in  this 

district,  of  Takoran,  385°  N.,  402"  E.). 
XVI.  Karzaita  (Karsatis,  Gersiit,  395°  N.,  40^°  E.). 

XVII.  Terpant-arj'sa  (Eriza,  Erzingian,  39^°  N., 

391°  E.). 

XVIII.  city  of  Ka  .  .  khen  


B.C.  I3OO-1234.] 


RA-MESSU  II 


67 


XIX.  The 


god  of  .  .  uanu. 


XX. 
XXI. 
XXII. 
XXIII. 
XXIV. 


Zain  .  . 
Zain  .  .  iita. 
.  .  .  .  rpa. 
Kh  .  .  ba  .  .  . 

Oizauadana  (Kataonia). 


(These  old  relig"ious  centres  of  the  Kheta  therefore 
lie  mainly  on  the  upper  Euphrates  (see  Fig.  18),  and 
extend  almost  to  its  sources  ;  thus  showing  a  shift  of 
ICQ  or  150  miles  south  to  the  position  in  which  the 
Kheta  centred  in  the  time  of  the  alliance.) 

The  oath. 

"These  words  which  are  upon  the  declaration  tablet 
of  silver  of  the  land  of  the  Kheta  and  of  the  land  of 
Egypt,  whoever  shall  not  keep  them  may  the  thousand 
gods  of  the  Kheta  along  with  the  thousand  gods  of  the 
land  of  Egypt  bring  to  ruin  his  house,  his  land,  and 
his  servants.  But  whoever  shall  keep  these  words 
and  shall  not  ignore  them,  may  the  thousand  gods  of 
the  Kheta  along  with  the  thousand  gods  of  the  land  of 
Egypt  give  health  to  him,  give  life  to  him,  with  his 
house,  with  his  land,  and  with  his  servants." 

Addendum^  on  treatment  of  extradited. 

"  If  there  shall  flee  one  of  the  people  of  the  land  of 
Egypt,  if  there  be  two,  if  there  be  three,  and  come  to 
the  chief  of  the  Kheta,  he  shall  take  them  and  send 
them  back  to  Ramessu.  And  any  of  the  people  who 
are  taken  and  sent  back  to  Ramessu,  let  it  not  be  that 
his  criminal  action  is  raised  against  him,  in  giving  to 
destruction  his  house,  his  wives,  or  his  children,  or  in 
slaying  him  ;  or  removing  his  eyes,  or  his  ears,  or  his 
mouth,  or  his  feet ;  and  he  shall  not  have  any  criminal 
action  raised  against  him." 

And  likewise  (the  reciprocal  clause  follows  this,  vice 
versa). 

The  sealing  of  the  treaty  described. 

"That  which  is  on  this  tablet  of  silver,  on  the  front 
side  is  engraved  the  image  of  Sutekh  embracing  the 


68  USER-MAAT-RA  SOTEP'EN'RA       [dyn.  xix.  3. 

great  chief  of  the  Khita ;  around  it  are  the  words 
saying-,  '  The  seal  of  Sutekh  the  prince  of  heaven,  the 
seal  of  the  ordinance  made  by  Kheta-sar  the  great 
chief  of  the  Kheta,  the  mighty,  the  son  of  Marsar  the 
great  chief  of  the  Kheta,  the  mighty.' 

''That  which  is  within  the  surrounding  engraving 
is  the  seal  of  Sutekh  the  prince  of  heaven. 

*'That  which  on  this  (other?)  side  is  engraved,  is 
the  image  of  the  god  of  the  Kheta  embracing  the  figure 
of  the  great  queen  of  the  Kheta;  around  it  are  the 
words,  saying,  'The  seal  of  the  Sun  of,  the  city  of 
Aranna,  the  lord  of  the  land,  the  seal  of  Puukhipa  the 
great  queen  of  the  land  of  the  Kheta,  the  daughter  of 
the  land  of  Qiza  (uadana,  queen  of)  Aranna,  the  mis- 
tress of  the  land,  the  servant  of  the  goddess. 

"That  which  is  within  the  surrounding  engraving  is 
the  seal  of  the  sun  of  Aranna,  the  lord  of  all  the  land." 

This  elaborate  description  of  the  two  great  seals 
shows  that  documents  received  the  State  seal  to  make 
them  valid  and  binding.  The  one  seal  is  that  of  the 
Hittite  State  ;  the  other  that  of  the  Kataonian  State, 
with  its  capital  at  Arana  in  Armenia  Minor  ;  appa- 
rently Puukhipa,  who  had  married  the  Hittite  prince, 
was  the  heiress  of  the  kingdom  of  Kataonia. 

It  should  be  noticed  that  this  treaty  is  one  of  a  series, 
the  previous  kings,  Marsar  and  Saparuru,  having  made 
similar  treaties  before.  Unfortunately,  the  text  is  de- 
fective where  the  adversary  of  Mauthnuro  is  named 
(line  8)  ;  but  as  his  death  was  not  very  long  past,  it  is 
almost  certain  that  he  was  in  the  wars  of  the  Ilnd  to 
Vlllth  years,  as  there  is  no  proof  of  any  subsequent 
fighting.  Hence  probably  Marsar  was  the  contem- 
porary of  Sety  I.,  and  Saparuru's  treaty  was  with 
Horemheb.  The  outline  of  the  movement  seems  to 
have  been  that  during  two  centuries  of  submission  to 
Egypt  the  fighting  power  of  Syria  had  been  weakened. 
On  the  failure  of  Egypt  under  Akhenaten,  the  Hittites 
had  pushed  down  and  occupied  N.  Syria,  as  we  read  in 
the  Tell  el  Amarna  letters  ;  and  then  Horemheb  and 
Sety  had  made  treaties  with  them,  which  were  summed 


t.C.  1300-1234.] 


RA-MESSU  II 


69 


up  and  renewed  in  this  treaty  of  Ramessu.  Unfortun- 
ately, the  name  is  lost  of  the  chief  of  the  Kheta  in  year 
XXXIV,  who  gave  his  eldest  daughter  to  Ramessu,  so 
no  connection  with  the  genealogy  is  possible. 

In  the  XX\^Ith  and  XXXth  years  there  are  only  the 
burials  of  two  Apis  bulls  to  record,  and  the  first  of  the 
series  of  sed  heb  festivals,  which  the  perverted  egotism 
of  Ramessu  adapted  to  his  own  reign,  instead  of  their 
commemorating  the  fixed  cycle  of  Sothis  feasts.  The 
endeavour  to  explain  the  sed  heb  feast  of  30  year 
intervals  as  always  being  a  regnal  feast,  has  only  been 
possible  by  supposing  that  it  was  held  30  years  after 
the  recognition  of  a  prince  as  the  heir,  and  did  not 
count  from  the  beginning  of  the  reign.  But  there  is 
more  than  one  case  where  this  is  impossible,  as  the 
previous  reign  was  so  short  that  30  years  before  the 
feast  the  king  in  question  could  not  have  been  the  heir. 
And  here,  though  it  is  commonly  recognised  that 
Ramessu  had  been  associated  in  the  kingdom  by  Sety 
I.,  yet  his  sed  festival  was  not  started  until  30  years 
of  his  reign,  proving  that  he  did  not  count  from  his 
heirship.  The  fact  is  that  the  sed  festivals  were  held 
at  one  wreck's  interval  of  the  shift  of  Sothis  rising,  and 
the  hunti  festival  at  one  month's  interval  of  shift,  every 
120  years.  It  was  only  the  vanity  of  Ramessu — the 
man  who  is  shown  worshipping  himself — that  appro- 
priated this  festival  to  the  glorifying  of  his  reign.  The 
references  to  the  various  repetitions  of  these  festivals — 
the  Ilnd,  33rd,  34th  ;  Ilird,  36th,  37th  ;  I\^th,  40th  ; 
and  Vlth,  in  the  46th  year — are  given  in  the  preceding 
list  of  monuments. 

The  stele  known  as  that  of  the  Possessed  Princess 
has  a  date  of  the  33rd  year.  It  probably  was  intended 
to  refer  to  Ramessu  II.  by  the  priests  who  erected  it  ; 
but  owing  to  the  impossibility  of  our  connecting  the 
details  with  his  history,  it  has  generally  been  supposed 
to  refer  to  an  otherwise  unknown  Ramessu  at  the  latter 
part  of  the  dynasty.  Its  character  as  a  romance  for 
the  benefit  of  priestly  rights  is,  however,  now  recog- 
nised, and  it  only  need   be  said  that  it  recites  an 


70 


USER-MAAT-RA  SOTEP-EX-RA       [dyn.  xix.  3. 


imaginary  expedition  of  Ramessu  to  Syria,  when  the 
chief  of  Bekhten  brought  his  daughter  with  his  tribute, 
and  she  became  a  favourite  wife  of  the  king,  and  was 
named  Neferu-ra.  (A  corrupt  version  of  Maat-neferu-ra, 
daughter  of  the  chief  of  the  Kheta.)  Then  in  the  15th 
year  the  chief  of  Bekhten  sent  presents  and  desired  a 
magician  to  heal  the  queen's  younger  sister,  Bent- 
resht.  The  magician  was  sent ;  and  a  second  embassy 
in  the  26th  year  led  to  the  shrine  of  Khonsu  being  sent 

to  Bekhten  to  heal 
the  princess,  stay- 
ing there  over 
three  years,  and 
returning  in  the 
33rd    year  (R.P. 

iv.  53)- 

The  real  basis 
of  this  is  the  mar- 
riage of  the  king 
(at  about  52)  with 
the  eldest  daughter 
of  the  chief  of 
Khita,  recounted 
on  the  stele  at 
Abu  Simbel  in  the 
XXXIVth  year. 
After  the  wars  of 
the  earHer  years 
both  sides  saw 
that  no  permanent 
advantage  was  to 
be  gained  ;  and  as  time  went  on,  mutual  convenience 
had  dictated  the  treaty  of  the  21st  year.  This  was 
reaffirmed  by  a  friendly  visit  of  the  chief  in  the  34th 
year,  by  which  his  eldest  daughter  was  brought  to 
Egypt  and  married  to  Ramessu.  Unfortunately,  the 
chief's  name  is  lost,  and  the  daughter  might  be  that 
of  Khetasar,  or  of  his  successor.  The  frontier  gover- 
nor hesitated  at  allowing  the  large  escort  to  enter,  and 
referred  to  the  king  ;  he  at  once  welcomed  the  party, 


B.C.  I30O-1234.] 


RA-MESSU  II 


71 


and  formally  married  the  Khetan  princess.  He  gave 
her  the  Egyptian  name  of  Maat-neferu-Ra,  "beholding 
the  beauties  of  the  sun,"  the  name  of  the  dawn-hour, 
thus  really  naming  the  girl  as  "  Dawn."  Syria,  linked 
in  permanent  peace  with  Egypt,  became  tranquil  and 
accessible  ;  and  one  of  the  most  interesting  papyri 
describes  a  fancy  journey  through  the  country,  from 
Qedesh  by  Gebal,  Sidon,  and  across  to  Tabor,  down 
the  Jordan  and  back  to  the  coast  at  Joppa,  and  on  to 
Raphia  (Pap.  Anastasi,  i  ;  R.P.  ii.  107).  The  decree 
of  Ptah  at  Abu  Simbel,  year  XXXV,  alludes  to  this 
Khetan  marriage,  but  is  of  no 
historic  value.  Its  main  interest 
is  that  it  was  borrowed  wholesale 
by  Ramessu  III.  at  Medinet  Habu. 

Of  the  latter  part  of  the  reign 
there  are  no  records,  except  a  few 
trivial  papyri  and  ostraka.  The 
royal  family  picked  up  Syrian 
wives,  as  when  the  23rd  son,  Si- 
mentu,  married  Arit,  the  daughter 
of  a  ship's  captain,  Bananta,  "the 
son  of  Anaitis,"  in  the  XLIInd 
year  (Rec.  xvi  64).  A  lawsuit  ^'^J^-  ^r'K^ 
about  some  fields  is  dated  m  the  Museum. 
XLVlth    year    (A.Z.    xvii.  71). 

Some  accounts  of  the  royal  household  are  dated  in  the 
Llind  year  (Rec.  xvii.  152).  An  ostrakon  recounts  an 
official  visit  in  the  Lllird  year,  made  by  the  king's 
(9th)  son  Sety,  born  of  Nefertari,  and  another  son 
Set'her'khopshef,  "of  the  king,  born  of  his  majesty," 
i.e.  not  titular  royal  sons  (Rec.  xvi.  65).  And  an  official 
declaration  is  dated  in  the  LXVIth  year  (Dy.  O.  25237). 
Thus  we  have  no  details  of  the  greater  part  of  this  reign, 
and  can  only  say  that  there  do  not  seem  to  have  been 
any  wars  for  over  fifty  years.  While  the  credit  of  the 
earlier  wars  lasted,  Egypt  was  probably  untroubled  ; 
but  as  those  who  had  fought  died  off",  Egypt  gradually 
weakened,  and  her  enemies  strengthened.  The  old 
age  of  a  long  reign  is  always  perilous  for  a  fighting 


72 


USER-MAAT-RA  SOTEP'EN-RA        [dyn.  xix.  3. 


State  ;  and  Ramessu,  living  to  85,  could  not  have 
undertaken  fig-hting  for  long  before  he  died.  Early 
in  the  next  reign  we  find  that  the  Libyans  were  not 
only  pillaging  but  settling  in  the  country,  and  it  was 
thought  much  for  the  Egyptians  to  triumph  over  even 
the  southern  towns  of  Palestine.  It  seems  then  that  a 
long  period  of  gradual  decline  occupied  the  greater 
part  of  this  much  boasted  reign. 

Monuments. 

To  describe  all  the  monuments  of  this  reign  would 
be  fruitless  ;  and  the  complete  list  already  given  of  the 
fixed  remains,  and  of  all  the  important  portable  objects, 
must  suffice.  Here  we  only  notice  the  principal  build- 
ings and  important  works.  As  a  whole,  the  art  of 
sculpture  and  architecture  was  in  its  decline  ;  scarcely 
anything  can  be  shown  equal  to  the  works  of  Sety. 
The  black  granite  statue  at  Turin  is  the  only  sign  of 
genius  in  the  whole  reign,  and  that  is  evidently  of  the 
earlier  years.  Where  the  art  is  compared  with  that  of 
Sety,  as  at  Abydos,  the  diff'erence  is  painfully  striking. 
Clumsy,  careless,  and  aiming  only  at  cheap  eff'ect,  the 
buildings  are  below  the  level  of  any  that  had  been  yet 
erected. 

The  tomb  in  the  valley  of  the  kings'  tombs,  No.  7, 
is  but  little  known  owing  to  its  being  filled  with  sand 
and  mud.  But  it  is  a  large  work,  about  400  feet  long. 
A  corridor  of  150  feet  leads  to  two  halls  of  25  feet; 
60  feet  more  corridor  leads  to  a  large  hall  of  44  feet 
square,  and  four  others.  It  is  therefore  of  the  same 
length  and  rather  larger  area  than  the  tomb  of  his 
father  Sety,  though  it  does  not  equal  that  in  sculpture 
or  design.  One  scene  is  published  of  the  king  adoring 
Har-akhti  (L.D.  iii.  172  g). 

The  well-known  mummy  of  Ramessu  was  found  in 
the  royal  hiding-place  of  Deir  el  Bahri.  It  had  been 
removed  by  Herhor  to  the  tomb  of  Sety  I.  at  about 
1 100  B.C.  ;  the  wrappings  had  there  been  renewed,  and 


B.C.  I3OO-1234.] 


MONUMENTS 


73 


probably  the  new  coffin  supplied,  by  Pinezem,  at  about 
1065  B.C.  ;  it  was  next  removed  from  thence  to  the 
tomb  of  Anhapu  at  about  973  B.C.  ;  then  to  the  tomb 
of  Amenhotep  about  963  B.C.  ;  and  finally  put  into  the 
Deir  el  Bahri  pit  after  960  B.C. 

The  stature  of  Ramessu  was  over  5  ft.  8  in.  origin- 
ally.   The  mummy  is  well  preserved,  and  it  still  bears 


Fig.  ; 1  ..,\ck  granite  figure  of  Ramessu  II.  Turin. 


strongly  the  stamp  of  the  haughty  self-satisfaction  and 
pride  of  the  monarch. 

At  Sarabit  a  stele  of  the  yr.  II.  was  erected  ;  also 
steles  in  years  \\  and  \TII.,  and  a  doorway. 

Tanis  was  one  of  the  principal  sites  adopted  by 
Ramessu.  He  entirely  remodelled  the  temple,  and  his 
original  works  here  include  the  great  colossus  of 
granite  92  feet  high  ;  10  great  granite  obelisks  ;  4 
quartzite  colossi  ;  8  great,  granite  steles  of  9  to  16  feet 


74 


RA-MESSU  II 


[DYX.  XIX.  3. 


hig-h  ;  2  columns  with  scenes  20  feet  high  ;  2  quartzite 
shrines,  9  feet  long  ;  and  many  portions  of  granite 
building.  The  colossus,  of  which  the  foot  and  various 
fragments  were  found,  was  the  greatest  work  that 
he  made  ;  and  it  must  have  towered  high  above  the 
temple,  and  been  visible  for  many  miles  over  the  plains. 
The  most  historical  monument  here  is  the  "stele  of 
400  years."  On  this  the  king,  and  Sety  the  vizier, 
royal  scribe,  keeper  of  the  mares,  keeper  of  the  desert, 
keeper  of  the  fortress  of  Zalu,  etc.,  adore  the  god 
Set ;  the  king  states  that  this  is  put  up  for  the  names 
of  his  ancestors  Ramessu  I.  and  Sety  I.;  and  in  the 
400th  year  of  the  king  Set-aa-pehti,  son  of  the  sun 
Nubti,  the  official  Sety  adores  Set.  Now  putting  this 
at  1280  B.C.  as  a  middle  date,  we  reach  1680  B.C.  for 
Nubti,  or  1700-1637  as  limits.  This  would  put  Nubti 
to  the  period  of  Apepa  II.,  in  the  XVIIth  dynasty,  of 
which  we  as  yet  know  nothing  in  detail.  The  proposal 
that  the  entry  of  990  years  at  the  XXIVth  dynasty  in 
Manetho  refers  to  this  same  era  is  unlikely :  that 
dynasty  was  725-7 19  B.C.  ;  and  590  years  before  that 
would  be  1315-1309  B.C.,  which  would  not  agree  to 
the  reign  of  Ramessu.  Probably  990  is  a  copyist's 
note  of  time  elapsed  at  about  270  a.d.,  Julius  Africanus 
having  written  at  221  a.d.  The  stele  is  published  in 
Rev.  A.  xi.  pi.  iv.,  and  translated  in  R.P.  iv.  33. 

The  general  appreciation  of  the  rich  Delta  land,  in 
which  Ramessu  had  made  a  new  capital,  is  shown  in 
the  letter  of  Panbesa  [Pap.  Aiiast.  iii.).  The  richness 
of  the  fields,  the  abundance  of  corn  and  vegetables,  the 
fruit  and  wine,  the  variety  of  fish,  all  gratified  the 
visitor  who  came  from  the  scorched  plain  of  Thebes. 
The  people  are  joyful  and  festive  ;  "  the  virgins  of 
Aa-nekhtu  are  well  clad  every  day,  sweet  oil  on  their 
heads  with  fresh  curls  :  they  stand  at  their  doors,  their 
hands  adorned  with  nosegays  and  flowers,"  to  welcome 
the  king.  Sweet  wines  and  syrups  and  beer  abound  ; 
and  sweet  singers,  as  at  Memphis,  amid  ceaseless  joys. 
Such  was  the  garden-city  which  delighted  the  decadent 
age  of  Egypt. 


B.C.  1300-1234.] 


MONUMENTS 


75 


The  eastern  side  of  the  Delta  was  also  decorated 
with  temples  and  buildings  at  several  places,  Nebesheh, 
Qantir,  5lendes,  Sebennytus,  Tell  Mokdam,  Bubastis, 
Athribis,  and  Tell  el  Yehudiyeh  ;  while  a  great  store 
place,  Pithom,  was  built  at  Tell  el  Maskhuta.  The 
west  was  less  important ;  but  Kom  el  Hisn,  Kom 
Zimran,  and  Terraneh  all  show  the  name  of  Ramessu. 

Heliopolis  was  also  adorned  with  obelisks,  two  of 
which  are  now  in  Rome,  those  of  the  Piazza  del  Popolo 
and  the  Pantheon. 

At  Memphis  the  temple  was  rebuilt,  and  large  statues 
of  the  king  were  placed  there,  tw'o  of  which  are  well 
known,  and  still  to  be  seen  on  the  site.  The  statues 
of  Ptah,  almost  the  only  great  figures  known  of  deities, 
are  in  Cairo  Museum.  The  great  fist  (in  B.  Mus. ) 
shows  that  a  granite  colossus  also  existed.  The 
Serapeum  was  also  continually  used,  burials  of  Apis 
bulls  being  dated  in  the  i6th,  26th,  and  30th  years, 
and  five  others  being  undated.  The  important  burial 
is  that  by  Kha-em^-uas,  which  is  noted  under  the  family 
list  below. 

At  lUahun  the  pyramid  of  Usertesen  II.  was  stripped 
of  stone,  as  shown  by  the  graffiti.  At  Herakleopolis 
Ramessu  rebuilt  the  temple,  partly  from  older  material. 

Passing  by  minor  sites,  we  reach  Abydos,  where  a 
portico  and  some  trifling  additions  to  the  Osiris  temple 
were  made.  The  main  works  there  were  in  altering 
the  plan  and  adding  sculptures  to  the  temple  of  Sety, 
and  building  another  temple  entire.  The  portico  w^as 
an  hexastyle  approach  to  the  cemetery  after  passing 
through  the  Osiris  temenos,  apparently  a  funereal  road 
for  processions.  The  temple  of  Sety  was  probably 
built  before  this  reign  ;  but  five  of  the  seven  entrances 
were  blocked  up,  and  much  carving  was  done  on 
surfaces  of  the  court  and  first  hall,  which  had  not 
been  sculptured  by  Sety.  The  principal  work  was  a 
second  temple  (plan  M.A.  vol.  i.  i  ;  sculptures  ii.-xx.), 
which,  though  smaller  than  that  of  Sety,  is  a  consider- 
able work,  233  feet  long  and  125  wide,  with  a  gateway 
of  red  granite  and  five  blocks  of  alabaster  in  the  shrines. 


76 


RA-MESSU  II 


[dYN.  XIX.  3. 


On  the  front  wall  is  a  long-  series  of  captive  peoples,  on 
the  sides  are  battle  scenes  with  the  Kheta  ;  but  as  the 
walls  have  been  destroyed  to  within  a  few  feet  of  the 
ground  only  fragments  of  the  inscriptions  remain, 
including  part  of  the  poem  of  Pentaur.  In  the  interior 
is  a  long  procession  ;  a  list  of  cities  making  offerings  ; 
some  astronomical  and  religious  fragments  ;  the  base 
of  the  list  of  kings  now  in  the  British  Museum,  which 
was  bought  from  the  French 
Consul  ;  parts  of  the  Litany  of 
the  Sun  ;  and  a  large  number  of 
chambers  and  niches  dedicated  to 
different  gods. 

From  Koptos  comes  a  fine  red 
granite  triad  of  Ramessu  between 
Isis  and  Nebhat,  besides  steles. 

At  Karnak  the  sculptures  of  the 
great  hall  were  largely  done  in  this 
reign,  and  the  southern  half  of 
the  columns.  The  enclosure  wall 
around  the  whole  of  the  early 
temple,  and  a  building  at  the  back 
of  it ;  sculptures  in  the  temple  of 
Ptah  to  the  north  of  it ;  and  many 
separate  sculptures,  all  belong  to 
Ramessu.  The  things  of  main 
importance,  the  poem  of  Pentaur 
and  the  Hittite  treaty,  we  have 
already  described. 

At  Luqsor  the  beautiful  and 
symmetrical  temple  of  Amenhotep 
III.  had  a  new  peristyle  court  added  in  front  of 
it,  much  askew,  in  order  to  accommodate  it  to  the 
avenue  of  sphinxes  which  led  to  Karnak.  The 
great  pylon  walls  in  front  of  this  court  have  the 
standard  scenes  of  the  Hittite  war,  with  the  poem  of 
Pentaur.  Against  the  inside  of  the  pylon  is  a  small 
temple  constructed  of  fragments  of  Tahutmes  III. 
Before  the  pylon  stood  two  obelisks,  one  of  which 
was  removed  to  Paris  ;  also  four  standing  and  two 


Fig,  26. — Red  granite  statue 
of  Ramessu  II.  Luqsor. 


B.C.  1300-1234.] 


MONUMENTS 


77 


seated  colossi^  which  have  excellent  figures  of  queen 
Nefertari.  Between  the  columns  of  the  peristyle  court 
are  several  standing  granite  colossi  ;  the  larger  ones, 
in  a  line  across  the  axis,  having  also  figures  of  Nefer- 
tari. There  have  also  been  battle  scenes  on  the  side 
and  back  walls  of  this  court,  which  are  now  nearly  all 
removed. 

At  Qurneh  the   king    finished    the    sculpturing  in 


Fig.  27. — Temple  of  Qurneh,  front  colonnade. 


honour  of  Sety  I.  on  the  temple  which  was  built  for 
Ramessu  I. 

At  the  Ramesseum  the  ground  which  had  begun  to 
be  laid  out  for  the  funereal  temple  of  Sety  was  appro- 
priated by  Ramessu  II.,  whose  foundation  deposits 
were  placed  under  the  stones.  The  construction  of 
the  temple  we  have  already  noted  in  the  history  of 
its  building.  The  inner  side  of  the  pylon,  which  is 
well  preserved,  has  two  great  scenes,  the  Egyptian 
camp  and  the  battle  of  Qedesh.  The  same  battle  is 
on  the  only  part  left  of  the  peristyle  court,  which  has 
lately  been  strengthened  by  buttresses.  The  other 
remaining  scenes  are  on  the  lesser  halls,  the  king 


78 


RA-MESSU  II 


[dYN.  XIX.  3. 


seated  beneath  the  persea  tree,  and  figures  of  the  gods 
and  sacred  boats.  Most  important  is  the  horoscope 
on  the  roof  giving  the  date  1318  B.C.,  doubtless  that 
of  the  king's  birth.  The  portions  of  the  enormous  red 
granite  colossus  seated  are  most  striking  ;  it  is  con- 
sidered to  have  weighed  about  1000  tons,  and  was 
therefore  heavier  than  the  colossus  of  Tanis,  which 
probably  weighed  800  or  900  tons,  though  this  was 


Fig.  28. — Temple  of  Gerf  Huseyn. 


about  57  feet  high  as  seated,  against  about  90  feet  high 
for  the  standing  colossus. 

At  Deir  el  Bahri  Ramessu  re-engraved  the  scenes  of 
Hatshepsut,  which  had  been  destroyed  by  Akhenaten, 
and  appropriated  them  with  his  own  name. 

At  the  quarries  of  Silsileh  are  two  rock  shrines  and 
steles,  and  a  few  other  remains  farther  up.  But  it  was  in 
Nubia  that  great  activity  was  shown  in  temple  building. 

Beit  el  Wally  contains  an  important  series  of  scenes, 
which  are  familiar  from  the  coloured  casts  in  the  British 
Museum.  The  Syrian  scenes  are  much  the  same  as 
elsewhere,  but  there  is  also  shown  a  negro  war  and 


B.C.  1300-1234.]  MONUMENTS  79 


tribute  which  is  full  of  detail  (A.B.  38).  The  temple 
is  mainly  cut  in  the  rock,  and  is  best  shown  by  Gau, 
who  miscalls  it  Kalabsheh  (G.D.  12). 

Another  such  rock  temple  is  Gerf  Huseyn,  best  shown 
in  G.D.  28,  named  Guircheh.  It  has  a  court  backing- 
into  the  cliff,  and  a  large  hall  and  six  chambers  in  the 
rock  ;  but  there  are  no  scenes  of  historical  value. 

The  stele  of  Qubban  we  have  noticed  in  the  history 
of  the  3rd  year.    The  temple  of  Wady  Sebua  is  like 


Fig.  29. — Temple  of  Abu  Simbel,  looking  south. 

that  of  Gerf  Huseyn  ;  and  that  of  Derr  is  on  the  plan 
of  Abu  Simbel.  These  do  not  contain  any  history. 
At  Abu  Simbel  is  the  grandest  piece  of  rock  work  in 
Egypt,  the  great  temple  to  Ra  on  the  western  bank. 
The  plan  was  probably  like  that  of  Derr,  an  open  court 
backing  against  the  cliff,  as  large  blocks  of  the  masonry 
of  the  front  of  the  court  are  shown  by  Gau  (G.D.  57). 
At  the  back  of  the  court  are  four  seated  colossi  of  the 
king  carved  in  the  rock,  65  feet  high  ;  the  southern 


8o 


RA-MESSU  II 


[DYN.  XIX.  3. 


one  has  fig-ures  of  his  mother  Tuaa,  queen  Nefertari, 
and  Amen-her-khopshef ;  the  next  has  Nebt-taui  and 
Banutantha.  There  is  no  record  of  the  northern  figures. 
On  the  south  side  of  the  court  is  the  stele  of  the  Hittite 
marriage  in  the  34th  year.  The  great  hall  is  first 
entered,  50  x  54  feet,  with  four  standing  colossi  on 
each  side  against  the  pillars.  On  the  southern  side 
of  the  door  is  a  group  of  king  and  captives,  with  the 
king's  sons  below  ;  and  along  the  south  side  are  war 


Fig.  30. — Lesser  temple  of  Abu  Sinibel. 


scenes  with  the  Syrians  at  the  top,  the  Libyans^  and  at 
the  base  the  triumph  with  the  negroes.  On  the 
northern  side  of  the  door  is  another  group,  with  the 
king's  daughters  below  ;  and  along  the  north  wall  the 
battle  of  Qedesh.  On  the  south  of  the  inner  door  is 
the  king  with  negro  captives  ;  on  the  north  with  Hittite 
captives.  The  stele  of  the  35th  year  is  between  two 
of  the  southern  pillars.  The  lesser  hall,  36x25  feet, 
farther  in,  has  scenes  of  devotion  to  the  barques  of 


B.C.  130O-1234.] 


MONUMENTS 


81 


Ra  and  Amen.  After  passing  another  chamber  the 
back  sanctuary  in  the  axis  is  reached,  containing  an 
altar  before  the  figures  of  Ptah,  Amen,  Ramessu,  and 
Ra.  There  are  also  ten  plain  chambers  which  were  for 
store  rooms. 

The  lesser  temple,  of  Hathor,  has  a  facade  of  90  feet 
wide,  which  does  not  seem  to  have  had  a  court  before 
it.  On  either  side  of  the  doorway  are  two  standing 
colossi  of  Ramessu  with  one  of  Nefertari  between 
them.  Figures  of  Amen-her-khopshef,  Pa-ra-her-un- 
amif,  Merytum,  Meryra,  Merytamen,  and  Hent-taui 
are  beside  the  colossi.  The  great  hall  has  eight 
pillars  with  Hathor  sistra  on  them.  The  scenes  are 
not  historical,  but  of  devotion  to  Hathor,  Set,  Horus, 
Anuke,  Amen,  Ptah,  Hershefi,  Har-akhti,  and  Mut. 
The  shrine  has  the  Hathor  cow,  and  adoration  to 
Hathor  and  Mut.  Adjoining  the  facade  on  the  north  is 
the  stele  of  the  architect  Ramesses-asau-heb.  Beyond 
that  is  another  which  does  not  seem  to  be  published. 

To  the  south  of  the  great  temple  is  a  small  temple 
dedicated  to  Tahuti,  cut  in  the  rock  ;  and  farthest  south 
is  the  inscription  of  Setau  (L.D.  iii.  195  b,  c). 

At  Faras  is  a  rock  shrine ;  at  Akhseh  are  the  founda- 
tions of  a  temple  ;  and  far  south,  at  Napata,  a  temple 
to  Amen,  the  god  of  the  city,  was  built  by  Ramessu. 

The  statues  of  this  king  are  numerous,  but  very  few 
can  be  valued  as  works  of  art.  The  beautiful  seated 
figure  of  black  granite  at  Turin  is  finer  than  any  other  ; 
at  the  sides  of  the  legs  are  figures  of  Nefertari  and 
Amen  -  her  -  khepshef.  There  are  also  two  standing 
figures  holding  insignia,  and  two  seated  figures,  all 
of  granite,  at  Cairo  ;  some  of  these  are  said  to  be 
usurped,  so  constant  was  this  practice,  but  they  are 
all  original.  The  other  figures  are  not  unusual,  except 
the  bronze  ushabti  at  Paris. 

Of  transported  monuments  the  most  important  are 
the  obelisks.  Beside  those  from  Heliopolis  and  Luqsor, 
already  mentioned,  there  are  at  Rome  two  upper  parts 
of  obelisks  from  the  temple  of  Isis  (Villa  ^lattei  and 
III — 6 


82 


RA-MESSU  II 


[dVN.  XIX.  3. 


Bibliotheca  Casanatense),  a  fragment  in  the  CoUeg-io 
Romano,  a  small  obelisk  in  the  Boboli  garden  at 
Florence  from  the  circus  of  Flora  at  Rome.  As  a 
usurpation  Ramessu  has  placed  his  inscriptions  on 
most  of  the  known  obelisks.  Of  the  various  minor 
pieces  and  steles  already  catalogued  here  two  are 
peculiar :  a  figure  of  the  king  as  a  child  seated  (P. 
Mus.),  and  a  young  figure  kneeling  on  the  heh  holding 
palm  branches,  with  a  row  of  hawk  heads  above  and 
below  the  panel  (C.  Mus.). 

Of  small  objects  the  fine  gold  inlaid  pectoral  found 
in  the  Serapeum  is  the  most  important.  This  was 
placed  in  a  burial  of  fragments  of  an  Apis,  which 
seems  to  have  been  ceremonially  eaten.  The  bronze 
box  is  peculiar,  in  Leyden,  with  a  row  of  ten  figures 
of  nomes  or  of  Hapi  around  it.  There  are  many  small 
objects,  glazed  pectorals,  amulets,  etc.,  with  the  king's 
name,  but  they  are  not  of  historic  or  artistic  import- 
ance, and  hardly  any  of  them  are  published  in  figure. 

The  papyri  and  ostraka  we  have  already  noticed  when 
dated.  Those  of  the  Kheta  war,  the  poem  of  Pentaur, 
and  the  travels  in  Syria  have  also  been  used  here.  The 
minor  papyri  contain  no  historical  particulars. 

Royal  Family. 

The  family  of  Ramessu  is  somewhat  obscure  owing 
to  its  great  extent.  We  know  of  only  three  queens 
by  name  ;  but  the  record  of  at  least  79  sons  and  59 
daughters  (which  probably  implies  double  that  number 
of  children,  allowing  for  infant  mortality),  suggests 
that  his  concubines  were  probably  as  readily  accumu- 
lated as  those  of  an  Arabian  Khalifa. 

Nefertari  Mery-mut  was  already  married  to  the 
king  in  the  ist  year,  as  shown  by  the  tomb  of  Ne- 
bunnef ;  but  it  is  not  known  how  long  her  life  or 
influence  lasted,  as  she  does  not  appear  on  any  of 
the  dated  sculptures  of  later  years.  Certainly  she 
w^as  prominent  during  the  carving  of  the  Abu  Simbel 


B.C.  13CXD-I234.] 


ROYAL  FAMILY 


83 


temples,  where  she  is  often  shown.  Two  children  of 
hers  are  known,  the  9th  son  Sety,  and  another  son 
Anub-er-rekhu.  At  Abu  Simbel  she  appears  as  the 
priestess  of  Hathor,  Mut,  and  Anuke  ;  and  is  called 
the  heiress  princess  of  south  and  north,  pointing  to 
her  being  the  heiress  of  the  kingdom.  She  is  on  the 
colossi  at  Abu  Simbel  and  Luqsor,  and  on  the  black 
granite  seated  figure  at  Turin.  A  fine  granite  statue 
of  her  is  in  the  Vatican,  but  unhappily  repolished  ; 
a  base  and  a  statuette  are  known.  Her  tomb  was 
found,  1904,  in  the 
valley  of  the  queens' 
tombs.  Scarabs  of 
hers  are  not  rare  ; 
and  she  was  placed 
in  the  list  of  wor- 
shipped Osirians. 

AST-NEFERT  W^aS 

the  mother  of  the 
2nd  son  Ramessu, 
and  of  the  two  most 
important  sons,  the 
4th,  Khaemuas,  and 
the  13th,  Merenptah,  . 

and     of    the     eldest     Fig.  31.— Queen  Nefertari.   Abu  Simbel. 
daughter,       Banut-  L.D.  iii.  193. 

antha  ;  so  it  appears 

that  she  was  married  at  the  beginning  of  the  reign. 
She  is  shown  on  three  provincial  monuments  with  her 
children  ;  a  group  with  her  sons  is  in  Paris,  also  one 
scarab.    A  door  jamb  of  a  child  of  hers  is  in  Cairo  Mus. 

Maat-neferu-ra,  the  eldest  daughter  of  the  chief 
of  the  Kheta,  was  married  in  the  34th  year,  when 
Ramessu  was  about  51.  The  name  ''Dawn"  was 
given  her,  as  "Beholding  the  beauties  of  Ra."  She 
is  represented  with  her  father  on  the  stele  on  the  south 
face  of  the  court  in  the  great  temple  at  Abu  Simbel 
(L.D.  iii.  196),  and  on  one  of  the  colossi  at  Tanis.  A 
plaque  of  hers  was  found  at  Tell  el  Yehudiyeh. 

The  eldest  son  was  Amen-her-khopshef  who  appears 


84 


RA-MESSU  II 


[DYN.  XIX.  3. 


on  the  three  standard  lists  (the  Ramesseum,  Luqsor, 
and  Derr),  on  two  temples,  and  on  the  Turin  statue.  It 
appears  that  his  name  was  varied  as  Amen-her-unmif, 
who  only  is  shown  at  Beit  el  Wally,  and  is  called  the 
heir,  the  chief  son,  while  the  name  Amen-her-khopshef 
never  appears  there.  It  is  improbable  that  either  of 
two  sons  would  have  died  before  all  the  figures  of  the 
other  were  sculptured  ;  even  then  it  is  unlikely  that 

two  elder  sons  should 
never  be  shown  to- 
gether on  scenes  or 
in  lists.  It  is  more 
likely  that  for  some 
reason  the  name  was 
varied  at  Beit  el 
Wally. 

2.  Ramessu,  son  of 
Ast-nefert,  is  shown 
with  his  mother  and 
brother  Khaemuas,  on 
a  small  group  in  Paris, 
and  on  steles  at  Aswan 
and  Silsileh.  He  ap- 
pears in  the  three  lists, 
and  fighting  at  Abu 
Simbel ;  a  statue  was 
dedicated  for  him  as 
deceased,  while  his 
brother  Khaemuas  was 
living,  by  the  son  of 
Khaemuas.  An  ush- 
abti  was  placed  in  the 
Serapeum  in  the  26th  year,  while  he  was  alive. 

3.  Pa-ra-her-unmif  appears  in  the  three  lists  ;  in  his 
chariot,  and  on  a  colossus,  at  Abu  Simbel  ;  and  a  scarab 
of  his  is  known. 

4.  Khaemuas  seems  to  have  been  the  most  important 
son.  He  was  high  priest,  and  was  adopted  as  heir  in 
about  the  30th  year.  He  was  a  son  of  Ast-nefert,  as 
is  shown,  at  Silsileh  (L.D.  iii.  174  e,  175  e),  at  Aswan 


Fig.  32. — Queen  Nefertari,  on  statue  of 
Ramessu  II.  Luqsor. 


B.C.  13OO-1234.] 


ROYAL  FAMILY 


85 


(L.D.  iii.  175  h),  on  the  group  in  Paris,  and  on  an 
ushabti  (P.M.  xx.).  He  is  in  the  three  lists;  and  as 
a  youth  he  appears  fighting  in  the  Syrian  wars  on  the 
Ramesseum,  Karnak,  and  Beit  el  Wally.  Later  he 
appears  as  the  high  priest  of  the  family  ;  in  year  16  as 
the  sani  priest  in  the  tomb  of  Apis  II.,  with  his  ushabti 
figures  to  work  for  him  as  servants  of  the  Apis  ;  simi- 
larly in  Apis  III.  of  the  26th  year  ;  in  the  30th  year. 
Apis  IV.,  he  does  not  appear;  but  in  Apis  IX. ^  year 
unknown,  he  is  the  uy  kherp  7iba,  sam,  high  priest  of 
Memphis.  From  the 
30th  to  40th  years 
he  superintended  the 
four  sed  heh  festivals. 
He  was  succeeded  in 
his  offices  in  the  55th 
year  by  Merenptah 
(Ms.  S.N.  426),  who 
is  shown  as  sam  priest 
on  the  stele  of  Apis 
X.  (M.S.  iii.  21).  He 
was  buried  at  Gizeh, 
where  his  tomb  has 
been  found  at  Kafr  el 
Batran  ;  his  ushabtis 
come  partly  from  that 
(P.M.  XX.)  and  partly 
from  the  Serapeum 
(M.S.  iii.  10,  II,  13)  ; 
from  the  tomb  comes  the  canopic  jar  (M.D.  36  d),  and 
from  the  Serapeum  a  canopic  jar  for  the  Apis  III., 
"made  by  Khaemuas."  He  buried  amulets  with  his 
name  and  titles  with  Apis  III.  and  Apis  IX.  The  burials 
of  Apis  II.  and  III.  were  found  intact,  and  caused  great 
surprise  to  Mariette.  On  opening  the  sarcophagus  of 
Apis  II.  he  found  no  mummy,  but  there  was  only  a  lid 
hollowed  out  and  laid  flat  on  the  ground  over  a  bitumin- 
ous mass  which  contained  only  a  profusion  of  small  chips 
of  bone  ;  a  splendid  pectoral  of  gold  inlaid,  and  six 
bull-headed  ushabtis  were  with  it.    Of  Apis  HI.  there 


Fig.  33. — Sons  of  Rames^u  II.  Luq' 


86 


RA'MESSU  II 


[DYN,  XIX.  3. 


was  also  no  box,  but  only  a  hollow  under  the  lid,  which 
covered  a  bituminous  mass  with  chips  of  bone  ;  fifteen 
bull-headed  ushabtis  ;  others  of  Khaemuas,  Rames, 
Huy  prince  of  Memphis,  Suy,  Hataa,  Ptah-nefer-her, 
scribe  Khaemuas,  and  women  Qedit  and  Huy  ;  and 
amulets  with  the  name  of  Khaemuas  and  a  fine  pectoral 
of  Pasar ;  also  a  second  pectoral  and  a  ram-headed 
vulture  of  gold  inlaid,  with  much  gold  leaf.  It  was 
evident  then  that  the  sacred  Apis  was  not  embalmed, 
but  was  sacramentally  eaten,  as  is  stated  to  have  been 
the  case  with  the  ram  at  Thebes,  and  as  is  well  known 


Fig.  34. — Inlaid  pectoral  of  Ramessu  II. 
Serapeum.    M.S.  9. 


to  have  been  done  with  sacred  animals  elsewhere. 
There  is  a  fine  statue  of  Khaemuas  in  the  Brit.  Mus., 
a  portion  of  one  from  Memphis,  and  his  figure  in  some 
scenes.  There  remains  a  report  addressed  to  him  as 
governor  of  Memphis  about  six  runaway  slaves. 

5.  Mentu-her-khopshef  appears  in  all  three  lists,  and 
in  the  Syrian  war.  His  heart  scarab  is  at  Berlin  ;  and 
he  usurped  a  figure  at  Bubastis.  He  was  specially 
over  the  horses  and  chariots. 

6.  Nebenkharu  only  occurs  in  the  three  lists,  and  at 
the  siege  of  Dapur. 


B.C.  I3cx>-i234.] 


ROYAL  FAMILY 


«7 


7.  Meryamen  is  named  at  the  Ramesseum  and  Luqsor, 
and  shown  at  the  sieg-e  of  Dapur  and  at  Karnak. 

8.  Amenemua  occurs  in  the  above  two  lists,  and  at 
Derr  as  Setyemua.     Also  at  the  siege  of  Dapur. 

9.  Sety,  son  of  Xefertari,  was  living  in  year  53.  He 
is  in  the  above  two  lists,  at  the  siege  of  Dapur,  and  at 
Karnak. 

10.  Sotepenra.  11.  Ramery.  12.  Herherumif.  See 
list. 

13.  Merenptah,  son  of  Astnefert,  was  adopted  as 
heir  in  year  55,  in  succession  to  Khaemuas.  He  be- 
came sam  priest,  and  officiated  at  the  Serapeum  (^LS. 


Fig.  35. — Eaniania,  on  statue  of 
Ramessti  IL  Memphis. 

iii.  21).  Beside  the  lists  he  appears  at  Bubastis, 
Tanis,  and  Heliopolis  ;  all  mention  of  him  is  thus  in 
the  Delta. 

14-79.  Of  these  sons,  fifteen  are  known  by  name  (see 
list),  but  are  of  no  historical  importance.  A  jamb  of  a 
door  of  Rames'meryset  is  in  Cairo  Mus. 

The  eldest  daughter  was  Banutanta,  or  Bintanta, 
"daughter  of  Anaitis,"  the  Syrian  goddess.  Her 
mother  was  Astnefert,  with  whom  she  is  shown  at 
Silsileh  (L.D.  174  e)  and  Aswan  (175  h).  She  heads 
the  list  of  daughters  at  Luqsor,  and  appears  on  statues 
at  Sinai,  Tanis,  Karnak,  and  Abu  Simbel,  and  in  the  list 


88 


RA-MESSU  II 


[DYN.  XIX.  3. 


of  Osirians  (L.K.  xxii.).  Her  tomb  is  in  the  valley  of 
the  Queens'  Tombs.  From  her  being"  called  not  only 
''royal  daughter"  but  "great  royal  wife,"  it  has  been 
concluded  that  (Persian  fashion)  Ramessu  had  married 
this  daughter.  This  is  the  more  likely  because,  as 
we  have  noticed  (p.  6),  the  title  royal  wife  is  not 
known  to  have  been  used  as  an  empty  title,  but  implied 
marriage. 

2.  Ka  .  .  a  .  .  .    3.  Bakmut.    See  the  list. 
4.  Merytamen  is  the  4th  at  Luqsor,  the  5th  at  Abu 
Simbel.    Her  tomb  is  at  the  Queens'  Tombs,  where  she 


Fig.  36. — Merytamen.    L.D.  iii.  298. 


also  has  the  title  of  great  royal  wife,  lady  of  both  lands, 
pointing  to  her  marriage  with  Ramessu  (L.D.  iii.  172). 
She  appears  in  a  scene  at  Abu  Simbel,  and  on  statues 
there  and  at  Tanis.  A  vase  (P.  Mus.)  and  scarabs 
are  also  known. 

5.  Piqay.    6.  x.    7.  Nefertari.    See  list. 

8.  Nebttaui  is  shown  on  a  colossus  at  Abu  Simbel,  and 
her  tomb  is  in  the  Queens'  Tombs.  She  is  also  great 
royal  wife,  and  was  therefore  probably  married  to 
Ramessu.  But  she  also  seems  to  have  been  married 
to  a  subject,  as  her  daughter  Astemakh  was  not  a 


B.C.  1300-1234.] 


PRIVATE  MONUMENTS 


89 


child  of  the  king-  (Rec.  xi.  81)  ;  and  as  she  must  have 
been  over  40  at  the  death  of  Ramessu,  she  is  not  likely  to 
have  married  then.  Either,  therefore,  she  was  married 
to  a  subject  after  the  king- ;  or  the  bead  of  Astemakh 
refers  to  princess  Nebta,  daughter  of  Amenhotep.  Of 


Fig.  37. — DauglUers  of  R..:.ij-.--;  11,    .\  u 

the  remaining  daughters  up  to  No.  59,  only  the  names 
are  known  as  already  given  in  the  list. 

Private  Monuments. 

There  is  a  greater  abundance  of  private  names  fixed 
to  this  reign  than  to  any  other,  partly  owing  to  its 
length,  and  partly  owing  to  a  greater  diffusion  of 
wealth  among  the  minor  officials.  The  viziers  are  here 
distinguished  by  the  names  being  in  capitals.  One  of 
the  greatest  families  of  the  time,  of  which  nearly  every 
member  held  high  office,  is  shown  in  the  following 
table  ;  each  name  will  be  found  in  detail  in  the  list : — 


RA-MESSU  II 


[DYN.  XIX.  3. 


B.C.  I3OO-I234.] 


PRIVATE  MONUMENTS 


91 


On  the  large  family  monument  of  Amenemant,  C,  with 
figures  all  around  it,  the  family  order  is  instructive — 

A.'s  Amenemant's      Wife's      2nd       wife  Wife's 
mother  4  sisters  sister     wife  mother 

A.'s  mother's 
brother 


A.'s  father 


2  brothers 


and  a  third      A.'s        A.'s      Amenemant     Wife's  Wife's 
2  brothers  father  father    2  brothers 

Thus  the  tw^o  sides  of  the  family  proceed  in  regular 
order,  and  yet  all  the  women  are  on  one  side  together. 

Aaa,  Abydos  stele  (M.A.  1128). 

Ame?ie??ia?t,  priest  of  Khonsu,  Berlin  pap.  (A.Z. 
xvii.  72). 

Amenemant^  A,  scribe  of  books  of  the  king;  statue, 
Petersburg  (Lb.  P.  4)  ;  papyri,  Turin  (P.P.T.  9). 

Amene77ianf,  B,  sedem  em  ast  maat,  steles,  T.  Mus. 
(L.T.  1463,  Rec.  ii.  188);  T.  Mus.  (L.T.  1518, 
i5'9?)- 

Amenemant^  C,  chief  of  Mazayu,  chief  archer  of  the 
troops,  over  works  of  monuments.  Naples  (B.T. 
953-5)- 

Amenemant^  D,  a  leader.    Naples  (B.T.  954). 
Amexemapt,  a,  viceroy  of  Kush,  son  of  Pasar  ;  Abu 

Simbel  (L.D.  iii.  176  f);  collar  given  (in  C.j\I. 

68,  69). 

Amenemapt,  B,  high  priest  of  Heliopolis.  Naples 
(B.T.  953). 

Amenemapty  C,  over  the  ahii,  son  of  Amenhotep,  high 
priest  of  Amen  (M.I.  i.  p.  88,  63  =  M.D.  72,  49). 

Amenemapt^  D,  scribe  (L.D.  iii.  184  d). 

Amenemapt^  E,  scribe,  stele,  C.  Mus. 

Amenemapt,  F,  kherheb  Serapeum  stele,  Apis  IV.  yr. 
30  (M.S.  iii.  17). 


Wife's 
2  brothers 


Wife's 
uncle 


92 


RA-MESSU  II 


[DYN.  XIX.  3. 


Avienemapt^  G,  kazena.    Naples  (Lb.  D.  905). 
Amenemheby  A,  si-suten,  son  of  the  sab  x,  stele,  Derr 
(L.D.  184  c). 

Amenemheb^  B,  scribe  of  royal  table.  Abydos,  stele 
(M.A.  1128). 

Amenhotep,  kherheb  of  Amen.  Berlin  pap.  (A.Z.  xvii. 
72). 

Ainenmes,  A,  chief  of  works,  palette  (CM.  191,  4). 
Amennies^  B,  royal  scribe,  B.  Mus.  stele  161. 
Amenmes,  C,  divine  father  of  Hershefi  (M.A.  1138). 
Ameny^  Wady  Maghara  (E.G.  537). 
Amy,  son  of  Pasar,  kherheb  of  x\men  (C.N.  i.  523). 
Any,  a,  viceroy  of  Kush  ;  Abu  Simbel  (CM.  iv.  2)  ; 

from  time  of  Sety  I.  (L.D.  iii.  138  n). 
A7ty,  B,  kherheb  of  Amen  (A.Z.  xvii.  72). 
Anpiiau,  seated  figure.  Leyden  (L.  Mon.  ii.  v.,  D.  36). 
Apeni,  naval  officer,  stele,  B.  Mus.  365. 
Apu,  over  builders,  stele,  B.  Mus.  166  (Lb.  D.  888). 
Apu,  priest,  Serapeum  stele.  Apis  IV.,  yr.  30  (M.S. 

iii.  1 5  ;  Rec.  xxi.  71). 
Apuy,  tomb,  Deir  el  Medineh,  Bat,  over  table  of 

Amen  (M.x\.F.  v.  604-12). 
Ast,  qe?7iat  oi  \sis,  stele,  B.  Mus.  132  (Lb.  D.  890). 
Ati,  seal-bearer,  canopic  jar,  P.  Mus.  (P.L.  370). 
Ay,  qemat  of  Amen,  Abydos,  stele  (M.A.  1128). 
Bak,  chief  kazena,  P.  Mus.  stele,  c.  96  (P.R.  ii.  41). 
Baknaa,  keeper  of  horse,  yr.  31,  stele,  Thebes,  B. 

Mus.  164. 

Bakarnen,  qemat  of  Amen,  Abvdos,  stele  (M.A. 
1128). 

Bakenavien,  A,  keeper  of  palace,  plaque.    P.P.  Coll. 

Bakena77ien,  B,  keeper  of  cattle  of  Ramesseum,  stele, 
B.M.  132  (Lb.  D.  890). 

Bake7ia77ien,  C,  overseer  of  works,  Gizeh  (L.D.  142  i). 

Bake7ikho7isu,  son  of  Amenemapt,  high  priest  of 
Amen,  statue,  Munich  {Rev.  Arch.  IL  ser.  vi. 
loi  ;  P.  Ins.  iii.  45;  R.P.  xii.  117);  statue, 
Karnak,  C  Mus.  (Rec.  xxvii.  71)  ;  granite  sar- 
cophagus, Liverpool  (G.L.  117)  ;  coffin  and  heart, 
scarab,  Berlin  (Berl.  Cat.  pp.  172,  189)  ;  plaque 


.c.  I300-I234.]  PRIVATE  MONUMENTS 


93 


and  handle  (S.B.A.  xxiii.  222)  ;  in  papyrus, 
Berlin  (A.Z.  xvii.  72).    (See  D.M.  i.  275.") 

BakeJikhonsii,   chief  nab   of   Ptah   in  Ramesseum, 

pyramid,  Vienna  (Rec.  ix.  51). 
Bakenmutf^  B.  Mus.  stele,  328. 

Bakia,  qemat  of  Tahutmes  III.,  stele,  P.  Mus.  (P.R. 
ii.  77). 

Bakur^  stele,  Koptos  (Rec.  ix.  100). 
Banmeryt^  chief  architect,  Karnak  (Rec.  xxvii.  71). 
Duatiiefer,  qe??ia^  of  Amen,  Abydos,  stele  (M.A.  1128). 
Dtwiin,  adoring  king,  Aswan,  rock  stele  (P.S.  146). 
Fuamer,    high   priest   of  Amen,    baboon,  Koptos 

(P.  Kop.  16). 
Hapiii,  statue,  Karnak  (Rec.  xxvii.  71). 
Hataa,  sat,  26th  year,  shabti  (M.S.  iii.  14). 
Hataay,  high  priest  of  Mentu.    Naples  (B.T.  954). 
Hentmehit,  qemat  of  Amen.    Naples  (B.T.  955). 
Hor,  A,  divine  father,  jasper  scarab  amulet,  C.  Mus. 

(M.D.  48,  c.  1-2). 
Hor^  B,  over  the  aht,  B.  Mus.  stele  132  (Lb.  D.  890). 
Hora^  A,  high  priest  of  Anhur,  figure  Abydos  (Ab.  i. 

Ixv.,  Ab.  ii.  46)  ;  vase,  Abydos  (Rec.  xxiv.  164). 

Naples  (B.T.  953). 
Hora^  B,  zat.    Abydos,  stele  (M.A.  1138). 
Hora^  C,  overseer  of  cattle.     B.   Mus.  stele  132 

(Lb.  D.  890), 

Hora,  D,  scribe  of  treasury,  papyrus,  Turin  (P.P.T. 
41,  xxix.). 

Horaines,  chief  guard  of  treasury  ;  tomb  (C.N.  i.  517). 
Horamin,  scribe  of  palace,  Memphis,  statue,  Leyden 

(L.  Mon.  ii.  ix.,  D.  38). 
Horemheh,  A,  scribe  (L.D.  iii.  184  d). 
Horemheh,  B,  inspector  (L.D.  iii.  184 d). 
Hornekht,  A,  prophet  of  Min,  B.  Mus.  132  (Lb.  D. 

Hornekht,  B,  scribe  (L.D.  iii.  184  d). 
Horuti-mes,  plaque.    P.P.  Coll. 
Hu-dadui,  kazena,  B.  Mus.  stele  166  (Lb.  D.  888). 
HuY,  A,  viceroy  of  Kush,  Sehel  stele  (M.I.  i.  pp.  84, 
8;  pp.  96,  153  =  M.D.  Ixxi.  53). 


94 


RA-MESSU  II 


[DYN,  XIX.  3. 


Hiiy^  B,  great  prince  of  Memphis,  shabti,  yr.  26 
(M.S.  iii.  14). 

Huy^  C,  high  priest  of  Memphis,  shabti,  yr.  26 
(M.S.  iii.  10). 

Huy^  D,  overseer  of  workmen  on  monuments  ;  chief 
of  Mazay  (L.D.  iii.  175  b);  keeper  of  temple  of 
Ram.  II.,  south  of  Memphis  (A.Z.  xiv.  70)  ; 
?  same,  glazed  bead,  Serapeum.  P.  Mus.  (P.L. 
545)- 

Huy^  E,  son  of  palace  keeper,  Nefertari.  Berlin  2080 
(W.G.  471). 

Huy^  F,  sedejn  em  ast,  steles,  Turin  (L.T.  1463, 

1607-9  ;  Rec.  ii.  188). 
Huy,  G,  priest  of  Amen,  Berlin  pap.  (A.Z.  xvii.  72). 
Hity,  H,  scribe,  Abydos,  C.  Mus.  (W.G.  471)  ;  same?, 

Berl.  pap.  (A.Z.  xvii.  72). 
Htty,  J,  brother  of  Bakaa,  stele,  B.  Mus.  166. 
Huy^  K,  a  woman,  shabti,  Serapeum  (M.S.  iii.  14). 
Hiiynefer^  sedem  em  ast,  B.  Mus.  stele  328  (Lb.  D. 

891)  ;  ?  stele,  T.  Mus.  1609  (Rec.  ii.  196). 
Iriy  Carlsberg  (S.G.C.  p.  112). 

Kaiiekhf,  adefiiiu,  adoring  R.  II.  ;  plaque,  P.  Mus. 
(P.L.  5>i)- 

Kasa^  tomb,  Deir  el  Medineh,  cemetery  official 
(S.B.A.  viii.  226)  ;  naos,  Turin  (Rec.  ii.  197). 

Kasa,  son  of  Tahutmes,  scribe,  Faras  (C.N.  i.  40). 

Khaemapt^  royal  scribe,  stele,  Stuttgart  (S.P.S.S. 
i.  xviii.). 

Khaemnas,  A,  scribe  of  workmen,  yr.  26  ;  Serapeum, 

shabti  (M.S.  iii.  14). 
Khaemuas^  B,  scribe  of  divine  papyri  in  temple  of 

Amen.    Naples  (B.T.  953). 
Khay,  a,  vizier,  yr.  10,  statue,   C.  Mus.  ;  yr.  40, 

stele,  Silsileh  (CM.  118;  B.T.  1128);  yr.  46, 

stele,  6th  sed  heb,  Silsileh  (CM.   119;  B.T. 

1 1 28);  statue,  Karnak  (Rec.  xxvii.  71);  base  and 

piece  of  statue,  Dattari  Coll.  (S.B.A.  xxii.  62). 
Khay,  B,  scribe  of  treasury  ;  two  figures,  C.  Mus. 

(R.  E.  30  ;  M.D.  63  f )  ;  and  four  pillars  in  C.  Mus. 
Khay,  C,  scribe  of  offerings,  Abydos,  stele  (M.A. 


B.C.  i3oc^i234.]  PRIVATE  MONUMENTS  95 

1 1 28)  ;  squatting  figure,  P.  Mus.  (R.N.M.  p.  35, 
No.  65), 

Khonsu,  A,  over  lands,  Serapeum  stele.  Apis  IV.,  yr. 

30  (M.S.  iii.  17). 
Khonsu,  B,  divine  father  of  Hershefi,  Abvdos,  stele 

(M.A.  1 138). 

Khonsti,  C,  high  priest  of  Tahutmes  III.,  tomb, 
Qurneh. 

Mahu,  scribe  and  u'ekil  of  Ramesseum,  tomb, 
Assassif ;  stele,  Turin  (L.T.  1465). 

Mahuhi,  ist  proph.  Amen,  Karnak,  statue  (Rec. 
xxvii.  71). 

Marin?ia,  priest  of  M in  and  Isis.  Naples  (Lb.  D.  905). 
May,  overseer  of  works,  son  of  Bakenamen,  Gizeh 

(L.D.  iii.  142  i,  k)  ;  fragment,  Carlsberg  (S.G.C. 

p.  109)  ;  ?  same,  stele,  T.  Mus.  (L.T.  1579). 
Menkheper,  son  of  Mahu,  keeper  of  horses,  Sehel 

(M.I.  i.  pp.  94,  138  [  =  L.D.  iii.  175  k]  ;  pp.  95, 

149  ;  pp.  102,  230). 
Merenptah,  son   of  Pamerkau,  seated    figure  and 

ushabtis,  Nebesheh  (P.N.  12). 
Mery,  A,  high  priest  of  Osiris  under  Sety  I.,  Abydos, 

steles  (M.A.  1126;  P.  ^lus.  A.  66,  C.  97,  P.R. 

i-  3-5j  ii-  53);  in  group,  red  granite  (R.M.A. 

XXX  vii.). 

Mery,  B,  kherheh  of  Osiris  ;  on  group,  Abydos 
(R.M.A.). 

Merykhnumti.    Sehel  (M.I.  i.  pp.  99,  177). 

Messui,  viceroy   of   Kush.     Bigel  (C.N.   i.  614); 

stele,  Beit  el  Wally  (L.D.  iii.  176  g). 
Minnies,  A,  high  priest  of  Min  and  Isis,  Naples  (B.T. 

953)  - 

Minnies,  B,  high  priest  of  Anhur,  statue,  Luqsor 
(S.B.A.  xxiii.  250)  ;  figure  (P.  Ab.  Ixvi.)  ;  figure, 
Brighton  (S.B.A.  xxiii.  14);  Abvdos  (Rec.  xxiv. 

164). 

Mi7imes,  C,  named  Kanuro,  scribe  of  accounts  ;  stele, 
P.  Mus.  C.  218  (P.R.  ii.  134  ;  T.S.B.A.  viii.  336). 
Minnies,  D,  verifier  in  temple  of  Sokar,  Naples  (B.T. 

954)  - 


96 


RA  MESSU  II 


[DYN.  XIX.  3. 


Mutnezem^  qemat  of  Amen,  Abydos,  stele  (M.  A.  1 128). 
Nathy  or  Nathia,  qemat  of  Amen,  Abydos,  stele 
(M.A.  1128). 

Nehnekhtuf^  overseer  of  works  of  Ramesseum,  stele, 
Koptos  (P.  Kop.  15,  xix.)  ;  Sehel,  stele  (M.I.  i. 
pp.  96,  157). 

Nehnefer^  keeper  of  rolls,  T.  Mus.  stele  (L.T.  1464, 

1587?)- 

Nehiimtef^  hig"h  priest  of  Amen,  tomb,  Thebes,  yr.  i 
(L.D.T.  ii.  239;  C.N.  i.  851);  piece  of  statue 
with  wife  Takhat,  Cairo  (W.G.  470). 

Nefer^  sat,  2nd  priest  of  Amen,  ushabti  box,  Draa- 
abul-negg-a.    C.  Mus. 

Neferher^  scribe  of  palace  records,  yr.  62,  stele, 
B.  Mus.  163  (Lb.  D.  889). 

Neferher  or  PtaJmeferher,  ushabti,  yr.  26,  Serapeum 
(M.S.  iii.  14). 

Ne/erhotep,  A,  high  priest  of  Tahutmes  I.,  tomb, 
Qurneh. 

Neferhotep,  B,  cemetery  official,  tomb,  Deir  el  Medineh 
(S.B.A.  vii.  228);  stele,  Turin  (Rec.  ii.  183; 
L.T.  1464)  ;  B.  Mus.  stele,  267  (Lb.  D.  684). 

Neferhotep,  C,  scribe  of  table,  stele,  P.  Mus.  C.  148. 

Neferhotep^  D,  woman,  Abydos,  stele  (M.A.  1128). 

Nefer-renpit,  a,  vizier,  high  priest  of  Ptah.  Seated 
figure,  L.  Mus.  (L.  Mon.  ii.  xi.  44)  ;  stele,  Berl. 
2290  (S.L  i.  103)  ;  name  on  temple  block,  El 
Kab  ;  granite  tank,  figure  at  end,  B.  Mus.  108  ; 
pyramid,  Liverpool  (Rec.  x.  131  ;  Lb.  D.  1068)  ; 
wooden  door,  T.  Mus.  (L.T.  1464)  ;  scarab 
(N.S.  XXXV.  23)  ;  plaques,  B.  Mus.  (P.  Sc.  1602), 
Newberry  ;  ostrakon,  C.  Mus.  (Dy.  O.  25290). 

Neferrenpit^  B,  scribe  of  granaries,  B.  Mus.  stele 
132  (Lb.  D.  890). 

Neferrenpit^  C,  keeper  of  stores  of  Ptah,  yr.  30, 
stele,  Apis  IV.  (M.S.  iii.  18). 

Neferrefipit^  D,  cemetery  official,  steles,  Berlin,  2093. 
T.  Mus.  (L.T.  1592). 

Nefermiit^  qemat  oi  Amen,  stele,  P.  Mus.  (P.R.  ii.  77). 

Nefertari^  A,  second  name  of  Thiy. 


B.C.  1300-I234.] 


PRIVATE  MONUMENTS 


97 


Ncferfni'i,  B,  qcmat  of  Amen,  Abydos,  stele  (M.A. 

1128)  ;  Xaples  (B.T.  955). 
Nefu^  chief  archer  of  the  troops.    Naples  (B.T.  955). 
Nchaiemuay  qcmat  of  Hathor,  Ab\dos,  stele  (M.A. 

1 138). 

Nehesi,  vizier,  as  treasurer.  Statue,  B.  Mus.  (A.  B.  55). 
Nekhtnibi^  chief  archer,  Aswan  stele  (L.D.  175  i)  ; 

girdle  amulet,  red  glass.    F.P.  Coll. 
Nekhtsii^  over  stores  of  Ptah,  vr.  30,  Apis  stele 

(M.S.  iii.  18). 

Nekhtu,  adoring  Queen  Xefertari,  tomb  (L.D.  195  d). 
Nezein^  keeper  of  Ramesseum,  stele  (Ab.  ii.  xxxviii.). 
Nese?7i,  over  king's  travelling.    Plaque.    F.P.  Coll. 
Nezemger^  over   the  water   of   Ramesseum,  tomb 

(C.N.  i.  519)  (R.L.  134)  ;  stele,  yr.  62,  B.  Mus. 
Paka,  scribe  in  Ramesseum,  Assassif  tomb. 
Pakamsi^  amulet,  Serapeum.    P.  Mus.  (P.L.  546). 
Pajuay,  scribe  of  table,  plaque,  T.  JNIus.  (P.  Sc.  1601). 
Panehes,  kascna,  B.  Mus.,  stele  166  (Lb.  D.  888). 
Paiiehesi,  scribe  and  treasurer  (vizier  under  Meren- 

ptah),  kneeling  figure,  Thebes,   B.   Mus.  51  b 

(Lb.  D.  885;  A.B.  pi.  55). 
Pamemhcb^  keeper  of  cattle  of  Ramesseum,  Rouen, 

ushabti  (Rec.  ii.  151). 
Parahotep,  vizier,  brother  of  Unnefer,  stele  (>LA. 

II26=^LA.  ii.  41)  ;  stele,  P.  Mus.,  A.  66  (P.R. 

i.  3-5)  ;  stele  with  May  (^LA.  1160)  ;  squatting 

figure,  granite  (Ab.  ii.  xxxv.  2,  xxxvii.);  on  vase, 

Abydos  (Rec.  xxiv.  164)  ;  plaque,  Murch  Coll. 

Rahotep,  vizier,  his  son. 
Pasahuta^  scribe  of  temple,  son  of  Roma,  Abydos, 

steles  (^LA.  1 131-2). 
Pasar,  a,   vizier    (see    S.B.A.   xxiv.   324);  tomb, 

Qurneh  (C.N.  i.  520-5,  846-7;  C.^L  170;  L.D. 

iii.  132  n-r  ;  B.T.  1224);  much  under  Sety  L; 

steles  at  Faras  =  Mashakit  (C.N.  i.  38,  40,  609)  ; 

P.  Mus.  (P.L.  pp.  83,  345);  in  Wady  south  of  Deir 

el  Medineh  ;  from  Thebes  (S.B.A.  xxii.  62)  ;  at 

Antwerp  (Rec.  xxii.  no)  ;  in  scene  Beit  el  Wally 

(CM.  68,  69;  L.D.  iii.  176)  ;  statues^  three  in  C. 

HI — 7 


98 


RA-MESSU  II 


[DYN.  XIX.  3. 


Mus.  (Rec.  xxvii.  71)  ;  two  in  Carlsberg  (S.G.C. 
pp.  95,  98)  ;  from  Nubia,  B.  Mus.  (A.B.  pi.  51)  ; 
kneeling,  Alnwick  (Cat.  72,  pi.  A) ;  from  Tell 
Robb  (S.B.A.  XV.  523)  ;  dedication  of  statue, 
Abu  Simbel  (L.D.  iii.  196  b)  ;  stele,  Antwerp 
(Rec.  xxii.  no);  ushabtis  (S.B.A.  xxii.  63); 
pectoral,  Serapeum  (M.S.  iii.  12);  uas  amulet, 
P.  Mus.  (P.L.  522);  blue  glazed  cup,  P.  Mus. 
(P.L.  90,  368);  plaques,  T.  Mus.;  P.  Mus. 
(P.L.  512);  Ward  Coll.  (S.B.A.  xxii.  63); 
model  palette  with  cartouche  (Liverpool)  ;  beads, 


Fig.  38. — Pectoral  of  Pasar,  Serapeum.    AI.S.  12. 


carnelian,  P.  Mus.  (P.R.  ii.  85;  M.S.  iii.  11); 

glazed  (P.P.  Coll.)  ;  adoring  in  tomb  of  Ken, 

Deir  el  Medineh  (S.B.A.  viii.  230). 
Pasar^  B  (same  as  A?),  viceroy  of  Kush,  Naples 

(B.T.  953). 
Pasar,  C,  scribe  (L.D.  iii.  184  d). 

Pasar,   D,   housekeeper    in    Ramesseum,  Assassif, 
tomb. 

Pasaru,  scribe,  yr.  62,  B.  Mus.,  stele  163  (Lb.  D. 
Pashema,  chief  artist,  Gizeh  (L.D.  iii.  142  i). 


.c.  1300-1234.]  PRIVATE  MONUMENTS 


99 


Pe7ibuy,  sedem  em  ast,  tomb,  Deir  el  Medineh  (L.D. 
iii.  2  b,  173  c)  ;  steles,  C.  Mus.;  T.  Mus.;  wood 
statuette  (all  Rec.  ii.  176;  L.T.  1559,  3048). 

Pejinestaui,  scribe  of  table,  stele,  P.  Mus.  (P.R. 
ii.  77). 

Pennesiitaiii^  chief  archer  of  Kush.  Naples  (B.T. 
953)- 

Peiipacia,  scribe  of  palace,  Abydos,  stele  (M.xA.  1128). 
Peiitaiir,  A,  scribe,  see  under  Kaniak. 
Pentaur,  B,  zat,  Abydos,  stele  (M.A.  1138). 


Fig.  39. — Penbuy,  wooden  statue.  Turin. 


Peryiie/er,  scribe  of  royal  table,  Abydos,  stele  (M.A. 

1 1 28);  stele,  Bolog-na  (W.G.  supp.  p.  56). 
Piaay,  kherheh  Serapeum  steles,  Apis  IV.,  yr.  30 

(M.S.  iii.  15,  16;  Rec.  xxi.  72-3;  B.T.  965). 
Piaay,  over  crops  of  Ramesseum  ;  tomb  Drah  abul 

Negga  ;  squatting  figure,  B.  Mus.  46  (Lb.  D. 

887)  ;    same  ?    chief  archer    of  the  chariots. 

Naples  (B.T.  955). 
Pfahe?niia,  A,  over  cattle    of   Ramesseum,  statue 

(P.  Ab.  Ixvii.). 


lOO 


RA-MESSU  II 


[dYN.  XIX.  3. 


Ptahemua^    B,    over    treasury   of   Ramesseum  at 

Memphis  (M.D.  Ixii.  c). 
Ptahemiia^  C,  royal  scribe,  Thebes.    Stele,  B.  Mus. 

167. 

Ptahherau^  scribe,  stele,  C.  Mus. 

Ptahiy,  kherheb,  stele.  Apis  IV.,  yr.  30  (M.S.  iii.  15; 

Rec.  xxi.  71). 
PtaJuna,  kazena^  B.  Mus.,  stele  166  (Lb.  D.  888). 
Ptahmay\  A,  priest  of  Ptah,  statue,   Berlin  2297  ; 

stele,  T.  Mus.  (L.T.  1572  ;  Lb.  D.  811). 
Ptahmay^   B,  over   the   aht^   B.    Mus.  ;    stele  166 

(Lb.  D.  888). 

Ptahmery^  scribe  of  the  table,  kneeling'  figure,  B. 
Mus.  (A.  B.  pi.  54). 

Ptahmes^  A,  Prince,  over  temple  of  Ptah,  treasurer 
over  works  of  monuments,  general ;  living  eyes 
and  ears  of  the  king.  Pillars  and  slabs  of  tomb, 
Leyden  (L.  Mon.  iii.  xvii.-xx. ;  K.  10-13,  and 
XXV.  xxvi. ;  K.  16);  stele,  F.  Mus.  (S.  Cat.  F. 
1600)  ;  stele,  C.  Mus.  (M.D.  62  d). 

Ptalwies,  B,  divine  father  of  Ptah,  figure,  Leyden 
(L.  Mon.  ii.  xi.;  D.  45). 

Ptahmes^  C,  scribe,  keeper  of  temple  of  Ptah,  stele, 
Apis  IV.,  yr.  30  (M.S.  iii.  18)  ;  carnelian  serpent 
amulet.    F.P.  Coll. 

Ptahncferlier,  ushabti,  yr.  26,  vSerapeum  (M.S.  iii. 

14). 

Qedit,  shabti,  Serapeum  (M.S.  iii.  14). 

Qe7iy  zat  of  Amen,  tomb  (S.B.A.  viii.  230)  ;  steles, 
Turin  (L.T.  1634-5  5  I^^c.  ii.  193-4)  >  Pisa 
(Rec.  i.  136,  iii.  103)  ;  Copenhagen  (Rec.  i.  136, 
ii.  193-4). 

Rahotep,  a,  vizier  (son  ot  Parahotep),  Abydos, 
stele  (M.A.  1138);  stele,  Memphis,  C.  Mus. 
(B.T.  950)  ;  stele,  B.  Mus.  796  (Lb.  D.  997)  ; 
piece  of  stone  palette  seen  in  Cairo  1900;  of 
Ram.  II.  ?  before  being  vizier,  on  statue,  Abydos 
(Ab.  ii.  xxxvii.). 

Rahotep^  B,  divine  father  of  Hershefi,  Abydos,  stele 
(M.A.  1 138). 


.c.  1300-1234.] 


PRIVATE  MONUMENTS 


lOI 


Rames,  A,  kherheb^  stele,  Apis  IV.,  yr.  30  (M.S.  iii. 

15  ;  Rec.  xxi.  71). 
Rames^  B,  scribe  of  ast  maat,  tomb,  Deir  el  Medineh 

(S.B.A.  viii.  229) ;  ?  steles,  T.  Mus.  (L.T.  1601-3) ; 

wooden  statue,  T.  Mus.  (Rec.  ii.  185  ;  L.T.  3046); 

?  same  as  scribe  of  treasury,  palette,  P.  Mus. 

(P.R.  i.  90). 

Ra?nes-user-pehti,  fan-bearer,  on  Osiris  statue,  Helio- 
polis,  with  Ram.  II.  and  Merenptah  (N.Y.  65). 

Rameses,  vizier,  stele  of  Tanis  (Rev.  A.  xi.  pi.  iv.). 

Raiueses-asatc-heb,  architect  of  Abu  Simbel,  stele, 
rock  (CM.  ix.  2). 

Ra77ieses-nekhi2t,  keeper  of  house  in  Ramesseum. 
Brussels,  stele  (S.B.A.  xi.  261). 


Fig.  40. — Plaques  of  Baken'amen  and  Rameses 'user 'her -khepesh. 
F.P.  Coll. 

Rameses-user-her-khepesh,  keeper  of  great  treasury  of 

S.  and  N.  plaque.    F.P.  Coll. 
RamessiL^  kherheb  of  Ramesseum,  pyramid,  Vienna 

(Rec.  ix.  51). 
Ranpu^  royal  scribe,  stele,  B.  Mus.  161. 
Ra-user-ma-nekhty  scribe  remembrancer  (F.S.  311). 
Riya,  Riaay,  kherheb,  stele,  Apis  IV.,  yr.  30  (M.S. 

iii.  16  ;  Rec.  xxi.  72). 
Roma,  priest  of  Min  and  Isis  (B.T.  954). 
Roma,  priest  of  Amen,  Berlin  pap.  (AiZ.  xvii.  72). 
Sehotep-atefi-khetef,  chief  boatman.    P.  Mus.,  stele 

c.  95  (P.R.  ii.  i). 
Sekhetnefert,  stele.  Apis  IV.,  yr.  30  (M.S.  iii.  18). 
Setau,  a,  viceroy  of  Kush,  wife,  Ain,  adoring  Horus 

of  Nekhen,  statue,  Mulhausen  (Rec.  xxii.  113); 


I02 


RA-MESSU  II 


[dYN.  XIX.  3. 


sister,  Nefertmut,  Sehel  (M.I.  i.  pp.  97,  174 ; 
another,  M.D.  Ixxi.  27),  and  in  tomb  Feras  (S.I. 

ii.  39)  ;  lid  of  sarcophagus,  B.  Mus.  78  ;  statue 
(Rec.  xxii.  113);  base  of  statue  with  titles.  El 
Kab  (L.D.  iii.  174  c)  ;  in  temple  of  Ram.  II., 
Abydos  (B.R.  i.  xii.)  ;  block,  Abydos  (B.T.  1223)  ; 
chapel  of  Ram.  II.,  El  Kab  (L.D.T.  iv.  38); 
statues^  Gerf  Huseyn,  Berlin  2283  (L.D.  178  f-i)  ; 
another,  Berlin  2287  ;  ushabtis,  T.  Mus.,  B.  Mus. 
8700  a  ;  steles^  Aswan  (M.I.  i.  pp.  28,  3,  4)  ;  Abu 
Simbel,  yr.  38  (L.D.  iii.  195  b,  c)  ;  Ibrim  (L.D. 

iii.  184  d)  ;  Amada  (CM.  45,  4)  ;  reel  of  pottery 
(P.L.  pp.  158,  636)  ;  on  stele  of  Pen-nestaui,  P. 
Mus.  (P.R.  ii.  77). 

Setaii,  B,  director  of  works,  plaque,  Czartoriski  Coll.; 

same,  stele,  B.  Mus.  556. 
Set'hotep,  stele  of  yr.  V  ;  Sarabit. 
Set'nekht^  stele  of  yr.  \'I  ;  Sarabit. 
Sety,  vizier.    Stele,  Tanis  (Rev.  A.  xi.  pi.  iv.). 
Siast^  A,  keeper  of  granary  of  temple  of  Merenptah, 

statue  (Rec.  xii.  3). 
Siast,  B,  first  priestof  Osiris;  group,  Abydos (R. M. A.). 
Siroi,  royal  scribe,  statue,  Karnak  (Rec.  xxvii.  71). 
Simuro,  chief  prophet.    Naples  (B.T.  955). 
Suy,  kazena,  stele,  B.  Mus.  (Lb.  D.  888)  ;  shabti, 

Serapeum  (M.S.  iii.  14). 
Tahiitmes^  vineyard  overseer,  ostrakon  (A.Z.  xxi.  34). 
Tahutmes^  scribe,  tomb,  Assassif ;  piece  of  temple, 

F.  Mus.  (S.  Cat.  F.  1800). 
Tahutmes  named  Rames^    stele,  Apis  IV.,  yr.  30 

(M.S.  iii.  15  ;  Rec.  xxi.  71  ;  B.T.  965). 
Tahiitiemheb ^  steles.  Apis  IV.,  yr.  30  (M.S.  iii.  17)  ; 

L.  Mus.  (L.M.E.  p.  272,  V.  17). 
Takemay^  qeinat  of  Amen,  Abydos,  stele  (M.A.  1128). 
Thaa^  treasurer  of  Ramesseum,  king's  tutor,  fan- 
bearer,  P.  Mus.  7717  (A.Z.  xix.  118);  F.  Mus. 

(S.  Cat.  F.  1598). 
Thaa,  qe??ia^  of  Amen,  Abydos,  stele  (M.A.  1128). 
Thathaa,  son  of  Pasar,  over  the  ahii,  chief  priest 

(C.N.  i.  523). 


B.C.  1300-1234.] 


PRIVATE  MONUMENTS 


T03 


Thenrii,  scribe,  Abydos,  stele  (M.A.  11  28). 
Thiy'y  daughter  of  Pasar,  hesyt  of  the  palace  (C.N. 
j-  523)- 

Thiy  Nefertari^  great  qemai  of  Amen,  group,  Abydos 

(Ab.  i.  Ixv.)  ;  Naples  (B.T.  954,  No.  9). 
Tiiaa^  qemat  oi  Amen,  Abydos,  stele  (M.A.  1128). 
Tuy,  ge??ia^  of  ^lut,  Abydos,  stele  (M.A.  1128). 
Uaay,  qemat  of  Amen.    Naples  (P.T.  955). 
Uazmes,  sedem,  steles,  T.  Mus.  (L.T.  1463  ;  Rec.  ii. 

188;  L.T.  1548). 
Unnefer,  A,  high  priest  of  Amen.   Naples  (Lb.  D.  905). 
Unnefer,  B,   high  priest  of  Osiris,  granite  group 

with  Mery  his  father,  Abydos,  C.  Mus.  (R.^LA. 

xxxvii.);  granite  squatting  figure,  x\bydos(P.  Ab. 

Ixv.)  ;  group,  Naples  (B.T.  953)  ;  diorite  statue, 

P.  Mus.,  A.  67  (R.N.M.  p.  36;  P.R.  i.  3-5); 

and  sister  Thiy,  granite  group,  Abydos  (P.  Ab. 

Ixv.)  ;  pieces  of  statues  (P.  Ab.  p.  46,  Ixvii.)  ; 

steles,  Xhydos,  C.  Mus.  (M.A.  1126);  P.  Mus., 

A.  66,  C.  97  (Lb.  D.  895) ;  Abydos  ( Ab.  ii.  xxxviii.). 
Unnefer,  C,  priest  of  Mut,  Berlin  pap.  (A.Z.  xvii.  72). 
Untaperit,  prince  of  Nubia,  Karnak  (Rec.  xxvii.  71). 
Usekht,  priest  of  Anhur  and  Amen,  Abydos,  stele 

(M.A.  1138). 

Userhat,  keeper  of  palace  of  Thiy,  Qurneh,  tomb. 
Userjnentu,  priest  of  Amen,  Berlin  pap.  (A.Z.  xvii. 

72). 

Yupa,  keeper  of  house  in  Ramesseum,  overseer  of 
works  on  monuments  ;  sarcophagus,  Brussels  ; 
statuette,   Meux  Coll.  ;   stele,  T.   Mus.  (L.T. 

1465)-. 

Yupa,  scribe  over  granaries,  squatting  figure,  C. 

Mus.  (R.E.  31)  ;  P.  Mus.  (P.R.  ii.  11). 
Yuyu,  son  of  Unnefer  ;  priest  of  Osiris,  statue,  P. 

Mus.,  A.  67  (P.R.  ii.  53)  ;  black  granite  statue, 

P.    Mus.  (Lb.   D.    2538)  ;    on   group,  Abydos 

(R.M.A.);  naos,  Abydos  (M.O.). 
 ,  chief  of  workmen  of  Ramesseum,  stele,  P. 

Mus.  (P.R.  ii.  50). 


I04 


BA-N-RA-MERY-AMEN  [dyn.  xix.  4- 


XIX.  4. 

BA'N'RA-MERY'AMEN 


H  OTEP  -HER  •  MAAT  * 
MeREN'PTAH 


Mummy,  from  tomb  of  Amenhotep  II.,    (Rec.  xxii.   136;  xxiii. 

C.  Mus.  32  ;  Ms.  Q.G.  422). 

Tomb,  No.  8,  in  valley  of  Kings'  Tombs    (L.D.T.  iii.  200;  M.A.F. 

iii.  35  ;  L.D.  iii.  203  a  ; 

CM.     252,    252  B  ; 

N.L.S.  xviii. -xxiii.). 


Sarabit  el  Khadem 
Tanis 


Nebesheh 


Mendes 
Tell  Mokdam 
Tell  el  Yehudiyeh 

Bubastis 


Athribis 

Heliopolis 

Memphis 

Serapeum 

Herakleopolis 

Surarieh 

Eshmuneyn 

Tell  el  Amarna 

Meshekh 

Abvdos 


Nubt 

Koptos 
Karnak 


Door  jamb  and  vases 
Two  granite  statues 
and  many  usurpations. 
Blocks 

Column  with  hawk  over 
king 

and  blocks  of  limestone. 
Blocks 

Usurped  statue 

Lotus  column  and  group 

Alabaster  vase 

Statue  of  red  limestone 

Scenes  as  prince 

Fragments  of  statue 

Granite  stele 

Building  mentioned 

Granite  column 

Sphinx  headless.  P.  Mus. 

Xamed  in  temple 

Rock  shrine 

Pylon,  etc. 

Name  in  quarry 

Repaired  temple  of  Ram. 

II. 
Osireion 

Three  statues,  probably 

usurped 
Inscription    on  temple 

gate 
Block 
Statue 

Libyan  war  inscription 


(W.R.S.117,130-4). 
(P.T.  ii.  vii.). 

(P.T.  ii.  vii.). 
(P.N.  31). 


(N.A.  18). 
(M.D.63C;  N.A. 28). 
(N.Y.  41). 
(N.Y.  41). 
(N.B.  45). 
(N.B.  43,  xxxvi.). 
(N.B.  45). 
(A.Z.  xxi.  65). 
(CM.  121). 
(A.Z.  xix.  1 19). 
(W.G.  479). 
(N.A.  10). 
(L.D.  iii.  198). 
(Ms.  Q.G.  5,  138). 
(P.A.  4). 
(M.D.  p.  27). 


(M.O. 
(M.A. 


3,  4)- 


(P.N.B.  70). 

(P.  Kop.  16). 
(Rec.  xxvii.  71). 
(M.K.  52-55;  R.P. 
IV.  39). 


B.C.  1234-1214.] 

Karnak 
Qurneh 


Ramesseum 
Deir  el  Bahri 

Medinet  Habu 
W.  Silsileh, 

steles  on  rock 
(inferior  editions 

omitted) 


Elephantine 
Aswan 
Dakkeh 
Amada 
Wady  Halfeh 


MEREN-PTAH 

Fragments  of  above 

Usurpations 

Temple  of  Sety  I. 

Temple  of  Merenptah 
Great  stele  of  war 


Statues 

Inscription  on  pillar 
Inscription    by  granite 

door 
Inscription 

M.   offering  to  Amen, 

with  Roy 
M.    offering  to  Amen, 

with  Xehesi 
M,   offering   to  Osiris, 

Isis,  Horus 
M.   offering  to  Osiris, 

Isis,  Ramessu  II, 
M.  offering  to  Astnefert, 

Xehesi,  Amen,  INIut 
M.  offering  to  nine  gods 
M.    offering  to  Amen, 

Horus,  and  Isis 
M.,      Astnefert,  son 

Alerenptah,  offering 
Hymn  to  Nile 
Statue 

Stele  of  Messu}' 
Inscription  on  temple 
Triumphal  inscription 
S.  temple  adoration  by 
Nehesi 


105 

(A.S.  ii.  269;  B.  Rs. 

190,  194). 
(C.N.  ii.  130;  W.G. 

479)- 

(C.N.   i.   697,  699, 
700). 

(P.S.T.  p.  1 1,  XXV.). 
(P.S.T.  p.  26,  xiii., 

xiv.;  A.Z.  xxxiv. 

I ;  Rec.  XX.  31,32). 
(P.S.T.  vi.  12,  13). 
(L.D.  iii.  219  c). 
(L. D.  iii.  199  b). 

(L.D.  iii.  199  c). 
(L.D.  iii.  200  a). 

(L.D.  iii.  200  c). 

(L. D.  iii.  200  e). 

(CM.  103,  4). 

(CM.  114). 

(R.S.  119). 
(R.R.  34). 

(R.R.  35)- 

(L.D.  iii.  200  d). 
(My.  E.  521). 
(M.I.  i.  18,  No.  87). 
(L.L.  124). 
(Rec.  xviii.  159). 
(Rec.  xvii.  162,  No. 
14,  W.  and  S.). 


Statues  (beside  those  of  known  sites) — 

Kneeling,  holding  Osiris  C  Mus.    (Ms.  Q.G.  134). 

Osiris  with  Merenptah  (Ms.  Q.G.  161). 

Bust,  two  pieces  at  Alexandria  (W.G.    479;  Ms. 

Q.G.  99). 

Bust,  head  lost  Meuricoffre  Coll.     (W.G.  479). 

Base  Turin  (L.T.  1382). 

Fragment  of  statue  Copenhagen  (S.M.C.  19). 

Usurped  statues  frequent    Tanis,  etc. 

Portraits  (L.  D.  iii.  298,  62-64  ; 

R.S.  vii.}. 


io6 


BA-N  -RA-MERY-AMEX 


[UYN.  XIX.  4. 


Stele  offering  captive  to  Ptah  Florence  (S.  Cat.  F,  1601). 

Sphinx,  red  g-ranite  P.  Mus.  (R.M.L.  23). 

Scarabs,  many  with  Tahutmes  III,  or  Ramessu 
II. 

Papyrus,  4  Khoiak  to  29  Athyr  in  Ilird  year  (S.  Pap.  156-7). 

Papyrus  of  Bakenamen  Bologna  (T.S.B.A.  vii.  411). 

Papyrus  of  Vlllth  year  Bologna  (L.K.R.  13). 

Queeti — AsTNEFERT,  probably  9th  daughter 

of  Ramessu  II.  (CM.  114,  121). 

Setv  Merenptah  II.  (X.B.  45  ;  Ms.  O.G. 

165). 

Daughter — Arit-nefert,  in  account  papyrus       (Rec.  xvii.  152). 
Worshipped — On  stele  from  Serapeum.    P,  Mus. 

Dated  dominents — 


YEAR 

I  Rameses-heru      Stele  P.  Mus.  (P.  R.  i.  66). 

I  Pentaur  Stele  C.  Mus.  (M.A.  ii.  49). 

1  Paophi  5  Silsileh  stele  (L.  D.  iii.  200  d). 

2  Thoth  29  Medinet  Habu  (L.D.  iii.  199  c). 

2  Mesore  5  Silsileh  stele  (CM.  114). 

3  Hathor  .  .  .  Deir  el  Bahri  inscription  (L.D.  iii.  199  b). 
3  Pakhons  15  to  25  Frontier  diary  (A.Z.  xvii.  29), 

3  Pauni  ID  In  papyrus  Bakenamen  (T.S.B.A.  vii.  415). 

5  Pauni  News  of  Libyan  advance  (A.Z.  xix.  118). 

5  Epiphi  3  Libyan  battle,  Israel  stele  (P.S.T.  26). 

5  Epiphi  3  Stele  Cairo  (A.Z.  xxi.  65). 

5   Temple  Xubt  (P. X.B.  70). 

8  Hathor  29  Papyrus  Bologna  (T.S.B.A.  vii.  423). 


Officials — 

Avienemheh^  scribe  of  table,  statue,  limestone,  Liver- 
pool (G.L.  52). 

Aiihtinnes,  high  priest  of  Anhur,  tomb,  Meshevkh 
(M.D.  78). 

Banazaiia  of  Zarbasana  on  stele  (M.A.  ii.  50). 
Hora  over  scribe  of  royal  table,  statue,   P.  Mus. 
(P.R.  9). 

Kha-em-tir^  tomb,  Qurneh  (L.D.  iii.  199  g). 

Khem-iiti^  limestone  statue,  Bologna  (W.G.  480). 

Mes,  Prince  of  Kush.    Aswan,  stele  (L.D.  iii.  200  f). 

Messuy,  Prince  of  Kush.  Aswan,  stele  (M.L  i.  18, 
No.  87  ;  P.S.  70). 

Nehesi,  vizier,  etc.,  4  steles  at  Silsileh  (L.D.  iii. 
200  c  ;  CM.  103,  114,  121);  on  temple  Wady 
Halfeh  (Rec.  xvii.  162,  163,  pillar  14). 


B.C.  1234-1214.I 


MEREN-PTAH 


107 


Pentatir,   washer   of   king's    hands,   stele,  Abydos 

(M.A.  ii.  49). 
Rameses^  priest,  stele,  B.  Mus. 

Rameses-em-per-Ra^  called  Memiiu,  chief  washer  of 
king's  hands,  stele,  C.  Mus.  (M.A.  ii.  50). 

Ra7Jieses-heru,  washer  of  king's  hands,  stele,  P.  Mus. 
(P.R.  i.  66). 

Roy,  high  priest  of  Amen,  stele,  Silsileh  (L.D.  iii. 
200  a). 

Roy,   high   priest    of  Amen,    statue,    Karnak  (B. 

Mus.)  ;  another,  C.  Mus.  (Rec.  xxvii.  71). 
Sa-ast,  scribe   of  granary,  palace  keeper,  statue, 

Vienna  (Rec.  xii.  2). 
Sekhet-nefert,  chief  kemat  of  Anhur  (M.D.  78). 
Yiipa  aa,  father  of  Rameses-em-per-Ra  (M.A.  ii.  50). 
Yuy,  scribe,  stele,  Sehel  (M.I.  i.  91,  No.  92). 

Merenptah  was  the  thirteenth  son  of  Ramessu  II., 
born  probably  about  his  26th  year,  or  8th  of  his  reign  ; 
he  succeeded  to  the  heirship  probably  on  the  death  of 
Khaemuas  in  the  55th  year  of  his  father's  reign,  when 
he  was  about  47  ;  but  he  did  not  reach  the  throne  till 
the  58th  year  of  his  age,  and  he  was  never  co-regent, 
as  there  are  dates  of  his  first  year.  The  length  of  his 
reign  was  over  8  years  by  the  monuments  ;  and  as 
Manetho,  according  to  Josephus,  gives  19  years  6 
months,  and  20  years  by  the  whole  number  of  Africanus, 
we  ought  to  accept  this  amount.  His  earlier  monu- 
ments, as  prince,  are  already  mentioned  in  his  father's 
reign. 

The  earlier  years  seem  to  have  been  tranquil,  only  a 
few  religious  and  private  steles  being  found  of  these 
dates  :  those  at  Silsileh  do  not  seem  to  refer  to  the 
Nile  levels,  as  Paophi  5  was  August  2,  and  Mesore  5 
was  May  30.  Of  the  third  year  there  is  a  fragment  of 
a  report  of  an  official  on  the  Syrian  frontier,  showing 
how  in  ten  days  there  were  eight  important  people 
passing  the  frontier  and  seven  official  despatches, 
implying  much  intercourse  across  the  long  and  for- 
bidding desert  journey  (B.H.  ii.  126). 


io8 


BAN-RA-MERY-AMEN 


[DYN.  XIX.  4. 


The  later  years  of  Ramessu  had  been  a  time  of 
gradual  decay  ;  and  the  ever-pressing  western  tribes 
had  been  quietly  settling-  on  the  edges  of  the  Nile 
valley,  on  the  cultivated  land,  and  even  down  to  the 
side  of  the  Nile  (see  M.K.  52;  B.H.  ii.  116;  R.P.  iv. 
39,  line  19),  and  remaining  there  for  months  together, 
having  already  occupied  the  oasis  of  Bahrieh,  and 
ravaged  the  oasis  of  Farafreh  (1.  20).  Merenptah  had 
been  organising  (1.  11)  for  an  approaching  struggle; 

and  in  his  Vth  year  a 
general  advance  of  the 
Libyans  and  their  allies 
was  made  in  full  force. 
The  Libyan  king,  Mar- 
meryui,  had  gathered 
them  together  in  the 
month  of  Pachons 
(March)  (1.  13)  ;  and 
early  in  Pauni,  or  the 
beginning  of  April  (A.Z. 
xix.  118),  news  came 
that  the  invasion  had 
begun.  Merenptah  ap- 
pointed the  14th  of 
Pauni  (April  8)  for  the 
gathering  of  the  Egyp- 
tian troops  under  him 

Fig.  41. -Merenptah.  grev  granite        0'    28).      The  invasion 
figure  from  his  temple.    Thebes.  was  evidently  timed  tO 

seize  the  harvest,  as  the 
wheat  is  reaped  in  the  latter  part  of  April  ;  beginning 
2nd  April  in  the  south,  and  2nd  May  in  the  Delta,  and 
ending  12th  May  (Coptic  calendar).  The  Egyptians 
awaited  the  invasion  at  Pa-ari-sheps,  which  Brugsch 
well  identifies  with  the  nome  of  Prosopis,  the  capital 
of  which  was  Nikiou  (Ptol.  Geog.),  probably  at  Ed 
Dahariyeh  (P.  Nk.  93),  near  Kafr  ez  Zayat.  The 
invaders  were  apparently  therefore  advancing  along 
the  coast  and  the  western  edge  of  the  Delta.  On 
Epiphi  I  (April  25)  the  invaders  came  in  touch  with  the 


B.C.  1234-1214. 


MEREXPTAH 


109 


Eg-yptians  (1.  31)  at  dawn  ;  for  two  days  the  straggling 
mass  of  auxiliaries  was  being  concentrated,  and  Meren- 
ptah  must  have  deliberately  let  them  join,  in  order  to 
be  able  to  give  a  crushing  blow  once  for  all.  On 
Epiphi  3  (I.  31),  when  the  Libyan  king  had  joined  the 
host,  the  Egyptians  gave  battle.  The  tactics  are 
revealed  by  the  statement  that  the  archers  slew  the 
enemy  for  six  hours  ;  after  which,  the  attack  was  with 
the  sword.  There  are  no  bows  stated  among  the 
Libyan  spoils,  and  they  seem  to  have  relied  entirely  on 
hand  to  hand  fighting  and  chariots  ;  hence  they  were 
much  in  the  position  of  the  Franks  in  the  great  battle 
of  Casilinum,  where  Narses  exterminated  them  (Oman, 
Art  of  War,  ii.  36).  That  parallel  victory  was  entirely 
due  to  flanking  the  enemy  with  archers  at  a  distance, 
who — refusing  close  quarters — kept  up  such  incessant 
slaughter  and  galling  with  arrows,  that  the  whole 
mass  of  the  enemy  gradually  fell  into  confusion,  lost 
heart,  and  at  last  broke  and  fled.  Such  are  the  true 
tactics  of  a  small  civilised  army  against  a  large  un- 
organised host  ;  and  we  continue  the  same  ourselves 
in  repelling  rushes  of  an  enemy  by  fire,  and  never 
letting  him  get  to  close  quarters.  This  battle  shows 
Merenptah  to  have  been  a  true  general,  who  could 
adapt  his  methods,  and  organise  a  victory.  His 
choice  of  the  region  of  Kafr  ez  Zayat  for  the  battle 
was  evidently  because  the  enemy  was  bound  to  cross 
the  Nile  there,  in  order  to  get  sustenance  for  their 
march,  as  south  of  that  the  desert  leaves  no  cultiva- 
tion west  of  the  Nile.  The  actual  fighting  ground 
would  probably  be  between  El  Dahariyeh  and  En 
Negileh. 

On  the  breaking  of  the  Libyan  host  the  king  fled, 
leaving  his  weapons,  his  treasures  of  silver  and  gold 
and  bronze,  his  wife's  jewellery,  his  thrones,  and 
camp  equipage  (1.  36)  ;  and  then  the  Egyptians  loosed 
their  chariots  to  chase  the  foe  and  complete  the  rout 
(1.  38).  The  western  frontier  garrisons  sent  back 
news  of  the  final  flight  of  the  king  from  Egypt  ; 
and  the  victors  kept  a  ghastly  tally  of  the  dead  by 


1  lO 


BA-N -RA-MERY-AMEN  [dyn.  xix.  4. 


mutilating  them.  The  whole  record  of  the  victory 
shows  as — 


Slain — King's  children  and  brothers   .           .  6 

Lebu      .....  6,359 

Shakalsha         ....  242 

Tursha  .....  750 

Shairdana         .           .           .           .  .r' 

Aqayuasha        .           .           .           .  x 


Total  otherwise  given  as  .  8,481 

Captive — (Names  lost)  ....  9,146 
Lebu  .  .  .  .  .218 

Harem  of  the  chief    .  .  .12 


Total  stated  as  .  .  9,376 

Booty — Bronze  swords  of  Mashauasha  .  9,111 

(Weapons?)      .  .  .  120,214 

Horses  of  the  Lebu      .  .  .      113  ■ 

Cattle  .....  1,308 
Goats     .  .  .  .  .  X 

(Metal  vases?)  .  .  .  -54 

Silver  drinking  bowls,  vases,  swords 
104,  breastplates,  bronze  razors, 
bronze  vases,  total    .  .  .3,174 

The  91 1 1  swords  appear  to  be  the  arms  of  those  who 


were  taken  alive,  the  120,214  weapons  to  be  the  general 
spoil  of  the  battlefield,  and  the  3174  articles  and  the 
cattle  to  be  the  camp  plunder.  The  Egyptians  then 
burnt  the  skin  tents,  and  all  the  rest  of  the  qairmata^ 
perhaps  hangings  and  bedding  [qaram^  Heb.  to  spread 
or  cover).  The  civilisation  of  the  Libyans  is  shown  to 
have  been  far  from  barbaric  ;  they  had  plenty  of  bronze 
weapons,  and  even  vessels  of  silver  and  bronze  were 
taken  with  them  on  this  campaign. 

The  question  now  is,  what  peoples  formed  this 
alliance  against  Egypt?  The  names  here  are  Aqayu- 
asha, Turisha,  Leku  or  Luku,  Shardena,  and  Shakalsha, 
allied  to  the  Lebu  and  termed  in  general  Mashauasha. 
It  is  only  complicating  the  question  to  lump  these 
names  with  those  of  the  tribes  who  fought  in  Syria 
against  Ramessu  IL  and  IIL  Only  the  Luku  also 
occur  in  both  those  lists,  and  the  Shaklusha  against 


B.C.  1234-1214.] 


MEREN-PTAH 


III 


Ramessu  III.  The  Luku  we  know  to  be  the  Lykian 
pirates  ;  but  the  earlier  and  later  lists  throw  no  light 
on  the  Aqayuasha,  Turisha,  or  Shardena :  and  it  is 
only  a  confusion  to  mix  together  the  tribes  which 
fought  on  the  east  and  those  on  the  west.     Mr.  Hall 


Shardena. 


Fig.  42. — Mashuash,  Shakalsha,  and  Shardena,  from  Medinet  Habu. 

has  well  pointed  out  that  the  -sha  termination  is  an 
ethnic  affix  which  appears  in  the  Lykian  -azzi  and 
Greek  -assos.  Hence  the  actual  names  which  we 
should  look  for  are  Aqayua,  Turi,  Shaklu,  Shardena, 
and  Mashua  as  a  general  name.  The  Mashua  are 
generally  agreed  to  be  the  Maxyes  of  Herodotos,  who 


112 


B  A  •  X  •  R  A  •  M  E  RY  'AM  E  X 


[dY.V.  XIX.  4. 


in  his  time  were  beyond  the  Syrtis  Minor,  towards 
Carthage,  close  to  which  was  the  city  of  Maxula.  And 
it  is  in  this  connection  that  we  should  therefore  expect 
a  priori  to  find  the  other  names  ;  for  if  this  region  were 
not  the  home  of  the  tribes  in  this  period,  yet  if  one  of 
them  shifted  to  this  part  in  later  times,  the  others  are 
likely  to  have  moved  together  in  the  tribal  migration. 
Unfortunately,  in  past  discussions  of  this  subject,  owing 
to  mixing  together  the  lists  of  different  wars,  it  has 


Fig.  43. — Map  of  tribes  in  Algeria  and  Tunis. 


been  usual  to  look  to  the  north,  and  see  in  the 
Akhaians,  the  Tyrseni  or  Tarsus,  and  Sagalassians 
(inland),  the  allies  of  the  Libyans  in  this  North  African 
invasion.  This  is,  however,  very  improbable,  as  we 
cannot  presume  on  an  alliance  of  peoples  from  opposite 
shores  of  the  Mediterranean  unless  some  very  clear 
proof  can  be  given.  We  should  the  rather  seek  first 
whether  such  names  are  found  in  connection  with  the 
Maxyes  ;  and  when  we  look  near  the  Maxyan  region 


B.C.  1234-1214.] 


MEREX-PTAH 


we  might  see  the  Turi  or  Turlsha  in  Turuza  behind  Car- 
thage (long-.  10°),  though  the  connection  under  Ramessu 
III.  makes  a  more  northern  position  probable  ;  the 
Aqayua  in  Agbia  behind  Carthage  (long.  9°)  connected 
with  Agabis  (long.  22^),  and  El  Aghwat  (long.  3°)  ;  the 
Shaklu  in  the  Sikeli,  within  100  miles  of  Africa,  and 
perhaps  a  branch  between  Cyrenaica  and  Egypt  at 
Zagylis  and  Zygris  (B.H.  ii.  124)  ;  while  the  Shardena 
were  well  known  in  the  bodyguard  of  Ramessu  II., 
and  we  cannot  disconnect  them  from — at  least  a  later 
residence  in — Sardinia,  which  is  only  120  miles  from 
the  Tunisian  coast.  We  see  that,  the  generic  term 
Mashua  implying  Tunisia,  we  find  two  of  the  names  in 
Tunisia,  and  two  within  a  day's  sail  of  the  coast.  And 
this  is  more  likely  than  a  confederacy  of  several  Asia 
Minor  peoples  in  a  land  attack  in  Africa.  Certainly 
the  Mashua,  the  Shardena,  and  the  Shakal  are  identical 
in  features  on  the  sculptures  of  Ramessu  III.  (Fig.  42). 

The  head  of  the  confederacy  was  the  chief  of  the 
Libyans,  or  Lebu,  who  is  called  Maur  mey  (or  Mauroy), 
variously  written  as  Marmeyui,  and  Mauriay,  son  of 
Did.  His  flight  is  a  main  subject  of  the  historical 
report,  and  of  the  Song  of  Triumph,  which  is  dated  on 
the  day  of  the  battle  ;  one  copy  of  it  was  found  com- 
plete in  the  funeral  temple  of  Merenptah  (P.S.T.  26), 
and  portions  of  another  copy  are  at  Karnak  (D.H.  i  c). 
In  the  6th  line  we  read,  ''The  wretched  conquered 
prince  of  Libya  fled,  under  the  protection  of  the  night, 
alone,  without  the  plume  on  his  head  ;  his  feet  failed, 
his  women  were  taken  away  before  his  face,  the  pro- 
visions of  his  store  were  plundered.  He  had  no  water 
skin  for  his  sustenance,  his  brothers  plotted  his  murder, 
his  officers  fought  with  one  another  ;  their  camp  was 
burned  to  ashes,  his  whole  property  became  a  booty  of 
the  soldiers.  Arriving  in  his  country  he  lamented, 
every  one  in  his  country  was  ashamed  to  receive  him, 
*  Punished  prince,  evil  fate,  feather,'  called  him  all  the 
inhabitants  of  his  city." 

This  deliverance  of  Egypt  was  celebrated  with  great 
joy,  as  the  Libyans  had  been  making  the  country 
III— 8 


114 


BA-N  RA-MERY-AMEN 


[DYX.  XIX.  4. 


unsafe  for  some  time  before  this;  in  line  22,  "They 
say,  '  Come  far  out  upon  the  roads' ;  there  is  no  fear  in 
the  heart  of  men  ;  the  castles  are  abandoned,  the  walls 
are  opened,  the  messengers  return  home  ;  the  battle- 
ments lie  calm  in  the  sun,  until  their  guards  awake 
the  soldiers  lie  asleep  ;  the  cattle  are  let  out  on  the 
pasture  again,  no  one  fears  to  go  on  the  Nile  ;  by 
night  resounds  not  the  cry  *  Stop '  or  'Come,  come,' 
in  the  mouth  of  the  people  :  One  goes  with  singing, 
there  is  no  more  the  lament  of  sighing  man  ;  the 
villages  are  settled  anew,  he  who  has  tilled  his  crop 
will  eat  it." 

The  same  Song  of  Triumph  gives  also  some  most 
valuable  details  at  the  end  of  it  (1.  26).  "Devastated 
is  Tehenu  (Libya)  ;  Kheta  (Hittite-land)  is  quieted  ;  the 
Kanaan  is  seized  with  every  evil,  led  away  is  Askelon, 
taken  is  Gezer,  Ynuamam  is  brought  to  nought,  the 
people  of  Israel  is  laid  waste — their  crops  are  not, 
Kharu  (Palestine)  has  become  as  a  widow  by  Egypt." 
This  shows  that  some  reassertion  of  Egyptian  rule  had 
been  made  in  Syria,  holding  the  south,  and  command- 
ing the  respect  of  the  north.  The  name  of  the  people 
of  Israel  here  is  very  surprising  in  every  way :  it  is 
the  only  instance  of  the  name  Israel  on  any  monument, 
and  it  is  four  centuries  before  any  mention  of  the  race 
in  cuneiform :  it  is  clearly  outside  of  our  literary 
information,  which  has  led  to  the  belief  that  there  were 
no  Israelites  in  Palestine  between  the  going  into  Egypt 
and  the  entry  at  Jericho  ;  whereas  here  are  Israelites 
mentioned  with  Ynuamu  in  North  Palestine,  at  a  time 
which  must  be  while  the  historic  Israel  was  outside  of 
Palestine,  The  only  likely  conclusion  is  that  there  were 
others  of  the  tribe  left  behind,  or  immediately  returning, 
at  the  time  of  the  famine  ;  and  that  these  kept  up  the 
family  traditions  about  sites  which  were  known  in  later 
times. 

But  the  question  of  the  Exodus  is  made  more  difficult 
by  the  obvious  quietude  of  the  frontier  shown  by  the 
frontier  diary,  already  mentioned,  of  year  3,  and  by  a 
report  of  another  frontier  official  in  year  8.    In  that  he 


B.C.  1234-1214.] 


MERENPTAH 


describes  bringing'  in  a  tribe  of  Shasu  (Bedawin)  from 
Aduma  (Etham,  E.  of  Suez  Canal),  through  the  fortress 
of  Thuku  (Succoth)  to  the  lakes  of  Pa-tum  (Pithom)  in 
the  land  of  Succoth,  to  feed  themselves  and  their  herds. 
As,  however,  the  actual  records  of  the  Book  of  Judges, 
when  discriminated  into  regions  (S.B.A.  xviii.  246), 
give  only  about  120  years  for  that  period,  we  reach 
back  from  Saul,  1053-T040  B.C.,  120  years,  to  1173  for 
the  entry  into  Palestine  ;  this  keeps  clear  of  the  last 
campaign  of  Ramessu  III.  in  1187  B.C.,  and  would 
bring  the  Exodus  to  12 13  B.C.,  which  would  thus  fall 
at  the  end  of  the  reign  of  Merenptah.  All  these  dates 
are  somewhat  amended  from  those  given  in  S.B.A. 
xviii.  243,  in  accord  with  the  true  dating  by  the  royal 
horoscopes,  which  we  have  here  followed.  It  would 
seem,  then,  that  the  Egyptians  were  welcoming  more 
Semitic  tribes  into  Succoth  only  a  few  years  before 
the  Exodus. 

Some  objection  may  be  raised  to  accepting  the  periods 
stated  in  the  early  Israelite  history  ;  but  if  their  resi- 
dence in  Egypt  is  granted,  we  must  suppose  that  they 
had  an  educated  class  which  could  keep  the  necessary 
accounts  and  records  which  were  an  incessant  feature 
of  Egyptian  life.  The  known  character  of  the  Egyptian 
and  Syrian  civilisation  of  the  time  must  cause  a 
great  difficulty  to  those  who  would  deny  all  use  of 
writing  to  the  Israelites.  The  details  of  the  course 
followed  by  the  Israelites  at  the  Exodus  have  been  much 
disputed,  owing  to  the  insufficiency  of  data  ;  but  the 
result  of  Naville's  discussion  of  it  is  reasonable  and 
generally  accepted  (N.P.  27). 

Few  of  the  monuments  of  Merenptah  are  of  import- 
ance ;  the  poverty  of  the  land  prevented  great  works 
being  undertaken,  and  most  of  the  cartouches  of  the 
king  are  usurpations  on  the  earlier  monuments  ;  and 
usually  very  rough  and  brutal  usurpations,  coarsely 
hammered  upon  the  exquisitely  polished  surfaces  of  a 
more  skilful  and  refined  age.  His  mummy  was  found 
placed  in  the  coffin  of  Set-nekht,  which  lay  in  the  tomb 


ii6 


B A  N  -RA-MERY-AMEN 


[dYN.  XIX.  4. 


of  Amenhotep  II.  At  first  supposed  to  be  of  Akhenaten, 
it  was  later  found  to  be  that  of  Merenptah,  when  the 
rough  scrawl  of  a  scribe  upon  it  was  fully  discussed 
(Rec.  xxii.  136,  xxiii.  32).  Unhappily  no  full  and 
official  account  of  this  great  group  of  royal  mummies 
has  been  issued  in  the  five  years  since  they  were  found. 
His  tomb  at  Thebes  has  only  a  corridor  and  three 
chambers.  In  it  are  the  usual  class  of  mythologic 
texts  in  fair  condition,  and  a  fine  figure  of  the  king 
before  Harakhti  (CM.  252,  and  cast  in  B.  Mus., 
A.B.  41),  but  nothing  of  historic  value. 

Very  little  original  work  was  done.  At  Sarabit  el 
Khadem  a  door  jamb  remains.  At  Tanis  two  statues 
were  added  to  the  temple.  At  Nebesheh  stood  a 
unique  monument,  a  column  of  red  granite  without 
any  capital,  but  on  the  plain  cylindrical  top  a  hawk 
overshadowing  a  kneeling  figure  of  the  king.  This  can 
only  be  compared  with  the  standards  on  poles  held  at 
the  sides  of  statues  ;  it  seems  to  have  been  such  a 
pole  on  a  gigantic  scale,  set  up  in  the  temple.  The 
other  Delta  towns  contain  only  fragments,  beside  the 
important  stele  from  Athribis  which  gives  portions  of 
an  account  of  the  Libyan  war.  In  Upper  Egypt  there 
is  only  one  important  work  below  Thebes,  the  great 
subterranean  hall  and  chambers  behind  the  temple  of 
Sety  at  Abydos,  which  seems  to  be  the  Osireion  or 
crypt  of  Osiris,  and  identical  with  the  great  passages 
which  excited  Strabo's  wonder.  This  has  not  been 
completely  cleared,  but  it  was  a  fine  structure  of  sand- 
stone, entirely  sculptured  by  Merenptah. 

At  Karnak  is  the  long  inscription  of  the  Libyan  war, 
which  we  have  summarised,  inscribed  on  the  west  face 
of  the  eastern  wall  linking  the  pylon  of  Tahutmes  HI. 
(No.  viii.  Baed.)  to  the  great  temple.  On  the  opposite 
bank  stood  the  funeral  temple  of  the  king  (P.S.T.  p. 
II,  XXV.),  which  had  been  placed  close  to  that  of  Amen- 
hotep HI.,  apparently  for  the  convenience  of  destroying 
the  splendid  work  of  his  predecessor.  Steles,  sphinxes, 
and  statues  were  smashed  up  and  built  into  the  founda- 
tions ;  and  a  magnificent  stele  of  black  granite,  over 


B.C.  I234-I2I4.]  MEREN-PTAH  117 

10  feet  hig-h  and  5  feet  wide,  was  taken  and  reversed, 
to  bear  the  Triumphal  Song'  of  Merenptah  on  the 
rough  back  of  it  (P.S.T.  xiii.  xiv.).  Even  the  very 
bricks  of  Amenhotep  were  carried  off  and  re-used.  The 
plan  of  the  temple  was  copied  from  that  of  his  father 
at  the  Ramesseum  ;  but  is  little  more  than  half  the  size 
(P.S.T.  xxii.  XXV.).  Beside  the  g^reat  stele,  portions 
of  two  grey  granite  statues  were  found,  one  of  which 


*  ■ 

m 


Fig.  44. — Merenptah  in  the  Osireion.  Abydos. 

preserves  the  best  portrait  of  the  king  (Fig.  41).  An 
unusual  feature  of  the  temple  is  a  large  tank  outside 
on  the  south,  to  which  a  door  of  the  temple  led  out. 

The  main  work  beyond  Thebes  was  on  rock  steles  at 
Silsileh,  which  show  the  queen.  And,  beyond  that,  the 
only  historic  detail  is  on  the  inscription  at  Amada, 
which  gives  the  speech  of  the  king  to  the  Wawa  or 
negroes,  and  points  to  an  Ethiopian  expedition  after 
the  Libyan  war,  which  is  also  mentioned. 


MERENPTAH 


[dYN.  XIX.  4.] 


The  only  statues  of  importance  are  those  of  Tanis 
and  the  funeral  temple  already  named.  There  are  no 
small  objects  except  scarabs,  which  are  poor  in  work, 
and  usually  have  the  name  of  Tahutmes  III.  added. 

The  queen  is  named  Astnefert  on  the  steles  at 
Silsileh  ;  and  as  Astnefert  was  the  9th  daughter  of 
Ramessu  II.,  she  might  well  be  the  wife  of  his  13th 
son.  Her  title  as  7iebt  taiii  shows  that  she  was  the 
heiress  of  royal  descent.  Only  one  son  is  shown,  Sety 
Merenptah,  who  succeeded,  and  is  known  as  Sety  II. 
One  daughter,  Arit-nefert,  is  mentioned  in  a  papyrus 
of  accounts. 


XIX.  5.  USER'KHEPRU'RA 


Sety  Merex'ptah 
(Sety  II.) 


Mummy  and  coffin,  tomb  of  Amenhotep  II.  C.  Mus.  (Ms.  Q.G.  441). 
Tomb,  No.  15,  in  valley  of  King-s'  Tombs      (M.A.F.  iii.  146;  L.D. 

iii.  203 b,c,  204a,b,c;  L.D.T.  ii.  214;  CM.  2526/5;  N.L.S. 


xxiv.-xxxni. 


D.E. 


79» 


IS,  16  ;  81,  6). 


Palestine 

Sarabit 

Tanis 

Nebesheh 

Bubastis 

Tell  el  Yehudiyeh 
Heliopolis 
Surarieh 
Eshmuneyn 

Isbayda 
Karnak 


Fortification 

Usurpation  of  pylon 

Vases 

Block 

Usurped  sphinx 

As  prince  on  statue 

Kneeling  figure,  limestone 

Block  of  red  granite 

In  rock  shrine  of  Merenptah 

Temple,  large  pylon 

Quarry,  scribe  Saamen 
Granite     stele  between 

sphinxes 
Two  small  obelisks  before 

pylon  I. 
.Small  temple  in  forecourt 


(Pap.    Anast.    v.  ; 

W.G.  481). 
(W.R.S.  86). 
(W.R.S.  135-6). 
(P.T.  ii.  vii.). 
(P.N.  11). 
(N.B.  45). 
(N.Y.  41). 
(A.Z.  xix.  1 16). 
(L.D.  iii.  198  c). 
(S.B.A.    xxiv.  86; 

A.R.  1901,  18). 
(P.S.  691). 
(Rec.  xiv.  30,  31). 

(M.K.  p.  17). 

(B.E.  plan;  M.K. 
p.  18  ;  C.N.  ii.  2). 


B.C.  1214-1209.] 

Karnak 


Luqsor 

Ramesseum 
Medinet  Habu 

Silsileh 


Sehel 

Abu  Simbel 
Hanianiat 


SETV  II 

Jamb  of  door  of  pylon  I\',, 

inscribed 
Xame     on     gallery  of 

Tahutmes 
Name  on  pylon  VI. 
Court   E    of  pylon  \'I., 

repairs 
Hall  G  (of  ]\Iariette),  repairs 
Court  S.  of  g-ranite  shrine 

W.  wall  between  prions 
III.  and  VIII. 

On  p3lon  IX.,  hymn  to 
Amen  Ra 

Sphinx  by  pylon  XI.  appro- 
priated 

Frieze  by  temple  of  Khonsu 

Temple  of  Mut,  gate 

Name  on  colonnade  of 
Amenhotep  III. 

Tiles 

behind ;  rock  stele  usurped 

by  Setnekht 
Stele  of  offering-,  defaced, 

in  Horemheb  shrine 
Inscrip.  of  quarry  master, 

Yaa 

Rock  stele,  officials 
Stele  by  ]\Iery 
Name  on  second  colossus 
Name  on  rock 


Portraits  (L.D.  iii.  298,  65-6;  R.S.  vi 

Statues,  with  queen  Cairo  Mus. 

sandstone,  seated      B.  Mus. 

with  standard  P.  Mus, 


bust 
head 


Turin 

Florence 

P.Mus.,S.H.684 


Papyrus  d'Orbiney,  belong-ed  to  Prince  Sety 
Anastasi  IV.,  dated  ist  year 
,,  ,,      VI.,  of  this  reign 

Name  on  back  statue  Ramessu  II.  Cairo 
On  pillar  of  Tahutmes  IV.  \'ienna 
Wooden  tablet,  S.  adoring-  Amen  and  Ptah,  B. 
Steatite  tra}-^,  Gurob  A.  Mus. 

Base  of  a  statue,  usurped  by  Amenmeses 


119 

C.N.  ii.  131). 

C.N.  ii.  159). 

M.K.  p.  30). 
C.N.  ii.  139). 

M.K.  p.  18,  pi.  i.). 

B.  E.  plan;  M.K. 
30. 

C.  N.  ii.  194; L.D. T. 

ii.  43). 
L.D.  iii.  237c  ;  A.Z. 

xi.  74). 
C.N.  ii.  174). 

W.G.  482). 
C.N.  ii.  263). 
W.G.  482). 

O.R.  9}. 

L.D.  iii.  204  d), 

CM.  122  ;  L.D.T. 

iv.  85  K 
R.E.  267). 

M.I.  i.  95,  146). 
L.D.  iii.  204  e). 
L.D.  iii.  204  f). 
G.H.  ii.). 


26  ;  D.E.  ii.  81,  6). 
Ms.  Q.G.  149). 
A.B.  43). 

R.M.L.,  A.  24,  p. 

23). 
L.T.  1383). 
Phot.). 

D.E.  ii.  81,6;  P.L. 

684,  p.  169). 
S.B.A.  xi.  171). 
W.G.  481). 
W.G.  483). 
Rec.  XX.  99). 
Rec.  vii.  178). 
Mus.  38. 
P.I.  xix.  23). 
Liverpool  5lus. ). 


I20 


USER-KHEPRU-RA 


[l)YN.  XIX.  5. 


Incised  plaques,  Turin,  Leyden,  G.  571 
Glazed  inlaid  tile  cartouches,  common. 
Scarabs,  common. 


(L.  Mon.  ii.  xliii.). 


Dated  documents. 


Year  i    Mesore  15.    Pap.  Anastasi  IV. 


(W.G.  481). 
(L.D.T.  iv.  85). 
(P.S.T.  xix.). 
(         „  )• 


2    Pharmuthi.    Shrine  Silsileh 
,,    3    Wine  jar.    Temple  of  Siptah 
>5    4  5'  55 


Queen — Ta-khat,  on  statue.  Cairo  Mus.  (Ms.  Q.G.  149). 
Sons — Amenmeses 


Daughter — Tausert  J 

On  reaching  the  period  between  Merenptah  and 
Ramessu  III.  we  find  the  names  of  Sety  II.,  Amen- 
meses, Tausert,  Siptah,  and  Setnekht,  of  whom  very 
little  is  known,  and  who  have  not  hitherto  been  placed 
in  certain  order  or  relationship.  Brugsch  entirely 
ig-nores  three  of  them.  Before  entering  on  these 
reigns,  we  shall  therefore  state  the  known  facts  and 
our  conclusions  about  them. 

Sety  II.  was  the  heir  of  Merenptah  (N.B.  45). 
Amenmeses  came  before  Siptah,  see  the  re-used  stele 
(L.D.  iii.  201  c).  Tausert  was  before  Siptah  by  her 
scarab  in  his  deposit  (P.S.T.  15)  ;  and  also  with  him, 
by  their  joint  tomb.  Siptah  was  after  Sety  II.,  by 
Sety's  wine  jars  in  Siptah's  deposit  (P.S.T.  xix.).  And 
Setnekht  was  after  Siptah,  by  usurping  his  tomb. 
These  facts  leave  no  uncertainty  about  the  order  of 
reigns. 

The  relationships  are  indicated  as  follows:  Sety  II. 
has  on  his  statue  in  Cairo  a  queen  entitled  "royal 
daughter,  great  royal  wife,  united  to  her  Horus, 
Ta'khat."  This  is  not  his  mother,  or  she  would  be 
called  royal  mother  rather  than  royal  daughter  ;  nor  is 
she  his  daughter,  or  she  could  not  yet  be  great  royal 
wife  ;  she  is  therefore  his  queen. 

It  is  probable  that  Sety  II.  was  born  about  1270 B.C., 
and  married  about  or  after  1250  B.C.  About  the  53rd 
year  of  Ramessu  II.  an  ostrakon  (No.  666,  dated  by 
officials,  being  the  same  in  ostrakon  2261  P.  Mus.), 


Siptah 
Setnekht 


B.C.  1214-1209.] 


SETV  II 


121 


gives  a  list  of  daughters  of  Ramessu,  the  last  but  one 
of  which  is  Ta'khat.  Thus  in  1247  B.C.  she  was  young, 
but  hardly  a  child,  as  her  father  was  71  years  old  at 
that  time  ;  so  it  would  be  quite  fitting  that  she  might 
at  that  time  marry  Sety  II.,  her  nephew,  but  older  than 
herself.  Such  was  probably  her  origin.  Beside  being 
the  wife  of  Sety  II.  we  find  that  she  was  the  mother 
of  Amenmeses,  in  whose  tomb  appears  "the  divine 
mother,  the  great  royal  mother  Ta'khat." 

Amenmeses  was  there- 
fore a  son  of  Sety  II.,  as 
his  mother  was  Sety's 
queen.  He  put  up  a 
stele  at  the  temple  of 
Sety  I.  at  Qurneh  (L.D. 
iii.  201  c,  apparently  con- 
founded with  Karnak  in 
W.G.  484),  which  is  cer- 
tainly his  by  the  ka 
names,  which  are  the 
same  as  Lepsius  copied 
from  some  different  mon- 
ument of  Amenmeses 
(L. K.  478  a  to  t'),  and 
the  traces  of  his  second 
cartouche  still  show 
there.  In  that  he  states 
that  he  was  brought  up 
at  Kheb,  now  El  Heybeh. 

Siptah  took  as  his  ka 
name    Kha    em  khcb, 

"rising  in  Kheb,"  which,  as  Eisenlohr  pointed  out, 
indicates  that  he  was  a  brother  of  Amenmeses,  who 
was  brought  up  there,  and  so  a  son  of  Sety  II. 

Tausert  reigned  shortly  before  Siptah,  as  her  temple 
is  independent  of  his,  though  his  deposit  contained  one 
of  her  scarabs.  She  appears  with  him  in  their  joint 
tomb,  and  on  a  joint  scarab  (F.S.  315).  But  that  tomb 
was  begun  earlier,  during  the  reign  of  Sety  II.,  traces 
of  whose  names  underlie  the  names  of  Setnekht  (C.N. 


Fig. 


4;. — Srtv  II.,  from  his  statue. 
L.  D.  iii.  2q8. 


122 


USER-KHEPRU-RA 


[UYN.  XIX.  5. 


i.  451)  and  of  Siptah  (L.D.  iii.  201  a,  b  ;  L.D.T.  ii.  213  ; 
in  A.Z.  xxiii.  122  the  references  are  wrong).  For  her 
to  thus  appear  with  Sety  II.,  acting-  for  her  in  her 
tomb,  shows  that  she  must  have  been  his  daughter  ; 
his  wife  she  could  not  be  by  her  complete  equality  with 
his  son  Siptah.  Her  titles  were  "  the  heiress,  the 
great  royal  wife,  lady  of  both  lands,  princess  of  the 
south  and  north,"  i.e.  full  titles  of  the  heiress  of  the 
throne,  which  would  be  quite  possible  through  such  a 
line  as  Bantanta  (?),  Takhat,  Tausert. 

Setnekht  appears  among  ancestors  of  Ramessu  III.  as 
his  father,  and  as  the  son  of  Sety  II.,  son  of  Merenptah 
(L.D.  iii.  212  a,  213  a). 

The  history  therefore  to  which  we  are  led  is  as 
follows,  with  probable  dates  and  ages  to  show  how  far 
it  will  agree  to  chronological  requirements  : — 

131 8  Ramessu  II.  born 

1292       at  26    Merenptah  born. 

1271  at  21    marries  Astnefert. 

1270  at  22    Sety  II.  born. 

1262       at  56    Takhat  born  \ 

1247  at  15    marries  at  23  | 

I  Tausert  ^ 

^  A  u  c-  ^  u  mother 

1246  Amenmeses  born       Siptah     V  , 

Setnekht /""^"°^^""- 

1 2 14  Sety  II.  succeeds  Setnekht  =  Thyimerenast 

12 1 2  Tausert  carving  her  tomb  | 

1210  Amenmeses    seizes  Ramessu  III.  b.  1222 

the    throne    and  | 
excludes  Tausert,  |  | 

who    had   begun      Ramessu  IV.  Ramessu  VI. 

her  temple  b.  1200  b.  1 198  fixed  date. 

1209  Amenmeses  dies  at  37, 

and  Siptah  marries  Tausert,  and  erases  Amenmeses'  tomb. 

1203  In  Siptah's  6th  yr.  and  Tausert's  8th  yr. 

Setnekht  succeeds,  and  takes  their  tomb. 

1202  Ramessu  III.  succeeds  at  21  yrs.  old. 

The  fixed  interval  from  the  birth  of  Ramessu  II. 
to  that  of  R.  VI.,  1318-1198  B.C.  by  the  horoscopes, 
thus  gives  22  years  for  the  eldest  son  generations,  with 
four  years  over  where  a  later  son  succeeded,  so  that 
the  general   agreement   between  the  dates  and  the 


[B.C.  1214-1209.I 


SETY  II 


123 


family  history  is  very  g^ood.  The  basis  of  the  bitter 
family  feuds  seems  to  have  been  the  position  of 
Tausert  as  heiress  ;  Amenmeses  ousted  her,  she  erased 
his  tomb,  and  then  Setnekht  in  revenge  erased  the 
monuments  of  her  and  Siptah.  It  was  almost  the  tale 
of  Tahutmes  II.  and  III.  and  Hatshepsut. 

We  now  proceed  to  the  details  of  these  reigns. 

Sety  II.  came  to  the  throne  at  about  56  years  of  age; 
in  about  the  53rd  year  of  Ramessu  II.  his  wife  was  yet 


Fig.  46. — Sety  II.,  from  his  tomb. 


a  princess,  she  being  then  about  15  and  he  about  23, 
and  they  probably  married  very  soon  after  that.  His 
attention  seems  to  have  been  mainly  given  to  decor- 
ating Karnak,  and  not  a  single  important  event  can  be 
put  down  to  his  reign.  A  report  about  some  fugitive 
slaves  being  pursued  over  the  eastern  frontier  is  the 
only  fragment  of  interest  (B.H.  ii.  132).  That  the 
copy  of  the  tale  of  Anpu  and  Bata  has  belonged  to  Sety 
when  crown  prince,  shows  that  he  had  some  literary 
taste. 


124 


USER-KHEPRU-RA 


[DYN.  XIX.  5. 


His  tomb  is  fairly  executed,  but  only  consists  of  a 
passage  with  two  chambers  and  a  recess.  The  altera- 
tion of  the  cartouches  at  the  doorway  (M.A.F.  iii.  147) 
seems  only  to  have  been  to  rearrange  the  signs,  as  the 
earlier  ones  all  agree  to  the 
name  of  Sety.  Beyond  two  or 
three  statues,  and  a  few  lines  of 
misappropriation,  there  is  noth- 
ing to  show  for  the   reign  in 


1 

Fig.  47. — Plaque.  Turin. 


lower  or  middle  Egypt.  Some 
small  works  at  Thebes,  and 
rock  steles  at  Medinet  Habu, 
Silsileh,  Sehel,  and  Abu  Simbel, 
make  up  all  that  is  known  of 
the  reign.  The  best  portrait  is 
that  in  his  tomb,  which  agrees 
closely  with  L.D.  iii.  298,  65,  from  a  statue  (B.  Mus.  ?)  ; 
No.  66  is  not  like  him,  perhaps  reappropriated.  There 
are  many  large  and  well  made  cartouche  plaques  of 
white  glaze  inlaid  with  violet  and  yellow  ;  some  were 
at  the  Ramesseum,  and  they  _ 
are  attributed  both  to  Karnak 
and  Tell  el  Yehudiyeh,  prob- 
ably on  hearsay.  The  wine 
jars,  which  held  ''wine  of  the 
garden  of  the  house  of  Sety 
Merenptah,"  were  probably  old 
empties  when  put  into  the  de- 
posits of  Tausert  and  Siptah 
(P.S.T.  29). 

Takhat,  the  queen  of  Sety  II. , 
shown  on  his  statue  at  Cairo, 
was  probably  a  daughter  of 
Ramessu  II.,  being  one  of  the 
youngest,   named  late   in  his 

reign.  She  was  the  mother  of  Amenmeses,  as  she 
appears  in  his  tomb  as  royal  mother.  Who  was  the 
mother  of  Tausert,  Siptah,  and  Setnekht  is  unknown  ; 
the  close  fit  of  the  family  genealogy  almost  prohibits 
all  these  being  children  of  Takhat.    Tausert  seems  to 


Fig.  48.— Takhat,  from  tomb 
of  Amenmeses.  L.D.  iii. 
202. 


B.C.  1214-1709.] 


SETY  II 


125 


have  had  full  rights  herself,  and  to  have  been  therefore 
descended  of  the  queenly  line.  It  was  probably  the 
assertion  of  these  rights,  like  Hatshepsut  and  Cleopatra, 
which  made  such  confusion  among  the  brothers.  We 
shall  deal  with  these  in  the  following  reigns. 
Of  the  officials  of  this  reign  there  are — 
Amen'mes,  vizier  (Pap.  Salt  2,  1.  17  ;  M.K.  46,  1.  12  ; 

S.B.A.  XV.  524). 
lairi^  high  priest  of  Memphis,  statuette,  P.  Mus. 
(P.R.  i.  10). 

Kama,  of  the  factory  of  the  king.  Graffito,  Wady 

Haifa  (Rec.  xvii.  162). 
Mery,  rock  stele,  Abu  Simbel  (L.D.  iii.  204  e). 
Pa-ra-em-heb,  vizier,  Hamamat  (G.H.  ii.;  Pap.  Salt 

I,  1.  3). 

Roi,  high  priest  of  Amen  (L.D.  iii.  237  c). 
Roma,  high  priest  of  Amen  (L.D.  iii.  237  c). 
Siamen,  scribe,  quarry,  Isbayda  (P.S.  691). 
Yaa,  over  quarrying,  stele,  Silsileh  (R.E.  267). 


XIX.  6. 


Men*ma*ra- 
sotep'en'ra 


Later — 


Men'Maat-ra 

Amen-meses 
Heq'uast 


O 

^1 1 1 1 1 1 1  nj^ 


^  /wwv\ 


c 


O 


J 


Sarcophag-us,  fragment 

Tomb  No.  10,  valley  of  Kings'  Tombs 


1209- 

1208 

B.C. 


(M.A.F.  iii.  155). 
(M.A.F.iii.81  ;L.D. 
iii.  202  e,  f,  g-). 


Abydos 
Karnak 

Qurneh 


Medinet  Habu 
Wady  Haifa 


Stele  of  procession 

Stele  reported,  probably  same 

as  next. 
Stele  appropriated  by  Siptah 
Name  over  Merenptah's 
Block   behind  Ramesseum, 

usurped 
Name  on  front  wall 
Name  (?)  on  southern  temple 


(M.A.  ii.  52). 
(W.G.  484). 

(L.D.  iii.  201  c). 
(L.D.  iii.  219c). 
(Rec.  X.  143). 

(L.D.  iii.  202  d). 
(Rec.  xvii.  162). 


126 


MENMARA 


[dyn.  XIX.  6. 


Pedestal  of  a  statue,  appropriated.   Liverpool  (G.L.  52), 
Mus. 


Amenmeses  was  probably  about  36  years  old  at  his 
father's  death,  when  he  obtained  the  throne.  It 
appears  that  he  excluded  Tausert,  who  had  been  asso- 
ciated with  her  father,  and  who  seems  to  have  regarded 


altered  Men'ma'ra,  "established  like  the  sun,"  to  a 
copy  of  the  name  of  his  ancestor  Sety  I.,  Men'maat'ra, 
Ra  establishes  truth."  On  that  stele  he  states  that  he 
was  broug-ht  up  at  Kheb  (Buto  or  perhaps  El  Heybeh)  ; 
see  Eisenlohr  (T.S.B.A.  i.  376).  The  stele  cannot  have 
been  orig^inally  of  Sety  I.,  as  Ramessu  11.  appears  wor- 
shipped as  an  ancestor.  At  Liverpool  is  a  fragment  of 
a  relief  on  which  Amen  presents  to  him  sed  heh  festivals, 
suggesting  that  a  sed heb  period  fell  in  his  reign.  Now, 
probably,  Menophres  of  the  Sothis  feast  is  Ramessu 
I.,  whose  reign  is  four  to  six  years  too  early  for  the 
1322  cycle,  and  here  Amenmessu  is  six  years  too  early 


Frag-ment  of  a  relief.    Liverpool  jNIus. 
Scarabs,  Palin  No.  2  ;  F.P.  Coll. 
Part  of  a  blue  seal  (Chester) 
Portrait 

Queen  Bakt-urnurg.    In  his  tomb. 


(P.  Sc.  1620). 
(W.G.  484). 
(R.S.  ix.  35). 
(M.A.F.  iii.  pi.  56 


L.  D,  iii.  202  g-). 


Fig.  49. — Amenineses,  from  his 
tomb.    L.D.  iii.  202. 


herself  as  the  heiress  of  the 
kingdom.  As  there  are  no 
dated  records,  and  no  traces 
of  a  temple  or  of  building 
for  him,  the  reign  was  prob- 
ably only  a  year  or  so. 
The  stele  stated  to  be  at 
Qurneh  (or  Karnak  ?)  must 
have  been  his  work  (L.D. 
iii.  201  c),  as  the  two  Ka 
names  agree  with  those 
reported  from  some  other 
monument  in  L.K.  478  a  to 
c :  yet  the  Ra  name  differs 
from  that  of  Amenmeses, 
and  we  must  suppose  that 
by  a  bad  play  on  words  he 


B.C.  1 209-1 208.] 


AMENMESES 


127 


for  the  1202  cycle ;  these  sug-gest  that  Sirius  was 
officially  observed  in  a  rather  different  part  of  Egypt 
to  which  it  was  in  Roman  times,  and  so  its  heliacal 
risings  fell  a  few  years  earlier. 

The  stele  from  Abydos,  with  a  priestly 
procession  accompanied  by  dancers,  has 
only  the  cartouche  Amen-ra'meses,  and 
must  be  of  this  reign  (M.A.  ii.  52).  The 
stele  at  Qurneh  is  the  only  large  work, 
beside  his  tomb,  that  seems  original.    At  F  i  g.    50-  — 

Qurneh,  near  the  Ramesseum,  and  Medinet  Scarab  of 
_T  ,        '  .  '         ,  ,  Amenmeses. 

Habu,  are  usurpations  ;  and  perhaps  the     f.p.  Coll. 

name  reported  at  Wady  Haifa  is  that  of 

Ramessu  II.    The  base  of  a  statue  at  Liverpool  was 

originally  inscribed  for  Sety  II.  across  the  front. 

Of  the  queen  Bakturnuro  we  have  no  trace  except  in 

the  tomb  of  Amenmeses. 


XIX.  7.  SiT-RA,  Mervamen 
Ta-usert,  Sotep' 

EX-tMUT 


-J 

Fig.  51.  —  Sandstone  tablet  of  Tausert, 
from  her  temple,  Thebes.  F.P.  Coll. 

Tomb  Xo.  14,  valley  of  Kings'  Tombs     (M.A.F.  iii.  123  ;  L.D.  iii. 

201  a  ;  L.D.T.  ii.  212  ;  C.X.  i.  448,  806). 


Qurneh  Temple,  foundation  deposits.    Stone  (P.  S.T.    xvi.  xvii. 
slabs,  g-lazed  plaques  and  scarabs,  ebony  xix.). 
cramp 

Plaque  for  necklace  B.  Mus.  7540.  (W.G.  486). 

Ostrakon  of  8th  yea.r  G.  Mus.  (Dy.  O.  2S2g3). 

Scarabs  of  stone,  rare;  of  potter}-,  common. 

Portrait  from  tomb  (L.D.  iii.  299,  67). 


128 


SIT-RA 


[dYN.  XIX.  7. 


Of  the  reigri  of  this  queen  we  know  very  Httle.  She 
was  associated  with  her  father  as  heiress,  as  he  was 
figured  (C.N.  i.  451  ;  D.L.  iii.  201  a,  b)  in  her  tomb,  in 
which  she  has  royal  titles  of  lady  of  both  lands,  etc.  ; 
a  similar  position  to  that  of  Hatshepsut  associated 
by  her  father,  Tahutmes  I.  She  began  a  temple  for 
herself  at  Thebes,  which  would  have  been  nearly  of 
the  same  area  as  that  of  Merenptah.  Nine  foundation 
deposits  were  placed  in  the  sand  which  filled  the 
trenches  ;  these  deposits  contained  each  a  stone  slab 

with  cartouches,  pot- 
tery, glazed  scarabs 
(246),  glazed  plaques 
(239),  glazed  figures  of 
ducks,  bulls'  heads, 
bullocks,  haunches, 
fish,  lotus  flowers,  etc. 
(1214),  rings  (43),  cop- 
per tool  models  (71), 
etc.  (see  P.S.T.  xvi. 
xvii.).  But  hardly  a 
trace  of  stone  work 
remained  ;  and  had 
there  been  much  con- 
struction there  would 
have  been  heaps  of 
chips  left  from  its  being 
reworked  on  removal. 
Probably  not  much  was 
actually  built.  This 
temple  was  certainly  begun  a  little  time  before  that  of 
Siptah,  as  the  style  of  all  the  objects  is  different  from 
his  ;  yet  one  scarab  of  this  lot  was  found  with  Siptah's, 
showing  that  no  long  time  elapsed  between  the  two 
foundings.  Tausert  then,  beside  being  associated  with 
Sety  II.,  must  have  begun  her  temple  in  his  reign.  Her 
only  date  is  of  her  8th  year,  and  as  Siptah's  highest  date 
is  in  his  6th'  year,  it  seems  likely  that  she  dates  from 
before  his  reign.  On  the  other  hand,  it  may  be  that 
a  document  being  dated  by  her  reign  implies  that 


Fig.  52. — Tausert,  from  her  tomb. 
L.D.  iii.  299. 


B.C.  I212-1203.] 


TAUSERT 


129 


she  shortly  survived  him.  In  any  case  she  probably 
reckoned  her  reig^n  as  ignoring  Amenmeses  ;  and  from 
the  thorough  erasure  of  his  name  it  is  evident  that 
there  was  a  bitter  feud  against  him.  Her  cartouche 
of  Ta'usert  was  ingeniously  arranged  to  simulate  that 
of  her  great  grandfather  User'maat'ra,  Ramessu  II. 
Her  other  cartouche  occurs  in  four  forms  :  (i)  in  her 
tomb  (misread  by  Lepsius,  L.D.T.  ii.  213)  ;  (2)  on  the 
stone  slab  (P.S.T.  xvii.  2),  the  fish  and  cramp  (P.S.T. 
xvi.  15,  37)  ;  (3)  on  the  plaques  and 
scarabs  (P.S.T.  xvi.  i,  2)  ;  (4)  on  the 
plaques  (P.S.T.  xvi.  4,  5).  But  all  W''\] 
agree  in  reading  Sit'ra^  meryamen.  Il  V  -.1 
This  queen  appears  as  Thuoris  in  jl^^M 
Manetho,  reigning  seven  years,  which  ^ 
agrees  with  her  ostrakon  dated  in 
her'Sth  year,  probably  after  Siptah's 
death,  and  just  before  her  own  dis- 
appearance. It  is  stated  that  the 
fall  of  Troy  was  in  her  time,  a  valu- 
able evidence  of  the  original  state  of 
Manetho's  chronology.  Unger  has 
shown  that  Africanus  reckoned  the 
fall  of  Troy  at  1198  b.c.  (Unger, 
Manetho^  p.  225)  ;  and  that  is  within  Fig  53. —  Plaques  of 
five  years  of  this  reign,  according  to  T--''  f-^.^^^e;- 
quite  independent  Egyptian  authori-  f.p.  Coll. 
ties.  I  have  preferred  to  work  the 
chronology  entirely  from  Egyptian  data,  as  all  later 
stated  synchronisms  depend  on  accuracy  of  subsequent 
historians  ;  but  such  a  general  proof  of  the  state  of 
history,  as  originally  written,  is  a  most  valuable  con- 
firmation of  our  present  arrangement. 


Ill — 9 


AKHEN-RA 


[dyn.  xlx.  8. 


XIX.  8. 

Akh-en'ra,  Sotep'en-ra 
Mer'EN'ptah,  Siptah 


Fig.  54.— Sandstone  tablet  of  Siptah, 
from  his  temple,  Thebes.    F.P.  Coll, 

Mummy  in  cover,  lid  re-used,  tomb  of  Amenhotep  II.     (Ms.  Q.G. 

423). 

Tomb  No.  14,  valley  of  King's'  Tombs       (M.A.F.  iii.  123  ;  L.D.  iii. 

201  a,  b;  L.D.T.  iii.  210;  C.N.  i.  448,  806). 


Ourneh 


Silsileh 


Sehel 
Aswan 


Temple,  foundation  deposits. 
Stone  slabs,  pottery,  glazed 
plaques,  scarabs,  ring-s,  gold 
plaques,  glazed  vase,  copper 
tools,  etc. 

Stele  of  Amenmeses  usurped 

Rock  shrine  with  Yuy 
,,  ,,  with  Bay 
,,         ,,     offering  to  Amen 

Rock  stele,  by  prince  of  Kush,  Sety 
,,         ,,     Hora  adoring  name 


,,         ,,     by  prince  of  Kush, 
with  Bay 

Abu  Simbel      ,,         ,,     on  south  of  temple, 
ist  year 

Wady  Haifa    Graffito  Treasurer  Piaay,  3rd 
year. 

Wady  Haifa    Graffito  Piaay,  made  by  his 
son,  3rd  year 
,,  Graffito  Hora,  son  of  Kama, 

3rd  year 
Graffito  Ubkhetau  courier,  son 
Hora 


(P.S.T.  xvii.  xviii. 
xlx.  ;  Ms.  Q.G. 
250). 


(L.D.  iii.  201  c). 
(L.D.  iii.  201  d). 
(L.D.  iii.  202  a). 
(L.D.  iii.  204 d). 
(L.D.  iii.  202  b). 
(P.S.  278;  M.I. 

p.  27,  208). 
(L.D.  iii.  202  c). 

(B.H.  ii.  135). 

(Rec.  xvii.  162). 

(Rec.  xvii.  162). 

(Rec.  xvii.  162). 

(Rec.  xvii.  161). 


B.C.  1208-1203.] 


SIPTAH 


Foundation  deposit  block. 
Naos  with  Amen'ra. 

Piece  of  statue  with  name. 
Scarabs,  rare  : 


Marseille. 
B.  Mus. 


(Rec.  xiii.  122). 
(Rev.  A.  i.  ser. 


Vatican  (W.G.  485). 

with  Tausert  (F.S.  315). 


Queen — Tausert.    See  previous  reig-n. 

Siptah  appears  to  have  succeeded  his  brother  Amen- 
meses,  in  harmony  with  the  dominant  heiress  Tausert, 
whose  claims  to  the  throne  seem  to  have  been  ignored 
by  Amenmeses.  The  chancellor  Bay  was  engaged  in 
this  revolution,  as  an  adherent  of  Tausert,  for  he  boasts 
that  he  was  "the  great  keeper  of  the  seal  of  the  whole 
land  to  its  limits,  estab- 
lishing the  king  upon 
his  paternal  throne " 
(L.D.  iii.  202  a).  He 
placed  his  name  on 
blocks,  gold  plaques, 
and  rings  in  every 
foundation  deposit  of 
Siptah,  like  those  of  the 
king.  This  shows  that 
he  continued  to  act  in 
a  masterful  and  assert- 
ive manner  after  the 
accession  ;  and  he  was 
the  only  official  who 
ever  had  the  royal  privi- 
lege of  burial  in  the 
valley  of  the  kings' 
tombs.  But  the  rule 
of  Siptah  was  fully  acknowledged,  and  his  name  was 
diligently  put  in  over  that  of  the  spited  Amenmeses  :  he 
was  inserted  as  consort  of  Tausert,  where  her  father 
had  appeared  in  her  tomb,  and  a  scarab  gives  the  two 
names  of  Akhenra  and  Tausert  Sitra  united. 

There  are  only  scant  references  to  the  events  of  his 
reign.  In  the  3rd  year  there  was  a  Nubian  expedition 
by  Sety  the  prince  of  Kush  on  Pakhons  20  (at  Sehel), 
in  which  went  Piaay  the  treasurer  and  scribe  of  the 


Fig.  55.— Siptah,  from  his  tomb. 


132 


AKH-EN-RA 


[dyn.  XIX.  8. 


inventories,  his  son,  and  Hora  the  royal  courier  (Rec. 
xvii.  162).  In  the  6th  year  was  another  expedition, 
when  Hora  was  promoted  to  be  prince  of  Kush,  and 
his  son  Ubkheta  held  his  post  of  royal  courier  (Rec. 
xvii.  161).  After  this  there  are  no  further  dates  ;  and 
as  Tausert  acted  without  Siptah  to  beg-in  with,  and 
her  highest  date  is  the  8th  year,  and  Manetho  states 
that  she  reigned  seven  years,  it  is  not  likely  that  Siptah 
exceeded  the  six  years  of  reign  which  we  find.  As  the 
royal  courier  is  stated  to  have  been  in  Syria  as  well 
as  Nubia,  it  is  likely  that  there  was  also  a  Syrian 
expedition. 

The  tomb  of  Tausert,  which  was  shared  by  Siptah, 

was  much  like  that  of  their  father  Sety  II.,  a  passage 

leading  to  two  chambers  ;  but  it  was  usurped  by  the 

last  brother,  Setnekht,  who  carried  on  from  the  end 

a  second  passage,  leading  to  two  more  chambers.  The 

work  is  fairly  good  ;  but  the  names  have 

suffered  much  by  their  changes  from  Sety 

to  Siptah  and  again  to  Setnekht.    A  large 

number  of  offerings  are  represented  in  the 

tomb  (C.N.  i.  457). 

The  temple  of  Siptah  was  planned  less 

than  a  third  of  the  size  of  that  of  Tausert. 

56.-Scarab  Qnly  the  trenches  in  the  rock  filled  with 
of  Siptah.  F.P.  ,   .  ,    •     •  •  , 

Coll.  sand  are  left ;  and  it  is  uncertain  how 

much,  or  if  any,  building  had  been  done. 
There  were  eight  deposits,  one  of  which  had  been  scat- 
tered, and  the  block  from  it  is  now  at  Marseille.  Origin- 
ally there  were  about  150  glazed  plaques  and  scarabs, 
230  rings,  100  gold  and  silver  foil  plaques,  all  of  Siptah  ; 
over  100  such  objects  of  Bay  ;  over  1200  glazed  models 
and  rings  ;  about  150  copper  models  of  tools,  beside 
pottery,  stone  mortars,  etc.  Each  deposit  had  a  block 
of  sandstone  with  the  king's  cartouche  ;  and  a  similar 
block  with  the  titles  and  name  of  Bay.  The  only  por- 
traits of  Siptah  are  those  in  his  tomb,  so  far  as  they 
are  not  untouched  heads  of  Sety  II.,  or  reworked 
heads  of  Setnekht  ;  this  question  needs  re-examina- 
tion. 


B.C.  1208-1203.] 


SIPTAH 


133 


The  officials  of  this  reign  are — 

Bay,  great  keeper  of  the  seal  ;  probably  named  from 

the  ram  of  Mendes  Ba-neb-daddu^  and  therefore 

of  Delta  origin.     His  power  we  have  noted 

above,  and  his  remains  in  the  deposits  of  Sip- 

tah's  temple.    His  tomb  is  13  in 

valley  of  Kings'  Tombs  (M.A.F. 

iii.  122).    He  is  shown  at  Aswan, 

being  honoured,  along  with  the 

king,  by  Sety  the  prince  of  Kush 

(L.D.  iii.  202  c)  ;  and  at  Silsileh 

with    the    king    adoring  Amen 

(L.D.    iii.    202  a).     Also   on  a 

figure  of  Mnevis  from  El  Arab. 

C.  Mus.  (N.Y.  67). 
Hora,  a  leader  and  courier  of  the  king, 

at  Wady  Haifa,  in  the  3rd  year, 

promoted  to  be  prince  of  Kush  in 

the    6th    year   (Rec.    xvii.  162, 

161)  . 

Piaayy  fan-bearer,  keeper  of  treasury, 

inventories,  3rd  year  ;  Wady  Haifa  (Rec.  xvii. 

162)  . 

Ramessu-kha-em-neteru  the  great  name  of  Bay,  see 
above. 

Sety^  prince  of  Kush,  Sehel  (L.D.  iii.  202  b)  ;  Aswan 
(202  c). 

Ubkhetau^  courier  in  Syria  and  Kush,  Wady  Haifa  ; 

son  of  Hora,  prince  of  Kush  (Rec.  xvii.  161). 
Yuy^  courier  in  Kush,  Silsileh  (L.D.  iii.  201  d). 


Fig.  57. —Sand- 
stone tablet  of 
Bay,  from  temple 
of  Siptah. 

scribe  of  the 


134 


USERKHAU-RA 


[dYN.  XIX.  9. 


XIX.  9.  r~    j>  Q  o  n 

USER-KHAU-RA,  O  !>  ^  M  aaaaaa  I 

SOTEP-EN-RA         V  '    I"   I 

  I 

Set'nekht,  r~  ^    <z::>^J  B.C. 

Merer'ra  I         IW  ^  ] — I  <^ 


Mummy,  doubtful.    Tomb  of  Amenhotep  II.    C.  Mus.    (Ms.  Q.G. 

440). 

Lid  of  coffin  ,,  C.  Mus. 

Tomb  No.   14,  valley  of  Kings'    (M.A.F.   iii.    123  ;   L.D.  iii. 

Tombs,  usurped  from  Tausert       206  a,  b,  c  ;  L.D.T.  iii.  210  ; 

and  Siptah  C.N.  i.  448,  806). 


Sarabit  el  Khadem,  stele  (W.R.S.  118). 

Nebesheh,  usurped  sphinx  (P.N.  11). 

Abbasiyeh,  N.  of,  architrave  (N.Y.  65). 
Memphis,  column  of  Gama  el  Turkoman, 

Cairo  (W.G.  490). 
,,        column,  usurped.    B.  Mus.  64. 

Abydos,  Merenatef  his  priest,  stele.   C.  Mus.  (M.A.  ii.  52). 

Karnak,  E.  door,  temple  of  Mut  (B.G.M.  231). 

Medinet  Habu,  stele  with  Ramessu  III.  (L.D.  iii.  206 d). 

,,           usurped  stele  of  Sety  II.  (L.D.  iii,  204 d). 

Portrait  (L.D.    iii.   205,  299; 

No.  68). 

Ostrakon  (?),  prob.  Ramessu  IV.    C.  Mus.  (Dy.  O.  25297). 

Papyrus,  Sallier  I.,  year  i,  Pauni,  day  5. 

Scarab.  (Wilbour). 

C)/<^i'«— Thyi-Merenast  (M.A.ii.52;  P.Ab.  ii.). 

Tomb  No.  II.  (L.D.  iii.  217  e,  f). 

Scarab.    P.P.  Coll. 

So?t — Ramessu-heq-an,  Ramessu  III.  (L.D.  iii.  212a,  213a). 

The  only  account  of  this  reign  is  in  the  retrospective 
glorification  of  his  father  by  Ramessu  IIL  at  the  end  of 
his  reign.  In  that  he  gives  a  very  dark  picture  of  the 
state  of  Egypt  during  the  last  few  reigns,  while  Tausert 
and  her  brothers  were  quarrelling  at  Thebes.  In  the 
Harris  papyrus,  p.  75,  we  read:  *'The  land  of  Egypt 
was  overthrown.  Every  man  was  his  own  guide  ;  they 
had  no  superiors.  From  the  abundant  years  of  the 
past  we  had  come  to  other  times.  The  land  of  Egypt 
was  in  chiefships  and  in  princedoms  ;  each  killed  the 
other  among  noble  and  mean.  Other  times  came  to 
pass  after  that  ;  in  years  of  scarcity  Arisu,  a  Syrian, 


B.C.  I203-1202.] 


SET-XEKHT 


135 


was  to  them  as  chieftain.  He  made  the  whole  hind 
tributary  to  himself  alone.  He  joined  his  companions 
with  him,  and  seized  their  property.  And  they  treated 
the  gods  in  the  same  manner  as  they  treated  the 
people ;  offerings  were  not  presented  in  the  shrines 
of  the  temples.  When  the  gods  turned  again  to  peace, 
rule  was  restored  to  earth  in  its  proper  manner.  They 
established  their  son,  come  forth  from  their  flesh,  as 
prince  of  the  whole  land,  on  their  great  throne  User' 
kha'ra'  sotep'ewra'  ineiy 
Amen^  son  of  Ra  Set' 
nekht '  merer  Ra  '  me?y' ' 
Amen  ;  he  was  as 
Khepra  Sutekh  in  his 
force ;  he  disposed  the 
whole  land  which  was 
rebellious;  he  cut  off  the 
abominable  who  were  in 
Tamera  (Egypt)  ;  he 
purified  the  great  throne 
of  Egypt;  he  established 
the  temples  with  the 
offerings  for  serving  the 
nine  gods  according  to 
their  statutes  ;  he  pro- 
moted me  (Ramessu  IH.) 
as  heir  in  the  seat  of  Geb, 


L., 


I  was  the  great  chief  of 


Fig. 


-Setnekht,  from  his  tomb. 
L.D.  iii.  299. 


the  lands  of  Egypt,  with 
command  over  the  whole  land  altogether  in  one  place." 

"He  rested  in  his  horizon  like  the  nine  gods,  there 
were  made  to  him  the  ceremonies  of  Osiris,  sailing 
in  his  royal  boat  on  the  river,  he  rested  in  his  eternal 
house  in  the  west  of  Thebes." 

Of  this  reconstructive  work  as  a  "  saviour  of  society" 
there  is  no  trace  on  the  monuments.  There  is  one 
stele  at  Sarabit  el  Khadem  set  up  by  Amenemapt  and 
Sety  ;  beside  this  a  usurped  tomb,  and  half  a  dozen 
usurpations  in  the  rest  of  the  country,  are  all  that  there 
is  to  show  for  this  time  of  trouble.    The  reign  appears 


SET-NEKHT 


[dYN.  XIX.  9.] 


only  to  have  lasted  for  a  year,  and  in  such  a  serious 
setting-  to  rights  of  the  government  there  was  no 
possible  time  or  money  to  give  to  works  of  display. 
Probably  Ramessu  III.  was  associated  with  Setnekht 

on  the  throne,  as 
the  double  fa9ade  al 
Medinet  Habu  (L.D. 
iii.  206  d)  is  equally 
divided  between  the 
two  kings. 

The  queen  Thyi- 
merenast  is  known 
by  a  stele  from  Abydos 
(M.A.  ii.  52),  which 
shows  Merenatf,  the 
priest  of  Setnekht, 
adoring  him  as  de- 
ceased, and  the  queen; 
while  above  Ramessu 
III.  makes  offerings 
to  the  gods.  Two 
other  slabs  with  the 
figure  and  the  name 
of  this  queen  were 
found  re-used  in  a 
pavement  of  the  Osiris 
temple  at  Abydos, 
1903.  Probably  the 
tomb  No.  1 1  in  the  queens'  tombs  (of  which  the  name 
is  lost)  is  of  this  queen,  as  she  there  precedes  her  son 
Ramessu  III.  in  offering  (L.D.  iii.  217  e,  f).  A  scarab 
reading  A s^'?)ier' ??ier  seems  to  belong  to  her  (P.P.  Coll.). 

As  a  matter  of  portraiture  we  may  note  that  the  form 
of  the  mouth  of  Takhat  (Fig.  48)  reappears  in  her 
daughter  Tausert  (Fig.  52),  and  again  in  Setnekht 
(Fig.  58),  stamping  him  as  her  son.  But  Amenmeses 
and  Siptah  appear  to  be  born  of  another  mother. 


Fig.  59.- 


Ih)  inierenasl 
Abydos. 


scene  Irom 


[B.C.  I202-II02.1       THE  TWENTIETH  DYNASTY  137 


THE  TWENTIETH  DYNASTY. 


MON. 

B.C. 

1202 

Ramessu  III. 

Heq'fieter'a?i 

31 

II7I 

Ramessu  IV. 

Heq'maat'ra 

6 

Ramessu  V. 

Se'kheper'en'ra 

4 

I  165 

I  161 

Ramessu  VI. 

Neb'maat'ra 

5? 

I  156 

Ramessu  VII. 

At'  amen'heq'  neter'  ayi 

I  ? 

"55 

Ramessu  VIII. 

Akhen'  amen 

1? 

"54 

Ramessu  IX. 

Se'kha'en'ra 

I? 

"53 

Ramessu  X. 

Nefcr'ka'ra 

19 

"34 

Ramessu  XI. 

Klieper'maat'ra 

6 

1 1 29 

Ramessu  XII. 

Meti'maat'ra 

27 

1 102 

The  succession  in  this  dynasty  has  long  been  doubt- 
ful, and  is  not  yet  certain.  The  essential  facts  are  as 
follow  :  Ramessu  III.  succeeded  Setnekht  (Harris  pap.). 
R.  IV.,  R.  VI.,  R.  VII.,  R.  VIII.  certainly  came  in 
that  order,  as  they  were  the  successive  sons  of  R.  III., 
who  are  shown  with  their  cartouches  thus  at  Medinet 
Habu.  R.  V.  came  before  R.  VI.,  as  the  latter  usurped 
his  tomb,  leaving  the  earlier  name  visible.  Of  R.  IX. 
a  vase  was  found  with  one  of  R.  X.  in  an  Apis  burial 
under  R.  X.;  he  is  therefore  before  R.  X.,  and  pre- 
sumably next  before  him.  The  name  of  R.  XI.  appears 
on  the  back  of  a  papyrus  of  R.  X.,  and  is  therefore 


THE  TWENTIETH  DYNASTY  [dyn.  xx. 


probably  later  ;  but  ostraka  of  R.  XI.  were  found  in 
the  filling  of  the  entrance  of  the  tomb  of  R.  X.,  a  fact 
which  has  been  explained  as  being-  due  to  refilling  of  the 
entrance  after  inspection  of  the  tomb  of  R.  X.,  during 
the  inquiry  by  R.  XI.  This  point  is  therefore  the  least 
certain.  R.  XII.  must  come  last,  as  he  was  much 
managed  by  Herhor,  who  succeeded  him  as  founding 
the  XXIst  dynasty  of  priest  kings.  There  is  another 
person  attributed  to  this  dynasty,  Meryatmu  ;  but  the 


Fig.  6o. — Sons  of  Ramessu  III,    L.D.  iii.  214. 


sole  mention  of  him  is  on  a  block  seen  at  Heliopolis 
(B.  Rs.  51),  which  is  not  published  in  drawing. 

Regarding  the  relationship  of  these  kings,  the  last 
theory,  that  of  Sethe  (S.U.  ii.),  relies  on  (i)  the  prince 
Pa*ra'her*amif,  who  is  named  eldest  son  "  in  the  tomb 
(L.D.  iii.  234),  where  he  is  with  R.  III.,  being  a 
different  person  to  Pa*ra'her-amif,  who  is  5th  in  the  list 
of  princes  at  Medinet  Habu  ;  and  he  argues,  therefore, 
that  list  must  be  a  mixture  of  the  families  of  R.  III. 
and  R.  VI.  ;  also  (2)  the  queen,  who  is  apparently 
mother  of  R,  VI.  (L.D.T.  ii.  234),  is  nowhere  called 


B.C.  I202-II02.]        THE  TWENTIETH  DYNASTY 


139 


royal  wife,  and  that  therefore  he  was  not  son  of  a  king. 
Ag-ainst  this  we  must  set  the  obvious  equality  of  the 
princes  in  the  list  at  Medinet  Habu,  who  have  all  the 
same  titles,  and  seem  to  be  of  one  family  (L.D.  iii. 
214  a,  b,  c).  We  cannot  split  such  a  list  into  the  family 
of  R.  III.  and  of  R.  VI.  without  some  conclusive 
evidence.  And  are  the  above  facts  conclusive  ?  I  think 
not.  The  prince  Pa'ra"her*amif  might  well  be  the 
eldest  son  of  R.  III.  ;  and  yet  if  he  died  before  his 
father,  the  four  sons  who  succeeded  to  the  throne 
would  take  precedence  of  him  in  the  succession  in  that 
list,  which  all  agree  must  have  been  done  under  R. 
VIII.,  who  has  his  cartouches  show^n.  And  the  fact 
about  the  queen  has  two  uncertainties  ;  she  may  not 
have  been  mother  of  R.  VI.,  and  she  may  have  been 
called  royal  wife  in  some  other  part  of  the  tomb  ;  to 
argue  from  the  very  damaged  fragments  of  the  queens' 
tombs  is  too  risky  where  negative  evidence  is  to  be 
relied  on.  There  are  instances  of  the  titles  of  queens 
appearing  separately  on  different  monuments. 

The  obviously  intended  sense  of  the  list  at  Medinet 
Habu  is  that  the  sons  of  Ramessu  III.  are  there  shown, 
marking  by  cartouches  such  as  had  come  to  the  throne 
down  to  the  time  of  carving  the  inscription.  But  there 
is  no  evidence  that  the  others  did  not  come  to  the 
throne  ;  and  the  names  fall  in  so  well  with  those  of  the 
later  kings  that  we  must  seriously  consider  this  position 
(see  Erman,  A.Z.  xxi.  60).  The  list  of  princes  and 
their  later  positions  seem  to  be  as  follows  ; — 


List  of  Princes  (L.D.  214). 
Cartouche 


/  Name 
\cartouches 

Pa' ra' her' ami/ 

Mentu'her'hhepshef 

Rameses,  viery  Atniu 

Ra  m  eses  'kha  'em  'uas 

Rameses'Avieyi'her'hhepshef 

Rameses  Mery Ainen 


Later  Position. 

Rameses  (IV\). 
Ra'maat'neb,  ^ner'Amen  (VI.). 
Ra  meses^  At  Amen^  neter'heq'xias  (VII.). 
Ra  meses  Set  her  khepsh  ef. 
Ra  user  ?naat,  akhen  amen  (VIII.). 
Eldest  son,  died  early. 
Second  heir,  died  early. 
Mery  Atynu^ 

Rameses'kha'e77i'nas  (X.). 
Ra  m  eses 'A  men'her'khepshef  (YA.). 
Rameses,  MeryAfnen  (XII.). 


140 


THE  TWENTIETH  DYNASTY 


[dYN,  XX. 


Thus  all  the  series  of  names  of  kings  excepting  (V.) 
and  (IX.)  are  found  in  the  same  order  in  the  list  of 
princes. 

Now,  is  this  possible,  genealogically?  How  will  the 
presumptive  ages  of  the  family  of  Ramessu  III.  fit  with 
the  history  of  the  kings?  Ramessu  III.  was  born 
about  1224  B.C.,  and  Ramessu  VI.  certainly  at  1198; 
see  the  genealogy  of  the  XlXth  dyn.,  p.  3.  Hence 
the  probable  history  would  fall  in  thus  with  the  later 
history  of  these  princes  suggested  above. 


Born  b.c. 

Age. 

Acceded. 

Reign. 

Died. 

Age. 

Ramessu  HI. 

1224 

22 

1202 

32 

1 170 

54 

Pa  ra  her  amif 

1204 

1 180? 

24? 

Mentuherkhepshef 

1202 

1 175? 

27? 

Ramessu  IV. 

1200 

29 

1171 

6 

1 165 

35 

V. 

1 180 

15 

1 165 

4 

1 161 

19 

VI. 

1 198 

37 

1 161 

5? 

1 156 

42 

VII. 

1 196 

40 

1 156 

I  ? 

"55 

41 

VIII. 

1 194 

39 

"55 

1? 

"54 

40 

Meryatmu 

1 192 

38 

1 154 

"54 

38 

Ramessu  IX. 

1 154 

I  ? 

"53 

X. 

1 190 

37 

1 153 

19 

"34 

56 

XI. 

1 188 

53 

ii35 

6 

1 129 

59 

XII. 

1 186 

57 

1 129 

27 

1 102 

84 

Here  the  births  of  the  sons  of  Ramessu  III.  have 
been  put  at  intervals  of  two  years  ;  doubtless  they 
were  by  two  or  more  different  queens,  and  so  might 
come  closer,  yet  there  must  have  been  daughters 
between  them  ;  and  on  the  whole  we  must  suppose  the 
family  of  R.  III.  to  have  been  born  at  least  down  to 
his  36th  year,  if  not  later.  If  the  kings  toward  the 
end  were  born  as  much  as  ten  years  later,  as  is  very 
probable,  then  their  ages  would  be  so  much  younger  at 
death.  The  total  extent  of  the  dynasty  cannot  be  spread, 
owing  to  the  subsequent  fixtures  under  Sheshenq  and 
others.  Thus  it  is  seen  that  there  is  no  difficulty  at  all 
in  taking  the  later  princes  as  being  the  later  kings, 
with  whose  names  they  agree  ;  and  the  whole  dynasty 
may  well  be  of  Ramessu  III.  and  his  sons. 

If,  on  the  contrary,  we  try  to  fit  in  the  theory  that 
R.  VI.  was  a  grandson  of  R.  III.  (Sethe,  S.U.  ii.  64), 


B.C.  I202-II02.]        THE  TWENTIETH  DYNASTY 


141 


the  position  becomes  quite  hopeless  chronologically. 
R.  III.  cannot  have  been  born  in  the  family  history 
before  1224  (see  the  horoscope  of  R.  II.  and  genealogy), 
and  it  is  therefore  absolutely  impossible  that  he  could 
have  a  grandson  born  in  1198,  as  was  R.  VI.  by  his 
horoscope;  moreover,  R.  VI.,  born  in  1198,  had  a 
daughter  married  before  his  death  in  11 56  (Koptos 
stele,  P.  Kop.  xix.).  There  remains,  therefore,  no 
rival  theory  to  the  obvious  meaning  of  the  list  at 
Medinet  Habu,  that  all  are  the  sons  of  R.  III.;  and  the 
presumption,  as  shown  above,  is  that  they  succeeded 
in  regular  order  down  to  the  last  one,  who  was 
Ramessu  XII. 

The  tomb  of  Mentu-her-khepshef  has  been  stated  to 
be  far  more  like  that  of  R.  IX.  than  like  the  tomb  of 
R.  III.,  especially  about  the  entrance  :  and  it  has  been 
argued  that,  therefore,  he  was  not  a  son  of  R.  III. 
(A.Z.  xxiii.  126).  But  according  to  the  above  family 
history,  R.  III.  probably  began  his  tomb  about  1200, 
Mentuherkhepshef  about  1177,  and  R.  IX.  at  1154, 
hence  the  similarity  may  well  be  as  stated. 

No  notice  has  here  been  taken  of  the  Ramessu  on 
the  stele  of  the  possessed  princess,  who  used  to  be 
called  R.  XII.,  thus  leaving  the  present  R.  XII.  to  be 
R.  XIII.;  it  has  long  been  agreed  that  the  stele  is  a 
pious  fraud,  romancing  on  the  history  of  R.  II.,  and 
therefore  has  no  place  in  the  later  Ramesside  history. 

We  are  now  in  a  position  to  recouiit  the  history  of 
this  dynasty. 


142 


USERMAAT-RA 


[nvN.  XX.  I, 


XX.  I.  USER'MAAT-RA, 
MeR'AMEN 

Ramessu,  HeQ'XETER'OX 

(III.) 


Q  "I  ^  f]  "J  ^ 


202- 
1 170 

B.C. 


Mummy  and  coffin 


Deir  el  Bahri. 
C.  Mus. 


Tomb  3  in  valley  of  Kings'  Tombs,  earlier 
Tomb  1 1  in  valley  of  Kings'  Tombs,  later 


Sarcophagus  of  red  granite. 
Lid,  Cambridge 


P.  Mus. 


(Ms.  M.  563,  xvii.  xviii.). 
(Ms.  Q.G.422,431,433, 

435.  519)- 
(M.A.F.  iii.  9, 

58-65;  L.D. 

225;  L.D.T. 

196;  CM. 

R.C.  97,  107 

404,  441,  744). 
(M.A.F.  iii.  116-8;  Y.L 

xiv. ). 


87,  pis. 
iii.  215, 
iii.  206, 

253-64 ; 

B;  C.N. 


Sarabit  el  Khadem 

'.'  ' ' 

Tanis 

Kantara  by  Faqus 
Yehudiyeh 


Lintel  and  stele. 

Vase  pieces.  B.  Mus.  4803  c  (W.R.S.  137-9). 
Kneeling  sandstone  figure    (P.T.  ii.  11). 
Kneeling  grey  granite  figure  (P.  T.  ii.  11). 


Heliopolis 

Khasus 
Memphis 


Surarieh 
Tehneh 
Helleh 
Abydos 


Denderah 

Nubt 

Koptos 


Stele 
Palace 

(Tiles.    B.  Mus. 
Sevres,  etc.) 


Statue 

Alabaster  vase. 


C.  Mus. 


B.  Mus. 


(N.G.  ix.  f> 
(T.S.B.A 
S.B.A.  IV 
Rec.  viii.  i 
xxiii.     62  ; 
Q.G.  159,  338). 
(S.B.A.  iv.  89). 
32,071. 


vn.  177; 


A.Z. 
Ms. 


Chapel  of  Mnevis.  C.  Mus.  (Rec.  xxv.  29). 


Block  with  name 
Inscribed  block 
Pillar  with  ka  name 
Block,  usurped  by  R.  VL 
Serapeum,  Apis 
Shrine 

Stele  with  Sebek  and  Amen 
Tomb  of  charioteer 
Statue 


(W.G.  506). 
(N.Y.  67). 

(B.  Rec.  iv.  2,  4). 

(M.S.  16). 
(L.D.  iii.  207  a). 
(My.  E.  404). 
(Acad.  1885,  ii.  1 10). 
(M.A.  354,  p. 


Name  on  doorway  of  Sety  L  (M.A.  i.  10). 


Slab  with  Tliiy-merenast 
Triad  by  Se'ast 
Block 
Lintel,  etc. 
Stele.    C.  Mus. 


(Ab.  ii.  XXXV. 
(M.A.  i.  4,  5), 
(D.D.  iii.  c). 
(P.N.B.  70). 
(P.K.  xviii.  p 


33)- 
8). 

16). 


B.C.  1202-II70.] 


RAMESSU  III 


143 


Koptos 

Kus 
Karnak 


Luqsor 

Qurneh 
>> 

Ramesseum 

Medinet  Habu 
(Detailed  refer- 
ences are  g-iven 
in  table  foUow- 


El  Kab 


Silsileh  quarries 


Baboon  sandstone.    Man-    (P.  K.  16) 

Chester 
Stele, black  granite, yr.X\'I 
Temple,  in  first  court  of 

g-reat  temple 


Temple   of   Ptah,  north, 

restored  g'ate 
Temple  of  Khonsu,  building 

Temple,  W.  of  Temple  of 

Mut 
Altar  in  court 
Inscriptions  on  pylon  IX. 

Inscriptions  on  g-reat  hall 
Inscriptions  on  columns  of 

great  hall 
Inscriptions  on  chamber 

in  E.  end  of  temple 
In  temple  of  Amenhotep 

III.,  block  and  wall 
Stele  quartzite 
Inscription  on  pylon 
Block  to  north  of  Qurneh 
Pillar  inscribed 
Lintel 
Temple 


(C.X.  ii.  292). 
(C.X.  ii.  10;  L.D. 
iii.  207  d  ;  B.  Rec. 
i.  40). 
(A.S.  iii.  64). 


Moulding  from,  Berl.  Mus. 
Window  opening- 
Group,  king,  Horus,  Set 
Stele  with  Setnekht 
Stele,  behind 
On  temple  of  Tahutmes 
Tomb  of  Setau.    Sed  heh 

inscription 
Ra  temple 
Block  in  temenos 
Steles,  with  Amen,  Mut, 

Khonsu 


(M.K.  plan; 

207  b;  B.E. 
(M.K.  plan; 

254). 
(W.G.  507). 


L.D. 

237)- 
B.E. 


B.E.  2q. 


C.X, 


192). 
(E.  Ob.  116). 
(B.E.  245). 

(C.X.  ii.  172I 

(W.G.  507). 


(Rec.  xvi.  55). 
(My.  E.  455). 
(P.O.X.  406). 
(L.D.  iii.  219  a). 
(O.R.  xiv.) 
(D.M.H.  whole 

account ;  L.  D.  iii. 

208-14;  C.M.  199- 

228  ;  R.S.  122-44; 

R.E.  109-47;  D.H. 

1.7-34;  P. Ins.  147- 

58;G.F.i-6;  B.T. 

364,     1 197-1209  ; 

T.S.B.A.  vii.   I  ; 

Rec.  xix.  15,  XX. 

113,  xxi.  30). 
(Berl.  Cat.  2077). 
(Ms.  O.G.  163). 
(Ms.  O.G.  161). 
(L.D.Iii.  206  d). 
(L.D.  iii.  218  c). 
(L.D.T.  ii.  163). 
(B.T.  1129;  C.X.  i. 

271). 
(Mv.  E.  S08). 
(L.b.T.  iv.  37). 
(C.M.    120;  R.R. 
31,  4)- 


144 


USER-MAAT-RA 


[dYN.  XX. 


Silsileh  quarries 


W.  Silsileh 


Kom  Ombo 
Elephantine 
Aswan 


Semneh 


Amen,  Sebek,  9  columns 

and  2  officials 
Ptah  and  Sekhet 
Sebek  and  Hathor 
Stele,    Amen,    Hor,  and 

Hapi,  Vlth  year 
Graffiti,  year  V.,  Pakhons 

,,       year  III. 
Name  on  re-used  block 
Two  inscriptions 
Two  officials  adoring"  car- 
touches 
With  gods 
Name 

Official  adoring  cartouches, 
on  temple 


(CM.  106;  R.R. 
(R.R.  32,  2). 

(R.R.  33,  2). 

(L.D.iii.2i8d;A.Z. 

xi.  129). 
(L.D.  vi.  23,  6,  8; 

B.H.  ii.  144). 
(L.D.  vi.  23,  7). 
(B.  Rs.  279). 
(M.I.  i.  119,  121). 
(M.I.  i.  41,  183). 

(M.I.  i.  95,  170). 
(M.I.  i.  95,  isobis). 
(L.D.  iii.  47a). 


Statues 


Portrait 


Head,  sandstone  F.  Mus.    (W.G.  508). 
Ushabtis  P.  Mus.    (P.L.  p.  43,  208); 

B.  Mus.  8675,  33938. 
Ushabtis,  bronze  P.  Mus.    (P.L.  p.  28,  71,  72); 

B.  Mus.  8695  a. 

(L.D.  iii.  215). 


Pillar 

Alabaster  base 

Stele,  adoring-  Horus 

Stele,  Osiris,  Isis,  and  Horu; 

Ushabti,  limestone 

Ushabti,  wood 

Pectoral,  gilt  bronze  inlaid 

Mortar  of  red  granite 

Altars  of  R.  11.  usurped 

Scarabs,  common. 


P.  Mus.  D.  63 
Alex.  Mus. 
P.  Mus.  C.  217 
C.  Mus. 
C.  Mus. 
P.  Mus. 
H.  Coll. 
C.  Mus. 
P.  Mus. 

Marseille  Mus. 


Papyri      Great  Harris  papyrus       B.  Mus. 


Conspiracy  papyrus  T.  Mus. 
Sorcery  case 

Works  at  Ramesseum      T.  Mus. 


Works  of 

Hathor 
Heb  sed 


temple    of   T.  Mus. 


(W.G.  508). 
(A.S.  V.  123). 
(W.G.  508). 
(R.E.  35). 
(Ms.  Q.G.  263). 
(P.R.  ii.  82). 
(P.  Cat.  1431). 

(L.A.  xiv.;  R.M.L. 

p.  210  ;  D.  61). 
(Ms.  CM.  5). 


{Birch  Egn.  Hier- 
aiic  Pap.  of  reign 
of  Rarneses  III.  ; 
R.P.  vi.  21,  viii.  5). 

(R.P.  viii.  57). 

(Am.  P.  20). 

(P.P.T.  XXXV.- 
xlvii.). 

(P.P.T.  Ixi.). 


P.  Mus.    (Rec.  xvi.  68). 


B.C  I202r-II70.] 


RAMESSU  III 


145 


Papyri      War  in  Syria  T.  Mus. 

Names  T.  Mus. 

Xame  Vienna 

List  of  documents  \'ienna 

Ostraka    From  tomb  C.  Mus. 


Queen — Ast-amasereth    On  statue  of  R.  III. 

Ast    (Same  ?) 


Humazery 
Sons — Pa  'ra  "her  "amif 
Mentu'her'khep- 
shef 


Stele  of  Amenemapt 

Tomb,  Xo,  X. 
Deir  el  Bakhit 
In  tomb  XI.  of  queen 
Tomb,  Thebes 


Heart  scarab,  Berlin 
Portrait 

Ramessu 

Ra-maat-neb,  mer-Amen 
Ra  meses,  At-Amen 
Ra  meses,  Set-her-khopshef 
Rameses  Mery-atmu 
Rameses  Amen-her-khepshef 
Rameses  Mery-amen 

Dated  remains — 

YEAR 

I.  Pakhons  26    Accession  Med.  Habu 


III.  .  . 

IV.  Mekhir 


V.  Pakhons 

VI.  Phamenoth 

VI.  .  .  . 
VIII.      .    .  . 

X.      .    .  . 

XI.  Mesore  10 

XI.  Mekhir  9 
XII.  Pakhons 
III— 10 


Silsileh,  graffito 
Revenue  \  Med,  Habu, 

text     /  S. 
Historic  ^  Med.  Habu 

text  j 
Silsileh,  quarrying" 

graffiti 
Silsileh,  hymn  to  Nile 

Turin  papyrus 
Historic  \  Med.  Habu 

text  j 
Turin  pap3'rus 
Triumphal  ^  Med.  Habu 

text  / 
Triumphal)  Med.  Habu 

text  / 
Revenue  )  Med.  Habu 

text  j 


(P.P.T.  Ixx.  f,g). 
(P.P.T.  Ixiv.  b-g-). 
(W.G.  508). 
(A.Z.  xiv.  2). 
(Dy.  O.  25008,  13). 

(L.D.  iii.  207  g-). 
(Abbott  Pap.  R.P. 

xii.  109). 
(Berl.  Cat.  p.  134, 

3422). 
(L.D.  iii.  224  a). 
(L.D.T.  iii.  loi). 
(L.D.  iii.  217  f,  g). 
(M.A.F.    iii.  164; 

L.D.  iii.  217  a-d  ; 

L.D.T.  ii.  220). 
(Cat.  p.  188). 
(L.D.  iii.  216). 


^  (L.D.  iii.  214). 


(G.F.  iv.  10;  B.T. 

364). 
(L.D.  vi.  23,  7). 
(D.M.H.  177). 

(D.M.H.  108). 

(L.D.  vi.  23,  6,  8). 

(L.D.iii.2i8d;  A.Z. 

xi.  129). 
(W.G.  S08). 
(D.M.H.  92). 

(W.G.  508). 
(D.M.H.  82). 

(D.M.H.  69). 

(D.M.H.  177). 


146 


USER-MAAT-RA 


[DYN.  XX.  I. 


YEAR 


XII.      .    .    .        Speechof  \  Med.  Habu  (D.M.H.  64). 

Ptah  / 

XII.      .    .    .         Stele  Med.  Habu  (D.M.H.  68). 

XVI.  Pauni  Offerings  \  Karnak  (B.  Rec.  i.  40). 

to  Amen  / 

XVI.  Pauni  I  Stele  Kus  (C.N.  ii.  292). 

.  XVII.  Pharmuthi  to 

XVIII.  Phamenoth  15  Turin  papyrus  (P.P.T.  Ixi.  p.  77). 

XXII.      .    .    .         Endowments  for  Amen  (Pap,  Har.  17). 

XXIV.      .    .    .         Turin  papyrus  (W.G.  508). 

XXVI.      .    .    .         Apis  burial  (M.S.  p.  16). 

XXIX.  Mesore  25  to  Turin  papyrus  (P.P.T.  xxxv.- 

Pakhons  1 5  xlvii.). 

XXXII.     .    .    .         Building  \  Med.  Habu  (D.M.H.  58). 
oftower  j 

XXXII.  Epiphi  6        Harris  papyrus  (R.P.  vi.  23). 

XXXI.  Years  of  reign,  see  Pap.  Mallet  (Rec.  i.  53). 

As  the  temple  of  Medinet  Habu  is  the  main  authority 
for  the  history  of  this  reign,  it  is  needful  to  refer  to  it 
constantly  and  systematically.  All  references  here  are 
made  to  the  full  account  by  Daressy  (1897),  as  (D.M.H.) ; 
and  the  references  of  all  textual  publications  are  given 
page  by  page  to  the  account  of  Daressy  as  follows : — 


D.M.H. 

D.H.I.    CM.    P.  Ins. 

R.E. 

L.D.  iii.    R.S.i  G.F. 

1st  pylon  out 

S 

61 

11-12  204 

64 

7-10 

131-8 

209  c 

N 

69 

13-15 

121-6 

209  d 

72 

16-17 

109-13 

210  a 

in 

S 

80 

18-27 

114-17 

(Rec.  i.  96) 

1st  court 

N 

91 

147-8 

127 

2nd  pylon  out 

N 

92 

1-3 

S 

98 

129 

211  144 

2nd  court 

s 

105 

205 

136 

106 

206  157-8 

107 

207  1 56 

107 

208  155 

108 

(B.T.  1 197-1207) 

139-47 

139 

2nd  pylon  in 

s 

116 

114  A.B. 

120 

148-9 

II 8-9 

149-50  120 

2nd  court 

N 

121 

209-10 

123 

21 1-12 

124 

213-14 

212-13 

w 

214 

^  Rosellini  is  omitted  when  inferior  to  CM. 


B.C.  1 202-1170.] 


RAMESSU  III 


147 


Hypostyle 
Treasury 


Outside  S  177  (A.Z.  iv.  1 1-13 ;  ex.  i.  370)  4-6 

131 


D.M.H. 

D.H.I. 

CM.    P.  Ins. 

137 

152-5 

138 

20-29 

139 

30-34 

S  177 

(A.Z.  iv.  1 1 

■\.T      ,  Oil 

rs  loo 

47  a 

217 

It5o 

2 1 0—9 

109 

220  A.  B. 

190 

221-2 

191 

223 

192 

224-5 

193 

226 

194 

228 

195 

227 

R.S.1  G.F. 


The  son  of  Setnekht  succeeded  his  father,  with  whom 
he  had  already  been  associated  as  king  (L.D.  iii.  206  d). 
Like  a  true  Ramesside,  his  first  act  was  to  appropriate 
his  father's  tomb  (No.  11)  ;  effacing  the  tomb  of  Siptah 
and  Tausert  to  place  his  father  there,  and  abandoning 
his  own  tomb,  which  he  had  already  begun  (No.  3). 
He  thus  economised  the  small  difference  at  his  acces- 
sion between  the  work  on  No.  3  and  No.  11,  at  the 
expense  of  his  ancestors. 

The  great  temple  of  Medinet  Habu  was  begun  early 
in  the  reign  ;  the  quarries  of  Silsileh  being  worked  in 
the  Ilird  year.  The  sanctuary,  hypostyle  hall,  and 
treasury  were  the  earliest  parts.  And  Wiedemann 
assigns  a  war  to  the  1st  year,  apparently  only  on  the 
ground  that  captives  are  represented  in  these  earlier 
sculptures  ;  but  this  ground  is  insufficient.  In  the 
IVth  year  an  endowment  of  the  temple  was  fixed  by 
decree,  which  was  later  expanded  in  the  Xllth  year. 

In  the  Vth  year  began  the  great  events  of  the  reign. 
Just  as  in  the  days  of  Merenptah,  so  again  the  western 
races  had  gradually  forced  themselves  into  the  Delta  ; 
and,  after  a  few  quiet  years  of  organising,  Egypt 
proceeded  to  expel  them.  "The  Lebu  and  Mashauash 
were  seated  in  Kemi ;  they  took  the  cities  on  the 
western  side  from  Memphis  as  far  as  Karbana,  reach- 
ing the  great  river  on  its  whole  side,  for  they  had 
captured  the  town  of  Gautut.  For  many  years  they 
^  Rosellini  is  omitted  when  inferior  to  CM. 


148 


USER-MAAT-RA 


[DYN.  XX. 


were  in  Eg-ypt "  (H.P.  77).  Karbana  is  the  Greek 
Herakleion  (B.G.  854)  which  was  near  Abukir,  on  the 
Kanobic  arm  of  the  Nile.  Just  where  this  arm  is  lost 
at  the  lakes,  on  the  farthest  point  of  continuous  coun- 
try, are  Nezlet  Gorbal  and  Ezbet  Garbal  or  Korbany 
(D.E.),  at  the  modern  Kafr  Dawar.  Hence  the  ex- 
pression above  means  from  head  to  foot  of  the  Delta, 
or  from  Cairo  to  Alexandria,  as  we  should  say.  Gautut 
or  Gauu  is  the  same  as  Kanobos  (B.G.  820),  and  the 
Libyans  had  therefore  occupied  the  coast  reg^ion  east 
of  Alexandria.  Then  "the  people  of  the  Tamahu 
were  assembled  together,  united  with  the  Lebu,  the 
Sepdu  (?),  the  Mashauasha,  to  attack  our  land,  the 
Bureru,  their  warriors  fulfilled  their  plans"  (D.M.H. 
III).  **The  Mashauasha,  the  Lebu,  the  Sabata,  the 
Qayqasha,  the  Shaytep,  the  Hasa,  the  Baqana"  (H.P. 
77).  These  are  certainly  western  people,  but  none  of 
these  names  (except  Libya)  are  to  be  found  in  either 
ancient  or  modern  times  between  Egypt  and  Tunis  ; 
nearly  all  occur,  however,  in  Tunis  and  Algeria. 

Tamahu  Tama-suna,  4°  40'  E  ;  Tama-nuna,  5° ;  Tama- 

g-ada,  Ti77igad,  6\°, 

Lebu  Libyca,  Lake,  8^-9°. 

Sapdu  =  Sabata  Suptu,  6^° ;  Tubu-Suptus,  4°  50'. 

Mashaua(sha)  Maxyes  =  S.  Tunisia,  9°-io''. 

Bureru  Bararus,  io°4o';  Bure,  9°  20'. 

Shaytep  Sitifis,  Setif,  5^°. 

Hasa  Auzia,  3°  40' ;  Ouaza-g-ada,  5^°  etc. 

Baqana  Bokanon,  6°W.,  near  Fez. 

Only  the  Qayqasha  and  Qahaq  are  not  found  here.  The 
Qayqa(sha)  may  be  a  variant  of  the  Aqayua(sha),  and 
we  have  already  noticed  that  these  allies  of  the  Mas- 
haua(sha)  are  probably  connected  with  Agbia  9°  and  El 
Aghwat  3°.  Broadly,  these  names  cover  Algeria  and 
Tunis,  with  perhaps  one  in  Marocco.  It  is  an  open 
question  as  to  whether  the  names  of  classical  and 
modern  ages  show  the  positions  of  this  group  of 
people  some  centuries  before,  or  whether  they  have 
drifted  all  together  to  the  west.  But  as  these  lands 
are  far  more  adapted  to  maintain  a  large  population 
than  the  region  nearer  Egypt,  they  are  more  likely  to 


6.C.  1202-1170.] 


RAMESSU  Hi 


be  the  home  ground  of  a  large  body  of  invaders  ;  and 
the  facial  resemblance  of  the  Mashauash  to  the  Shakal- 
sha  and  Shardaina  accords  with  the  Maxyes  in  Tunisia, 
being  near  Sicily  and  Sardinia. 

The  names  of  the  chiefs  are  given  as  Didi,  Masha- 
kenu,  Mar-aqu,  .  .  .  mar,  and  Zaut-mar  (D.M.H.  113). 
In  these,  mar  or  mor  is  probably  the  Mauri  or  Moors, 
as  Masha  is  the  Mashau  or  Maxyes.  The  values  of 
the  other  roots,  Didi,  -kenu,  -ayu,  and  Zaut,  are  yet 


Fig.  61. — Map  of  tribes  in  Algeria  and  Tunis. 


unknown.  Unfortunately  the  fifty  lines  of  inscription 
give  no  more  historical  detail  ;  but  in  the  papyrus 
we  read  of  taking  captive  myriads  of  women  and 
children  (showing  that  the  foreigners  intended  a  tribal 
occupation,  and  not  merely  a  war  for  plunder),  and  hun- 
dreds of  thousands  of  cattle.  The  captive  men  were 
branded  and  made  galley  slaves,  and  the  cattle  given  to 
Amen.  In  the  temple  text  a  portion  dealing  with  northern 
conquests  begins  with  the  royal  protocol  at  line  51  ; 


USER-MAAT-RA 


[dyn.  XX.  1. 


and  it  seems  more  likely  that  the  last  25  lines  were 
added  after  the  Syrian  war  (D.M.H.  114). 

The  building-  of  the  temple  at  Medinet  Habu  was 
continued  actively,  and  in  the  Vth  year  the  treasurer 
Sety-emheb  came  to  quarry  at  Silsileh  with  2000  men, 
200  quarrymen,  and  800  boatmen  in  40  boats  of  100 
cubits  long,  and  4  despatch  boats  (L.D.  vi.  23,  8).  In 
the  Vlth  year  was  engraved  at  Silsileh  a  third  copy  of 
the  hymn  to  the  Nile  of  Ramessu  II.  and  Merenptah. 

After  three  years'  rest  the  land  was  shaken  in  year 


Fig.  62. — Ramessu  TIT.  receiving  hands  of  slain.    Medinet  Habu. 

VIII.  by  another  great  danger,  which  is  recited  in  a 
proclamation  by  the  king.  A  league  of  tribes,  destroy- 
ing all  before  them,  the  Kheta,  Qedi,  Qerqamesha, 
Arothu,  and  Arosa  (the  people  of  northern  Syria) 
encamped  in  one  place  in  the  midst  of  the  land  of 
Amar;  they  swept  away  the  inhabitants,  but  fire  and 
the  grave  were  before  them  in  Egypt.  With  them  were 
united  the  Pulosathu,  the  Zakkaru,  the  Shaklusha, 
the  Daanau,  and  the  Uashashau  (D.M.H.  95).  And 
the  king     slaughtered  the  Daanona  in  their  isles,  the 


B.C.  I202-II7O.] 


RAMESSU  III 


Zakkaru,  the  Pulosathu,  consuming  the  Shairadana, 
the  Uashashau  of  the  sea"  (P.H.  76).  Of  these  peoples 
none  occur  in  the  invasion  from  the  west,  and  only  the 
Shaklusha  occur  in  a  western  connection  before.  It  is 
therefore  in  the  northern  connection  that  we  must  look 
for  the  names.  The  Pulosathu  are  generally  recog- 
nised as  Philisti,  though  whether  they  were  in  Crete 
or  in  Palestine  at  this  date  is  uncertain  ;  but  as  they 
are  said  to  be  "in  the  midst  of  the  sea,"  Crete  is  the 
more  likely. 

The  Zakkaru  have  been  generally  connected  with  the 


Fig.  63.— Philistines.    Medinet  Habu. 


Teukroi,  and  Teuker  is  said  to  come  from  Crete  ;  per- 
haps we  may  see  the  name  yet  in  Zakro  at  the  eastern 
end  of  the  island.  The  Daanau  and  Uasha(sha)  are 
said  both  to  belong  to  the  sea.  The  Danai  were 
Argives,  and  Danaos  was  king  of  Rhodes  and  Argos, 
so  that  Rhodes  might  well  be  the  home  of  the  Daanau. 
The  Uasha  have  been  connected  with  Oaxos  in  Crete  ; 
but  being  next  to  the  Daanau,  they  may  well  belong  to 
Ixia  at  the  south  end  of  Rhodes,  or  lassos,  on  the 
mainland  in  Caria.  Perhaps  all  three  places  were 
named  from  one  tribe.  Altogether  these  allies  of  the 
north  Syrians  seem  to  have  come  by  sea  from  Crete 


USER-MAAT-RA 


[dyx.  XX. 


and  Rhodes,  which  accounts  for  the  importance  of 
shipping  as  shown  in  the  battles. 

Egypt,  warned  by  this  great  horde  gathered  in  the 
Amorite  land,  laid  out  its  defences  ;  the  king  fortified 
the  mouths  of  the  Nile  with  vessels  of  war,  transports, 
and  barques,  fully  armed  with  warriors.  They  were 
completely  successful  in  repelling  the  invaders,  throw- 
ing them  and  their  things  in  the  water,  and  driving 
others  back  (D.M.H.  96)  ;  captured  at  once  and  led 
in  captivity  to  Egypt  like  the  sands  of  the  shore,  I 


Fig.  64. — Sea  battle,  north  side  of  Medinet  Habu. 


enclosed  them  in  a  fortress  fettered  in  my  name  ;  many 
were  their  youths  as  hundreds  of  thousands  ;  I  com- 
pelled them  all  to  bear  tribute  of  clothes  and  corn  in  the 
treasuries  and  granaries  yearly"  (H.P.  76).  This  is 
the  great  naval  battle  shown  on  the  north  outside  of 
Medinet  Habu  (CM.  222).  Unfortunately  there  is  no 
account  of  the  Syrian  war  ;  and  that  a  great  land  fight 
took  place  we  only  learn  from  the  scenes  of  groups  of 
Amorite  captives,  and  the  Philistines  and  Zakkaru 
escaping  in  ox  waggons  (CM.  220).     Unhappily  the 


B.C.  1202-1170.I 


RAMESSU  III 


153 


lists  of  captive  towns  have  been  so  largely  copied  from 
earlier  conquests,  that  we  cannot  use  them  for  his- 
tory ;  especially  as  the  walls  of  the  Ramesseum,  which 
were  probably  their  prototype,  have  nearly  all  been 
destroyed,  and  cannot  be  compared. 

Three  years  later,  in  year  XL,  the  westerners  again 
attacked  the  land  in  the  spring,  for  the  triumphal  in- 
scription is  dated  Mesore  10  (May  23)  ;  the  Mashauash 
and  the  Tahennu  were  overthrown,  and  their  towns 
ravaged  ;  the  chief,  Masha-shal,  son  of  Kapur,  was 
beaten  down,  his  captain  and  troops  no  more  existed, 
their  chiefs  were  made  living  prisoners,  with  their 
goods,  their  children,  their  cattle,  and  their  horses. 
The  hordes  of  the  Mashauasha  and  people  of  the 
Tamahu  were  chastised,  and  taken  ;  the  god  received 
them  as  booty,  as  animals  caught  in  a  trap.  The 
Mashauasha  were  destroyed  at  once ;  the  Lebu  and 
the  Sepdu  were  massacred.  Such  were  the  boasts  of 
the  king  on  the  inner  side  of  the  great  pylon  at  Medinet 
Habu  (D.M.H.  82-7).  The  war  seems  to  have  been 
carried  into  the  enemies'  land  to  some  extent,  as 
their  towns  were  destroyed :  the  alliance  seems  to 
have  partly  been  the  same  as  in  the  \'th  year,  the 
Mashaua,  Tamahu,  and  Sepdu  being  named,  but  no 
other  tribes. 

After  this  close  of  the  wars  on  both  sides  of  the  land, 
the  plunder  was  distributed.  In  the  Xllth  year  was 
made  a  re-endowment  of  the  temple  of  Medinet  Habu, 
probably  on  the  completion  of  the  building  (D.M.H. 
177).  Attention  was  then  given  to  Karnak,  where  the 
list  of  offerings  is  dated  in  the  XVIth  year.  The  ever- 
encroaching  priesthood  of  Amen  acquired  larger  grants 
again  in  the  XXHnd  year  (P.H.  17),  which  we  shall 
notice  below.  At  the  close  of  the  reign  some  recon- 
struction took  place  at  the  Ramesseum  ;  a  lintel  was 
found  there  (Q.R.  xvii.)  ;  and  in  the  XXIXth  year  a 
papyrus  diary  of  a  scribe,  Paheri,  relates  the  erection 
of  a  door  (P.P.T.  p.  58),  the  continual  strikes  of  the 
workmen  for  food  (59,  60,  61),  the  distribution  of  corn 
(63),  a  burnt-sacrifice  of  an  ox  on  the  altar  of  the 


154 


USER-MAAT-RA 


[dyn.  XX.  I. 


Ramesseum,  and  the  supply  of  concubines  to  the  king- 
on  his  visit  to  the  work  (64). 

The  close  of  the  reign  is  marked  by  the  compilation 
of  the  great  summary  of  the  religious  endowments  of 
the  king,  and  the  recital  of  the  main  facts  of  his  reign, 
in  the  great  Harris  papyrus,  which  is  133  feet  long, 
and  of  the  best  work  of  the  time.  It  is  dated  in  the 
XXXIInd  year,  Epiphi  6  (April  14),  at  which  time 
Ramessu  IV.  was  already  named  as  king  (pi.  79)  ;  and, 
by  the  mention  of  R.  III.  going  down  to  the  under- 
world and  the  document  being  addressed  to  all  the 
gods,  it  seems  as  if  he  were  already  dead,  and  that  the 
papyrus  was  a  funereal  recital  of  his  acts,  a  statement 
prepared  for  him  to  plead  in  the  judgment  of  Osiris. 
We  here  give  a  short  outline  of  the  contents. 

Page  I.  This  is  a  statement  of  the  acts  of  Ramessu 
III.  to  inform  gods,  spirits,  and  men  of  his  deeds. 

2.  Gifts  to  Amen, — Ramessu  prays  for  future  life. 
3-5.  Building  the  temple  of  Medinet  Habu.  6.  Its 
furnishing.  7-8.  Its  endowments  of  estates  and  serfs. 
9.  Building  a  temple  in  Phoenicia.  10.  Totals  of 
offerings  to  the  Theban  triad  in  31  years  ;  cattle  and 
62,626  serfs.  II.  Estates,  including  56  towns  of 
Egypt  and  9  towns  of  Syria.  12-16.  Offerings:  gold, 
silver,  bronze,  cattle,  metal  vases,  linen,  oil,  wine,  etc. 
17-21.  Offerings  for  the  20  days'  feast  in  the  22nd  to 
32nd  year:  bread  wine,  fruit,  cattle,  fish,  flowers, 
metals,  etc.    22-3.  Address  to  Amen. 

24-6.  Gifts  to  Heliopolis. — Buildings  and  statues. 
27-30.  General  account  of  endowments.  31.  12,963 
serfs.  32.  45,544  cattle,  estates,  103  towns  of  Egypt, 
linen,  corn,  etc.  33.  Gold,  silver,  linen,  and  wine. 
34.  Precious  stones,  olive  yards.  35.  Bread.  36. 
Birds,  incense,  fruit,  etc. 

37.  Gifts  to  Hapi. — Bread  and  beer.  38-40.  Birds, 
incense,  fruit,  etc.  40-41.  Statues  of  Hapi  of  gold, 
silver,  stones,  etc.    42.  Address  in  favour  of  R.  IV. 

43.  Gifts  to  Ftah. — 44.  Prayer  to  Ptah.  45-6.  Ac- 
count of  buildings.  47-50.  Furniture  and  festivals. 
51.  Offerings  of  serfs,  cattle,  estates,  silver,  and  corn. 


B.C.  1202-1170.] 


RAMESSU  III 


155 


52.  Gold  and  silver  vases,  lazuli,  bronze.  53-4.  Wines, 
etc.  54-6.  Offerings  from  29th  to  31st  year  to  Hapi 
and  Ptah.    56.  Address  to  Ptah. 

57.  Buildings  etc.y  for  the  gods. — For  Anher.  58. 
For  Tahuti  at  Sesennu ;  for  Osiris  at  Abydos  ;  for 
Upuatu  of  Siut.  59.  For  Sutekh  of  Nubti ;  for  Hor- 
khenti-khrati.  60.  For  Sutekh  of  Rameses.  61.  Serfs 
for  these  and  other  temples.  62.  Cattle,  gold,  etc., 
for  temples.  63.  Linen.  64.  Wine,  pectorals,  rings, 
beads,  etc.    65.  Vegetables.    66.  Corn. 

67-74.  Gi^^ind  total. — Divine  images,  2756;  slaves, 
113,433;  cattle,  490,386;  land,  1,071,780  aruras 
(about  1300  square  miles,  probably  Jth  of  the  whole 
land)  ;  towns  of  Egypt,  160  ;  towns  of  Syria,  169 ;  gold, 
;£"8o,ooQ  ;  silver,  bronze,  lead,  etc.  etc. 

75  -79.  History. — 75.  Decay  of  land,  acts  of  Setnekht. 
76-7.  Conquests  over  the  invaders.  78.  Revival  of 
Egypt.    79.  Death  of  R.  III.  and  accession  of  R.  IV. 

There  are  some  historical  details  mentioned  which 
are  undated,  and  which  we  have  not  yet  named  in  the 
history.  In  pi.  76,  I  made  an  attack  on  the  Saaru 
(S.  Palestine)  of  the  tribes  of  the  Shasu,  and  spoiled 
their  villages  of  men  and  things,  cattle  also,  bound 
and  led  them  captive  as  tribute  to  Egypt ;  I  gave  them 
to  the  gods  as  slaves  for  the  temples."  This  seems  to 
have  been  apart  from  the  war  of  the  invasion  in  the 
8th  year.  In  pi.  77,  "  I  made  a  very  large  well  in  the 
land  of  Aina,  enclosed  by  a  wall  like  a  mountain  of 
granite,  20  square  feet  on  the  basis,  30  cubits  high, 
like  a  tower.  Its  doorpost,  made  of  cedar  wood,  the 
locks  of  bronze  with  bolts."  Also  an  expedition  was 
made  down  the  Red  Sea.  I  built  large  vessels  and 
transports,  all  equipped  with  many  workmen  and  many 
servants.  Their  captains  of  ships  upon  them  with 
surveyors  and  labourers,  to  provide  them  with  the  pro- 
ducts of  Egypt  without  number.  Sailing  away  on  the 
great  sea  of  the  waters  of  Kat,  they  set  out  for  the  land 
of  Punt,  no  mischief  happens  to  them  arriving  safely. 
Laden  are  the  ships  and  transports  with  all  the  pro- 
ducts of  Ta-neter.    Going  at  the  head  of  their  tributes 


USER- M  A  AT -R  A 


[dyn.  y^.  t. 


toward  Egypt,  they  depart,  arrive  at  the  land  of 
Koptos  (Kosseir),  and  anchor  in  peace  with  their 
cargo.  Discharged  on  the  landing  on  asses,  on  men, 
and  then  loaded  in  boats  on  the  river  and  canals  of 
Koptos  they  come."  This  was  a  repetition  of  the 
great  expedition  of  Hatshepsut.  Another  expedition 
(pi.  78)  was  for  copper:  "I  sent  out  messengers  to 
the  land  of  Ataka  (probably  Sinai,  beyond  the  present 
Gebel  Ataka)  for  the  great  foundries  (?  mines)  of  copper 
which  are  in  that  place.  Their  transports  were  loaded, 
the  rest  came  on  asses.  Having  found  their  foundries 
loaded  with  metal,  loaded  as  myriads  on  the  ships, 
they  moved  along  towards  Egypt,  arriving  safely. 
The  cargo  was  piled  in  the  stores  as  hundreds  of 
thousands  of  the  colour  of  gold.  I  let  the  people  see 
them  like  marvels.  I  sent  officers  and  chiefs  to  the 
land  of  Mafkat  of  my  mother  Hathor,  mistress  of 
turquoises,  carrying  to  her  silver,  gold,  linen,  mixed 
linen  things.  There  were  brought  to  me  marvels  of 
real  turquoises  in  many  bags."  Beside  these  foreign 
labours,  afforesting,  which  is  always  so  much  needed  in 
Egypt,  was  carried  out.  ''I  made  to  be  planted  the 
entire  land  with  trees  in  leaf.  I  let  the  people  sit  in 
their  shade.  I  let  the  women  of  Egypt  walk  out  to 
the  place  she  wished,  no  vile  persons  molested  her  on 
her  way"  (R.P.  viii.  49,  50).  These  accounts  show 
Ramessu  III.  to  have  been  not  only  a  successful  fighter 
like  Merenptah,  but  to  have  carefully  developed  trade 
with  the  south  and  east  ;  for  his  ships  set  out  laden 
with  the  products  of  Egypt,  and  with  precious  metals 
and  linen  to  trade  with.  He  also  policed  the  country 
well  and  ensured  justice.  Altogether  this  is  a  better 
record  than  that  of  any  king  since  the  grand  days  of 
the  XVnith  dynasty. 

The  reign  was  not,  however,  without  its  troubles. 
Society  was  in  a  decayed  state.  From  the  king — 
whose  trifling  in  his  harem  is  sculptured  on  his  pavilion 
at  Medinet  Habu  and  satirised  in  papyri,  and  whose 
supply  of  concubines  on  his  visit  to  the  Ramesseum  is 
casually  noted  by  the  scribe  with  other  details  of  the 


B.C.  1202-II70.] 


RAMESSU  III 


157 


work  (P.P.T.  64) — down  to  the  petty  official,  who  notes 
in  his  travelling-  diary  (P.P.T.  74),  his  consorting 
with  the  wives  of  fishermen,  morality  seems  to  have 
been  at  its  lowest.  The  natural  accompaniment  of 
this  was  a  mass  of  intrigue  and  corrupt  superstition. 
An  overseer  of  cattle,  Pen-huy-ban,  asked  for  a  book 
of  magic,  and  it  was  supplied  to  him  from  the  king's 


Fig.  65. — Ramessu  III.,  from  his  tomb.    L  D.  iii.  215, 


library,  "whereby  he  could  strike  blind  the  people  and 
reach  the  innermost  recesses  of  the  harem  and  other 
secret  places.  He  made  figures  of  wax  and  love 
charms,  and  these  he  had  carried  to  the  interior  by 
the  hand  of  an  officer  Adoram,  so  that  one  of  the  female 
servants  might  be  removed  and  others  bewitched  ; 
and  that  thereby  messages  might  be  taken  to  the 
interior,  and  others  brought  to  the  outside."    For  this 


USER-MAAT-RA 


[UYN.  XX.  I. 


palace  intrigue  with  the  harem  he  was  condemned  to 
death  (Pap.  Amherst,  p.  21). 

Another  great  case  of  intrigue  is  recorded  in  the 
judicial  papyrus  of  Turin.  The  women  of  the  palace, 
who  were  not  allowed  out  to  see  their  relatives,  and 
were  probably,  therefore,  concubines  of  the  king,  made 
a  conspiracy,  and  communicated  with  their  relatives 
through  the  keeper  (or  agha)  of  the  harem  Pai-baka- 
kamen,  an  inspector  Mesdisura,  the  keeper  of  the  king's 
rooms  in  the  harem  Paanauk,  and  a  scribe  of  the  king's 
rooms  Penduauu.  The  messengers  of  the  harem  in 
attendance,  Pa-nifu-em-dua-Amen,  Karpusa,  Khaemapt, 
Kha-em-maa-enra,  Sety-em-per-Tahuti,  Sety-em-per- 
Amen,  an  inspector  Uarma,  a  servant  Ash-hebst,  and  a 
scribe  Pa-raka,  were  all  cognisant  of  the  matter,  but 
did  not  report  it.  The  wives  of  the  guards,  who  heard 
of  the  conspiracy,  were  also  implicated  ;  beside  Paiari 
son  of  Roma  a  treasurer,  Ban-em-uast  chief  of  archers 
of  Kush,  and  more  than  a  dozen  other  officials.  The 
whole  of  these  were  executed.  Others  who  gave  false 
evidence,  but  were  not  in  the  conspiracy,  had  their 
noses  and  ears  amputated,  and  were  kept  in  penal 
servitude.  The  matter  was  so  serious  that  a  special 
court  was  constituted  of  twelve  officials — treasurers, 
inspectors,  and  scribes — to  try  the  accused  ;  and  of 
this  court  three  members  were  condemned,  along  with 
others,  by  the  king  after  the  finding  of  the  court  on 
those  who  were  previously  accused  (D.M.  ii.  97  ;  R.P. 
viii.  53).  Another  papyrus  (Rollin)  connects  the  case 
of  magic  with  the  conspiracy,  stating  that  the  wax 
figures  and  charms  were  to  be  used  by  Pai-baka-kamen 
(D.M.  ii.  202). 

The  tomb  of  Ramessu  III.  was  originally  begun  at  No. 
3  of  the  Kings'  Tombs,  during  the  life  of  his  father  ;  and 
Setnekht  began  No.  1 1  for  himself,  and  had  even  reached 
as  far  as  the  decoration.  Then  at  Setnekht's  death, 
after  a  year's  reign,  Ramessu  took  his  father's  tomb  for 
himself,  and  basely  altered  the  tomb  of  his  uncle  and 
aunt,  Siptah  and  Tausert,  to  adapt  it  for  his  father.  He 
was  indeed  emulating  Ramessu  II.,  who  began  by  steal- 


li.C.  1202-1170.] 


RAMESSU  III 


159 


ing-  the  temple  site  of  his  father,  the  memorial  of  whom 
he  thrust  on  to  the  temple  of  his  grandfather  at  Qurneh. 

No.  3,  left  unfinished,  has  only  a  single  hall,  and  a 
small  chamber  at  the  side.  A  band  of  cartouches  be- 
tween uraei  along  the  cornice  give  the  name,  and  traces 
of  figures  on  the  walls  show  that  it  was  decorated. 

No.  1 1  opens  with  a  passage  having  five  small  cham- 
bers on  each  side  (see  B.E.  264),  covered  with  figures 
of  off"erings,  armour,  weapons,  furniture,  and  religious 
scenes  ;  this  is  the  most  important  series  of  later 
paintings.  After  a  chamber,  in  the  next  corridor  are 
the  4th  and  5th  hours  of  Duat.  The  next  chamber  (V.) 
has  the  four  sons  of  Horus  and  funeral  gods.    The  hall 


Fig.  66.— Mummy  of  Ramessu  III.       Fig.  67.— Caricature  of  Ra- 
Cairo  Museum.  messu  III.;  papyrus.  L.A. 

xxiii. 


(VI.)  has  the  passage  of  the  sun  through  the  4th 
and  5th  and  6th  portal  of  Hades,  continued  in  a 
side  chamber.  The  descent,  with  the  great  serpent 
on  the  side,  leads  to  a  double  hall  with  the  book  of 
opening  the  mouth"  of  the  mummy.  The  great 
hall  is  supported  by  eight  pillars,  and  has  a  small 
room  opening  from  each  corner.  The  sarcophagus  of 
red  granite  stood  here,  with  elaborate  scenes  on  it 
filled  in  with  green  wax  (P.  Mus.)  ;  the  lid  of  it  is 
now  at  Cambridge.  The  scenes  are  from  the  Book 
of  Hades,  and  the  king  off'ering.    The  corner  chambers 


i6o 


USER-MAAT-RA 


[dyn.  XX.  I. 


have  the  sacred  cattle,  forms  of  Osiris,  the  king-dom 
of  Osiris,  and  the  text  of  the  destruction  of  mankind 
(T.S.B.A.  viii.  412).  The  continuation  of  the  axis 
has  three  small  chambers,  with  figures  of  genii  (M.A.F. 
iii.  87-120). 

The  mummy  of  Ramessu  III.  was  found  at  Deir  el 
Bahri,  still  perfect  and  intact,  but  it  had  been  placed  in 
the  coffin  of  Nefertari.  The  wrapping  had  been  re- 
newed under  Pinezem  I.  The  face  is  far  more  brutal 
than  that  of  Ramessu  II.,  and  has  a  grim  resemblance 
to  the  lion  caricature  of  the  king  in  the  satyric  papyrus 
(L.A.  xxiii.  base  line). 

The  monuments  are  almost  entirely  restricted  to  Tell 
el  Yehudiyeh  and  Thebes,  no  extensive  work  being 
found  elsewhere. 

Parts  of  a  magnificent  building  at  Tell  el  Yehudiyeh 
were  disclosed  by  the  native  diggers  of  earth  about 
1870,  and  were  further  opened  by  the  government,  and 
left  to  be  destroyed.  No  plan  of  the  building  was 
made  ;  and  for  ten  years  it  was  a  quarry  of  alabaster, 
and  a  mine  of  beautiful  inlaid  tiles  and  decoration. 
Some  pieces  with  figures  of  captives,  and  thousands  of 
rosettes  for  inlaying  (B.  Mus.,  C.  Mus.  etc.),  are  all  that 
remain,  beside  a  rough  account  of  the  place  (T.S.B.A. 
vii.  177)  ;  and  by  1887  there  was  hardly  anything  left  on 
the  site  (N.Y.  6,  7).  A  subject  of  much  difficulty  in  the 
earlier  accounts  of  the  objects  was  the  marking  of 
"  Greek  letters  "  on  the  backs  of  many  of  the  tiles  ;  but 
as  we  now  know  that  such  signs  were  used  long  before 
the  XXth  dynasty,  they  only  show  that  foreigners  were 
employed  as  workmen  in  making  these  tiles. 

The  tomb  of  a  Mnevis  bull  at  Heliopolis  was  about 
19  X  25  feet,  covered  with  scenes,  now  happily  removed 
entire  (C.  Mus.).  At  the  Serapeum  the  burial  of  an 
Apis  bull  in  the  XXVIth  year  is  recorded  ;  but  there  is 
no  statement  of  the  nature  of  the  monument  which 
shows  this  (M.S.  Ms.  147).  The  unimportant  monu- 
ments are  sufficiently  indicated  in  the  list. 

At  Karnak  a  complete  temple  to  Amen,  200  feet  long, 
was  built  in  front  of  the  great  pylons,  facing  the  north ; 


B.C.  I702-1I70.] 


RAMESSU  III 


i6i 


the  wall  of  the  subsequent  forecourt  was  carried  on 
each  side  of  it,  so  that  it  then  projected  into  the  court. 
It  consists  of  a  long  peristyle  court,  a  short  hypostyle 
hall,  three  small  chapels  for  the  triad,  and  a  few  back 
rooms.  Back  to  back  with  this,  at  a  furlong  south,  is 
another  temple  of  the  same  size  for  Khonsu,  sculptured 
by  Ramessu  V.,  and  added  to  later.  Yet  a  third  temple 
of  the  same  size  was  built  in  the  temenos  of  Mut. 


Fig.  68.— Front  of  Mcdinct  Habu. 


At  Medinet  Habu  the  great  temple  was  the  main 
work  of  this  reign.  A  small  temple  of  Tahutmes  III. 
already  stood  here ;  and  now  set  close  against  the 
south  side  of  its  temenos  was  the  tall  pavilion  of 
Ramessu,  copied  from  a  Syrian  fortress,  and  forming 
the  gateway  to  the  great  temple  which  stood  further 
back.  It  is  strange  that  for  so  grand  a  monument  a 
site  was  not  adopted  more  compatible  with  the  earlier 
temple.  That  the  great  temple  survives,  is  only  due 
III — II 


l62 


USER-MAAT-RA 


[dyn.  XX.  I. 


to  there  not  having"  been  any  temple  built  at  Thebes  of 
later  date.  Merenptah  used  up  the  temple  of  Amen- 
hotep  III.;  doubtless  Ramessu  III.  used  up  the  stone 
of  Ramessu  II.  and  Merenptah  ;  but  no  later  king" 
needed  to  use  up  the  last  of  the  g-reat  temples,  and  so  it 
remains.  The  entrance  gate  is  of  three  storeys,  and  is 
built  in  a  fortress  form  ;  as  the  celebrated  scenes  of  the 
king  in  his  harem  are  in  the  upper  storey,  it  was  a 
pavilion  for  the  king's  residence.  Thus  it  is  mentioned 
in  the  account  of  the  temple :  ''I  made  to  thee  a  noble 
palace  of  the  king  in  it,  like  the  house  of  Atmu  above  ; 
the  columns,  the  hinges,  and  the  g-ates  of  gold,  the 
g^reat  balcony  crowned  with  best  gold"  (H.P.  4).  The 
three  balconies  across  the  passage  way  must  have 
been  a  striking  feature  ;  the  doorways  and  brackets  for 
them  yet  remain.  On  the  front  are  the  scenes  of 
smiting  a  group  of  enemies  ;  and  on  the  sides  of  the 
entrance  are  good  groups  of  foreigners  led  by  the  king. 
Along  the  base  of  the  front  is  the  important  series  of 
kneeling  figures  of  the  chiefs  of  foreign  peoples,  the 
best  racial  portraits  that  we  know :  on  the  south  half 
their  names  are  (N,  negro)  Keshi  N,  x  N,  Lebu, 
Turses  N,  Mashuash,  Tharaua  N  ;  facing  these,  on  the 
north  half,  are  the  northern  and  eastern  people,  Kheta, 
Amar,  Zakeruy,  Shairdana  of  the  sea,  Sha  .  .  . 
Tuirsha  of  the  sea,  Pa(lista).  The  Sha  ...  is  gener- 
ally taken  to  have  been  Shakalsha  ;  and  rightly  so, 
as  the  face  is  exactly  like  that  of  the  neighbouring 
Mashuash  and  Shairdana,  while  it  differs  from  the 
Shasu,  whose  name  has  been  proposed  for  this.  The 
positions  of  these  peoples  have  been  already  noticed. 
But  here  the  Tuirsha,  or  Tuir  people,  appear  to  be 
northern,  rather  than  in  Africa.  The  position  near 
Carthage  proposed  under  Merenptah  might  therefore  be 
less  likely  than  the  connection  w^ith  Thyrea  and  Tyros 
in  E.  Laconia,  Thera,  and  Tylissos,  west  of  Knossos 
in  Crete,  all  of  which  might  well  be  named  from  a  sea- 
people,  who  may  indeed  have  founded  also  the  Cartha- 
ginian Turuza. 

The  fro?it  of  the  temple  itself  is  a  great  pylon  with 


t.C.  1202-II70.] 


RAMESSU  III 


scenes  of  slaying-  enemies,  and  a  copy  of  the  decree  of 
Ptah  copied  from  Abu  Simbel.  The  lists  of  captured 
towns  "is  only  composed  of  fragments  taken  from  the 
earlier  lists  drawn  up  by  Tahutmes  III.,  Sety  I.,  and 
Ramessu  II.,  put  together  and  disfigured  by  changes 
of  spelling,  which  are  but  generally  errors  of  the  scribe  " 
(D.M.H.  63,  73). 

The  first  court  has  on  the  back  of  the  pylon  (X)  the 
flight  of  the  Libyans  before  the  king,  and  (S)  the  king 
seated  in  triumph  receiving  the  accounts  of  the  slain, 
2175  Mashuasha,  and  over  14,000  animals,  showing 
that  the  invasion  was  a  tribal  migration.  On  the  north 
is  a  series  of  captives  on  the  pillars  ;  and  on  the  wall 
the  king  addressing  his  sons  and  generals  ;  the  siege 
of  the  Amorite  capital  by  the  Shardana  ;  the  king  in 
his  chariot  with  captives,  and  conducting  them  to  the 
gods.  On  the  south  is  a  great  review  of  the  army. 
On  the  w^est  wall  is  a  long  historical  inscription  of  the 
Vlllth  year,  and  captives  led  before  Amen. 

The  peristyle  court  has  on  the  east  wall  the  king 
before  Amen  and  the  procession  of  Sokar ;  on  the 
south  wall  the  battle  against  northerners,  the  king  in  a 
chariot  leading  captives  to  Amen,  and  the  long  histori- 
cal text  of  the  Vth  year.  On  the  north  wall  the  feast 
of  Amen,  and  the  procession  of  Min.  On  the  west  wall 
the  king  making  offerings,  and  the  figures  of  his  sons. 

The  hypostyle  hall  is  unroofed  and  partly  destroyed  ;  it 
shows  the  king  making  offerings  and  presentingcaptives. 

The  treasury  to  the  south  of  this  has,  figured  on  its 
sides,  the  rich  offerings  made  to  Amen.  The  various 
chambers  around  the  sanctuary  have  religious  scenes. 
The  most  important  is  a  chamber  with  an  astronomical 
ceiling  (D.M.H.  155),  almost  exactly  copied  from  the 
Ramesseum. 

The  outside  of  the  temple  has  three  great  subjects. 
On  the  south  a  religious  calendar  ;  on  the  west  wall 
(S)  war  against  negroes,  and  (N)  war  against  Libyans 
and  Asiatics,  continued  on  to  the  N.  wall,  where  is  the 
great  sea  fight.  Had  we  the  temples  of  Tahutmes  III. 
or  Ramessu  II.  preserved  as  completely,  they  would 


USER-MAAT'RA 


[DYN.  XX.  I. 


doubtless  excel  this  work  ;  but  it  is  the  only  instance 
which  shows  what  was  the  entire  design  of  a  great 
memorial  temple  of  a  conquering  king.  The  whole 
building  is  about  500  feet  long,  and  160  feet  wide. 

The  large  amount  of  quarrying  at  Silsileh  led  to 
several  rock  tablets  being  engraved  there,  and  some 
graffiti.  Some  others  at  Aswan  and  Semneh  belong  to 
southern  expeditions. 

Of  small  monuments  and  objects  there  are  but  few, 
and  those  not  of  any  historic  value.  The  papyri,  how- 
ever, fill  a  greater  place  in  this  reign  than  in  any  other  ; 
they  have  been  noticed  in  their  historical  connection. 

Of  the  royal  family  one  queen  is  undoubted,  Ast- 
amasereth  (L.D.  iii.  207  g) ;  apparently  an  Egyptian 
name  Isis,  with  a  Syrian  name  Amasereth.  She  appears 
on  a  statue  of  the  king.  It  seems  probable  that  she  is 
the  queen  Ast  (L.D.  iii.  224  a),  who  is  in  tomb  X.  of 
the  Queens'  Tombs,  as  a  great  royal  mother  in  the  time 
of  Ramessu  VI.;  and  she  is  also  named  on  a  stele  of 
Amenemapt  in  Berlin  (Cat.  p.  134,  3422).  Another 
royal  mother  in  the  same  period  is  Humazery  (L.D.T. 
ii.  loi).  As  so  many  sons  of  this  king  succeeded  to 
the  throne,  there  is  no  difficulty  about  there  being  two 
royal  mothers. 

The  series  of  the  sons  began  with  Pa-ra-her-amif, 
who  appears  as  eldest  son  behind  the  king  in  the  tomb 
of  an  unnamed  queen,  No.  XI.  He  must  have  died 
before  his  father,  perhaps  at  about  20,  or  rather  later  ; 
and  so  is  placed  in  the  great  list  at  Medinet  Habu  after 
the  sons  who  succeeded  to  the  throne. 

The  second  son,  Mentu-her-khepshef,  succeeded  to 
the  position  of  "  heir  and  chief  royal  son  "  ;  but  he  too 
died  before  the  king,  and  his  tomb  was  hardly  begun, 
only  a  large  passage  and  the  doorway  of  a  hall  was 
cut,  and  all  the  inscriptions  are  merely  painted  and  not 
sculptured.  Evidently  he  expected  to  succeed  as  king, 
and  had  begun  his  tomb  among  those  of  the  kings  ;  as 
he  died  so  soon,  the  small  portion  yet  cut  was  merely 
painted  over,  and  his  burial  took  place.    The  tomb  is 


B.C.  1 202-1 170.] 


RAMESSU  III 


165 


published  in  M.A.F.  iii.  164,  pis.  Ixix.-lxxiv. ;  L.D.  iii. 
217  a-d;  L.D.T.  ii.  220;  the  portrait  in  L.D.  iii.  216. 
The  heart  scarab  has  been  found  and  is  in  Berlin. 

The  third  son  succeeded  his  father  as  Ramessu  IV., 
and  also  six  other  sons  in  quick  succession,  until  the 
last  died  at  over  80,  and  the  high  priests  of  Amen  took 
the  titular  power,  as  well  as  the  authority  which  they 
had  so  long  exercised. 

The  officials  of  whom  there  are  remains  are  as  follow:  — 

Ahory,  general,  stele.    C.  Mus. 

Bakenk/ioiisu  (see  under  officials  of  Ramessu  II.), 
lived  to  Ramessu  III.,  from  his  statue  found  at 
the  temple  of  Mut,  see  B.G.M.  He  was  under 
R.  II.  at  the  age  of  86,  and  therefore  born  1320 
B.C.  or  earlier  ;  and  he  must  have  been  at  least 
118  at  the  accession  of  R.  III.  (D.M.  i.  289). 

Hora-eni-heb,  architrave.    C.  Mus. 

Khonsu,  2l  sedem.    Aswan  (M.I.  i.  95,  i^ohis). 

Merjbasty  priest,  also  under  Setnekht  (L.D.  iii. 
237  a,  b). 

Pa-ho7i-neter,  keeper  of  horses,  lintel.  C.  Mus.  (Ms. 
Q.G.  160). 

Pedubast,  high  priest  of  Memphis  (B.T.  908). 
Rameses-xekhtu,  high  priest  of  Amen,  R.  III.  to  R. 

IX.  (Ms.  M.  667)  ;  at  Karnak  (L.D.  iii.  237  a,  b) 

same?;  squatting  statue,  Berl.  Mus.  (Berl.  Cat. 

139,  2277  ;  Lb.  D.  987)  ;  stone  block,  Turin  (95)  ; 

dovetail  with  branded  name,  P.  Mus.  (M.S.S.  xi. 

8,  No.  489)  ;  on  statue,  Karnak  (Rec.  xxvii.  71). 
Setau,  tomb,  El  Kab  (C.N.  i.  270,  653  ;  Br.  Rec. 

ii.  72,  2  ;  Ms.  M.  667). 
Siast,  group,  Abydos  (M.A.  76;  M.A.  i.  pi.  14). 
Taa,  vizier  ;  Karnak,  temple  of  Amenhotep  III.  (Rec. 

xiii.  173),  at  El  Kab  (B.T.  1129). 
Thy^  scribe  of  offerings,  Heliopolis  (Rec.  xxv.  35). 
Userhati,  chief  corn  ganger,  tomb,  Drah  abul  Negga 

(N.  Pin.  6;  same?  P.N.B.  70). 
A  large  number  of  other  officials  are  recorded  in  the 
papyri  named  above  ;  but  they  have  not  left  any  monu- 
ments. 


HEQ-MAAT-RA 


[DYN.  XX.  2. 


XX.  2. 

HEg-MAAT'RA 

(User-maat-ra] 


SOTEP- 
EN* 

Amen 


I  l6: 


R.V.MESSU  (IV.),  Maa-  r K  It  ,y  *  f?  — ~^  B.C. 

MAAT-iMERY-AMEN         V_  \  M        H  !  !  r  h 

(All  the  later  Ramesside  cartouches  are  very  variable.) 

Coffin  and  lid,  tomb  of  Amenhotep  II.    C.  Mus.    (:Ms.  Q.G.  425). 

Tomb,  Xo.  2,  in  valley  of  Kings'  Tombs  (M.A. F.  iii.  pt.  2  ;  C.N.  i. 

473,  813  ;  CM.  275,  6  ;  X.L.S.  xxxiv.- 
xlix.  ;  A.Z.  X.  60;  L.D.  iii.  222  g-,  h  ; 
B.T.  173-4,412). 


Sarabitel  Khadem  Stele,  armlets,  wands,  etc. 


Tell  el  Yebudiyeh   Name  on  stone 


Memphis 

Gizeh 

Turrah 

Abydos 


Temple  of  Ptah,  over  R.  III. 

Column 
Quarries 

Northern  temple  of  Osiris 
Stele,  yr.  IV. 


Stele 


Koptos 
Hammamat 


Karnak 


Kneeling-  figure 
Door  of  Scty 
Stele 
Steles 


Hypostyle  hall,  scenes 
Sandstone  statue 
Statuette 

Usurped  over  R.  II. 
Usurped    Tahutmes  I 
obelisk 

Usurped  Sety  II.,  S.  of   (C.N.  ii.  171) 
sanctuary 


(W.R.S.     1 19-123, 
140). 

(A.  Mus.,  No.  43). 
(P.O.N.    272  ;  B. 

Rec.  i.  pi.  iv.  2). 
(A.Z.  xix.  116). 
(W.G.  512). 
(Ab.     ii.     19,  pi. 

Iviii.  A). 

(M.A.  ii.  34-5,  No. 

1171  ;  R.A.  155 ; 
R.E.  156;  Rev. 
A.;N.S.xix.  273). 

(M.A.  ii.  54-6,  No. 

1 172  ;  A.Z.  xxii. 
37,  xxiii.  13). 

(Ab.  ii.  XXXV.  7). 
(M.A.  i.  pi.  iv.  d). 
(Rec.  xi.  92). 
(L.D.iii.2i9e;B.H. 
ii.  168;  L.D.  iii. 
222  i,  223  c). 
(L.  D.  iii.  220-2  a), 
(A.S.  V.  36,  pi.  vi.). 
(Rec.  xxvii.  71). 
(L.D.  iii.  143  a). 
(CM.  312-3). 


B.C.  1171-1165.]  RAMESSU  IV  167 

Karnak  Usurped  R.  III.  in  X.-E.  (W.G.  513). 

of  temenos 

,,  Usurped  Amenhotep  III.  (W.G.  513). 

in  his  temple 

,,  Usurped  pylon  IX.  (L.D.  iii.  219a). 

,,  Small   building-   S.-E.  of  (B.E.  255}. 

temple 

,,  Khonsu  temple,  sanctuary  (L.D.  219b,  222  b- 

e,  g). 

Ramesseum  On  pillar,  second  hall  (L.D.  iii.  219  c). 

Medinet  Habu       Front  (D.M.H.  63,  73). 


Statues,  fragment.  Berl. 

ushabtis.    C.  Mus.,  P.  Mus.  (M.A.  409  ;  M.A.  ii. 

Ix.c,  d  ;  Rec.  iv. 
107  ;  P.  L.  209). 

Portraits  (L.D.  iii,   299,  70  ; 

CM.  306). 

Granite  pillar  usurped.  Avignon. 
Statuette  of  Horus,  carnelian.  StroganofT. 

Wooden  door,  Turin,  usurped.  (L. T.    1464  ;  Rec. 

ii.  181). 

Two  Sekhet  statues.    Turin  (L. T.  250,  251). 

Lintel  of  house  as  prince.    Florence  (S.  cat.  F.  1602). 

Alabaster  vase,  fragment  (B.  Mus.  2880). 

Scarabs,  many. 

Ostraka.    Cairo  Mus.  (Dy.  O.  p.  109  ;  for 

25186  read  25297). 

Papyri,  plan  of  tomb  (L.A.   22  ;  Lepsius 

ground  plan, 
Grabes    R.    iv.  ; 
A.Z.  xxii.  i). 
moving  statues  of  king  (P.P.T.  80). 

officials  of  right  side.    Medinet  Habu    (P.P.T.  66\ 
,,      restoration  of  statue,  etc.,  R.  II.  (P.P.T.  47). 

fragments  (P.P.T.  p.  82). 

Dated  remains,  etc. — 

VEAK 

I.  Thoth  15         Coronation  (Rec.  ii.  117). 

II.  Paophi  12       Stele,  Hammamat  (L.D.  iii.  223c). 

Hathor28-9    Papyrus,  revenue  (P.P.T.  67  ;  Ms.  M. 

663). 

Grain  accounts  (P.P.T.  70). 

III.  Pauni    I         Stele,  Hammamat  (L.D.  222  i). 

,,      27  ,,  (L.D.  219  e\ 

Epiphi  Stele,  Koptos  (Rec.  xi.  92). 

,,  Papvrus  ^lallet,  accounts,  (Rec.  i.  48). 

from  R.  III. 

,,  Papyrus,  grain  accounts  (P.P.T.  71). 


i68 


HEQ-MAAT-RA 


[dYN.  XX.  2. 


YEAR 


IV.  Thoth  15 
Hathor  10 


Coronation  anniversary       (Rec.  ii.  116). 
Abydos  stele  (M.  A.  ii.  34-5 ;  R.  E. 

156). 


V. 

VI. 


J  5 


Papyrus  Mallet,  accounts  (Rec.  i.  49). 
Papyrus,  grain  accounts      (P.  P.T.  71). 


(P.P.T.  71). 
(P.P.T.  71). 


The  Harris  papyrus  we  have  already  noted  as  being- 
apparently  the  pleading-  of  Ramessu  III.  before  the 
judgment  of  Osiris  ;  and  the  only  meaning  of  the  date 
of  it,  Epiphi  6,  would  be  the  day  of  his  death.  The 
coronation  of  Ramessu  IV.  was  on  Thoth  15  ;  but  this 
was  not  four  years  before  the  death  of  his  father,  as 
has  been  supposed,  because  there  are  monuments  dated 
in  his  second  year.  The  ostrakon  of  coronation  in  the 
IVth  year  can  only  be  for  the  anniversary.  From 
Epiphi  6  to  Thoth  15  is  73  days  ;  and  this  just  allows 
of  the  period  of  70  or  72  of  the  mourning  during  the 
embalming  of  Ramessu  III. 

One  monument  of  the  princedom  of  Ramessu  IV. 
remains,  apparently  a  lintel  of  a  doorway  in  his  palace, 
presented  by  his  father.  (S.  cat.  F.  1602  ;  no  reason 
appears  for  referring  it  to  a  tomb,  and  no  prince 
Ramessu  died  in  the  reign  of  R.  III.). 

The  monuments  of  the  reign  are  very  few,  apart 
from  usurpations.  The  area  cleared  out  on  the  north 
of  the  Osiris  temple  at  Abydos,  in  preparation  for  a 
large  temple,  must  have  been  of  this  time,  as  the 
foundation  deposits  are  of  R.  IV.  (not  of  R.  III.  as  at 
first  read)  ;  but  whether  he  actually  built  there  is  not 
proved.  The  stele  of  year  IV.  is  an  address  to  Osiris, 
which  has  value  as  praying  for  a  reign  as  long  as  the 
67  years  of  Ramessu  II.  (line  23).  The  other  stele  of 
Abydos  is  an  address  to  various  gods,  but  not  of 
historical  importance. 

The  steles  of  Hammamat  are  valuable  ;  that  of  the 
Ilnd  year  refers  to  the  Retennu  and  Amu  bringing 
tribute,  pointing  to  some  control  of  Syria.  The  long 
stele  of  the  Ilird  year  records  the  sending  of  an 
expedition  to  the  quarries,  making  a  road,  and  a  site 


i.e.  II71-I165.] 


RAMESSU  IV 


169 


for  a  temple,  under  the  high  priest  of  Amen  and  chief 
architect  Ramessu-nekhtu  ;  170  officials,  5000  soldiers, 
200  fishermen  (to  procure  food  in  the  Red  Sea),  800 
Bedawin,  2000  civil  service  men,  50  police,  artist,  3 
architects,  130  masons,  2  draftsmen,  4  sculptors.  Out 
of  the  total  of  8368  men,  900  died  in  the  journey.  Ten 
carts,  each  drav.-n  by  6  yoke  of  oxen,  formed  the 
baggage  train. 

At  Karnak  there  is  only  the  decoration  of  the  temple 
of  Khonsu,  built  by  his  father  ;  all  the  other  inscrip- 
tions there  being  added  to  those  of  earlier  kings.  No 
trace  of  this  reign  is  known  south  of  Thebes. 

The  tomb  of  the  king  is  No.  2  in  the  valley  of  Biban 
el  Meluk.    It  has  been  well  published  by  Lefebure  with 
bibliography  (M.A.F.  iii.  2"  fasc. ).    It  consists  of  three 
long  passages,  a  sarcophagus  chamber,  and  four  small 
chambers.    The  inscriptions  are  from  the  r---^ 
Litany  of  the  Sun,  Book  of  Am  Duat,  2nd  /i  '^wjiStL 
and  9th  chaps.;  Book  of  Caverns;  Book 
of  the  Dead,   123-127  chaps.  ;   Book  of  ^j^^D^?^ 
Gates,  1-4.    The  granite  sarcophagus  is  _5^^^,^^ 
finely  carved,  and  had  on  the  lid  a  figure    ofRamessu IV. 
of  the   king  between  Isis  and   Nebhat.    F.P.  Coll. 
There  are  no  objects  of  daily  life,  as  in 
the  tomb  of  R.  III.,  or  historical  materials. 

The  only  minor  objects  of  importance  are  the  papyri. 
The  plan  of  the  tomb  has  the  dimensions  in  cubits 
marked  upon  it,  which  have  been  compared  with  the 
actual  size  (A.Z.  xxii.  i).  The  papyrus  about  moving 
the  statues  mentions  that  a  year  was  allowed  for  the 
work  ;  the  supply  of  corn  for  the  men  was  arranged  ; 
a  causeway  of  730  cubits  long  and  55  wide  had  to  be 
prepared,  sloping  up  60  cubits  to  the  top  ;  120  roka/a, 
some  of  30  cubits  x  7,  were  prepared  of  brushwood 
and  beams  ;  these  seem  named  from  Semitic  rqd  to 
spread  out,  rgg  to  be  thin,  and  therefore  timber  and 
brushwood  facings  to  hold  up  the  earthworks  at  a 
steep  angle.  The  papyrus  about  the  officials  of 
Medinet  Habu  shows  that  (like  the  royal  guards  and 
boatmen)  they  wxre  divided  into  two  halves,  right 


HEQ-MAAT-RA 


[DYN.  XX.  2.] 


and  left.  The  papyrus  P.P.T.  46  refers  to  offerings 
ordained  for  Ramessu  II.,  and  decoration  of  uraei  on  a 
cornice,  and  flowers  (lotus  ?)  in  a  border,  of  a  shrine. 

The  reig-n  extended  to  the  Vlth  year,  the  last  prob- 
ably a  full  year,  as  in  an  account  the  same  amount  of 
700  sacks  of  grain  is  reckoned  in  this  as  in  other  years 
(P.P.T.  71). 

The  officials  of  the  reign  are — 

Amenhotep,  divine  father  (Dy.  O.  25129). 

Anhurkhauiy  tomb  with  large  family  of  officials 
(L.D.T.  ii.  292). 

Hora,  scribe,  stele,  B.  Mus.  588  (Lb.  D.  988 ; 
B.B.M.  13). 

Nefer-renpit,  vizier  (Dy.  O.  25033,  36). 

Pentaurt,  scribe  (Dy.  O.  25033,  189). 

Rameses-nekhtu,  high  priest  of  Amen,  chief  architect 
Hammamat  (L.D.  iii.  219  e). 

Lists  of  officials  are  given  in  the  Hammamat  stele 
(B.H.  ii.  168),  and  for  Medinet  Habu  in  P.P.T.  66. 


XX.  3.  USER-MAAT-RA,    (     Q  1  ^  0    ^  O 


Skheper-en'ra  V        '  ^'  A^AAAA  1105- 

1 161 

Ramessu,  Amen-  /-  ~^    ^rT'^'^l  b.c. 

KHEPSHEF'MERY' 
AMEN  (V.) 

Tomb  9  in  valley  of  Kings'  Tombs.    Entrance  (L.D.  iii.  223  a). 
Mummy  and  coffin,  tomb  of  Amenhotep  II.  C.  Mus.  (Ms.  Q.G.  438). 

Sarabit,  bangle. 

Medinet  Habu,  on  temenos  wall.    ?  R.  VI.    (My.  E.  466). 

West  Silsileh,  stele  (L.D.  iii.  223  b  ;  B.H. 

ii.  171). 

Konosso,  stele.    ?  R.  VI.  (Br.  R.  272). 


Portrait  (L.D.  iii.  299,  71). 

Obelisk.    Bologna  (Ital.  Phot.  289-90). 

Stele  of  Uaemuas.    Liverpool  (G.L.  155). 


[B.C.  I165-I161.] 


RAMESSU  V. 


171 


Ostraka.    C.  Mus. 

Ostrakon.  Turin. 

Papyrus.  Turin. 

Ushabtis.    B.  Mus.  8696-9. 

Scarabs,  plaques,  pendants.    7  in  F.P.  Col 


(Dy.   O.  251! 

25254)- 
(Rec.  ii.  117). 
(P.P.T.  71). 

I  in  E.  Coll. 


bis 


Dated  objects — 

Year     I.  Grain  account,  papyrus.    Turin  (P.P.T.  71). 

11.      „         „  „  „  (         „  ). 

Paophi  I.  ostrakon.    C.  Mus.  (Dy.  O.  25254). 

III.  Grain  account,  papyrus.    Turin  (P.P.T.  71). 

IV.  Tybi  25,  ostrakon.    Turin  (Rec.  ii.  117). 

There  has  been  much  confusion  owing  to  Ramessu 
VI.  having  been  ranked  as  V.  ; 
hence  no  printed  statements 
without  the  cartouches  are 
certain.  The  reign  was  prob- 
ably of  only  four  years,  as  we 
have  documents  of  each  of 
those  years,  and  no  more. 

The  stele  of  Silsileh  is  the 
only  serious  monument  of  the 
reign,  and  that  contains  noth- 
ing but  boastful  phrases.  One 
expression,  however,  is  of 
value,  that  he  gave  dues  to 
the  gods  '*as  a  good  son  does 
for  his  father."  This  is,  per- 
haps, an  allusion  to  his  being 
a  son  of  Ramessu  IV.  ;  after- 
wards the  brothers  of  R.  IV. 
were  set  up  one  after  the  other. 
The  immediate  cause  of  this 
succession  may  have  been  his 
youth,  as  he  was  probably 
hardly  twenty  when  he  died, 
and  therefore  did  not  leave 
any  available  heir. 

The  tomb  No.  9  was  begun  in  the  second  year,  as 
the  ostrakon  (see  above)  states  that  the  king  went 
to  the  west  bank  of  Thebes  to  the  tomb  site,  the  door 


Fig.  70. — Obelisk  of  Ramessu 
V.  Bologna. 


172 


SE-KHEPER-EXRA 


[DYN.  XX.  3.] 


of  which  was  to  be  beg-un  next  day.  This  tomb  had 
not  been  carried  far  at  his  death, 
when  his  uncle  appropriated  it 
and  continued  the  work.  The 
small  limestone  obelisk  at  Bologna 
is  an  unusual  object. 

No  royal  family  and  no  private 
^Ran7essu-#."a"d%-L    monuments     of    this     reign  are 
F.P.  Coll.  known. 


XX.  4.  Maat'neb-ra, 
Mery'Amen 


Ra'iniessu,  Amex-her'khepshef 
Neter'heq- 


AX    (VI.)      ^Q|fl[1fl  =  ^^^ 


V 


Tomb  9  in  vallev  of  King's'  Tombs    (M.A.F.  iii.  48-80,  xxiv.-liv.  ; 

L.D.  iii.  224b-228;  L.D.T.  ii.  201). 
Lid  of  coffin  in  tomb  of  Amenhotep  II.    C.  Mus.    (Ms.  Q.G.  439). 


Sarabit  el  Khadem 

Benha 

Bubastis 


Memphis 
Koptos 


Karnak 


Ramesseum 

Deir  Bakhit 
Medinet  Habu 
Redesieh 
Sehel 
Anibe 


Door  jamb  and  pillars 
Slab 

Seated  fig-ure,  black  granite 
Limestone  statue  base.  C. 
Mus. 

Granite  statue.    C.  Mus. 
Apis  burial 

Stele  of  queen  and  daugh- 
ter. Manchester 

Funeral  temple  by  Ra- 
meses-nekhtu 

On  cols,  of  hypostyle  hall 

On  pylon  IX. 

Two  statuettes 

Altering  R.  IV.  on  obelisk 
of  Tahutmes  I. 

On  pillar 

Over  Ramessu  I\'. 

Inscription 

Over  name  of  R.  W . 

Graffito 

Stele  of  Duamen 
Tomb  of  Pennut 


(W.R.S.  124,  125). 
(X.B.  46). 
(X.B.  46,  xxxviii.). 
(X.B.  46,  xxxviii.). 

(X.B.  46,  xvi.). 
(M.S.  Ms.  146). 
(P.  Kop.  xix.). 

(M.K.  39;  Ms.  M. 

668). 
(B.E.  251). 
(B.E.  258). 
(Rec.  xxvii.  71). 
(CM.  312-3). 

(L.D.  219c). 
(L.D.T.  ii.  132). 
(L.D.T.  ii.  101). 
(D.M.H.  52). 
(L.D.T.  iv.  75). 
(M.I.  1.  93,  132). 
(L.D.   iii.  229-32  ; 
B.H.  ii.  174). 


[B.C.  I161-II56.] 


RAMESSU  VI 


173 


(M.S.  22.  3). 
(L.  Mon.  ii.  xxix.  6). 
(P.P.T.  31-3). 
(X.Y.  xvi.). 


Shabtis,  8  in  B.  Mus.  (8699.  .  .,29998-9),  3  Liverpool  (G.L.  225), 

I  Turin  (Phot.  323). 
Wooden  stamp,  Turin  (Phot.  292). 
Glazed  vase,  Apis  burial.    P.  ^lus. 
Leather  brace  end.  Leyden. 
Papyrus,  hymn 

Scarabs.    4  P.P.  Coll.  ;  2  P.  Mus.  ;  Turin 
C.  Mus. 

Qlieetl — XUBKHESDEB — 

Koptos,  stele.    C.  Mus. 
Daiighter—\st  (L.D.T.  iii.  loi). 

Koptos,  stele.    C.  ]\Ius. 
Xehesi,  vizier,  Deir  el  Bakhit 
Penniit  and  a  long  family,  Anibe 


(P.  Kop.  xix.). 

(L.D.T'.'iii.  loi). 
(L.D.  iii.  22(^2'T^2). 

There  is  not  a  single  dated  monument  of  this  reign  ; 
and  no  building,  but  only  steles,  statues,  and  small 
objects  to  preserve  the  name. 
The  tomb  was  appropriated 
from  Ramessu  who  had 
begun  to  carve  it  ;  it  consists 
of  a  passage  in  three  divisions, 
two  successive  halls,  two  more 
lengths  of  passage,  and  then 
two  more  halls,  the  last  of 
which  held  the  burial.  It  is 
fully  inscribed,  and  bears  the 
whole  of  the  Book  of  Hades 
and  of  the  Book  of  Duat,  the 
Destruction  of  Mankind,  part 
of  the  Book  of  Caverns,  and 
chaps.  125-7  of  the  Book  of 
the  Dead.  x\  full  bibliography 
is  in  M.A.F.  iii.  48-80^  The 
burial  was  in  a  hollow  cut  in 
the  floor  of  the  hall,  and 
covered  with  a  rough  mass  of 
rock. 

At  Deir  el  Bakhit,  on  the  hill  of  Qurneh,  is  a  muti- 
lated inscription  of  this  king  (L.D.T.  iii.  loi)  naming  a 
royal  mother  Humazery,  but  her  position  is  uncertain  ; 
she  might  have  been  the  mother  of  either  Ramessu  IV. 
or  V.    Probably  queen  Ast  (L.D.  iii.  224  a)  was  the 


Fig.  72. — Ramessu  VL  ;  Bu- 
bastis.    Cairo  Museum. 


174 


NEB-MAATRA 


[dyk.  XX.  4. 


mother  of  Ramessu  VI.,  as  his  daughter  was  named 
Ast. 

The  tomb  of  Pennut  and  his  family  at  Anibe  (mis- 
named "  Poeri "  in  My.  E.  540),  mentions  also  a  queen 
Nefert-tera,  to  whom  land  belonged  at  Ibrim  (L.D.  iii. 
229) ;  but  there  is  nothing  to  show  whose  queen  she 
was.  The  specification  of  the  estates  devoted  to  the 
service  of  a  statue  of  the  king  there  is  a  very  curious 
document,  with  details  of  the  boundaries  (B.H.  ii.  174). 
The  whole  tomb  is  important  for  its  scenes  of  mourning, 
and  in  the  fields  of  the  Aalu  and  the  judgment. 


Fig.  73.  — Stele  of  Ast,  high  priestess  ;  Koptos.    Cairo  Museum. 


The  minor  objects  are  of  no  historic  value  ;  the 
ushabtis  are  very  rude  figures  of  alabaster,  almost 
formless,  but  roughly  painted  with  black  and  green. 

The  great  historical  fact  of  the  reign  is  shown  by 
the  stele  of  Koptos  (P.  Kop.  xix.).  It  refers  to  the 
princess  Ast  (Isis),  who  was  the  daughter  of  the  king 
(yet  living),  and  of  queen  Nubkhesdeb,  already  deceased. 
The  princess  was  married  to  the  High  priest  of  Amen, 
being  named  the  "  Divine  wife  of  Amen,  the  Adoress 
of  the  god."  This  is  the  first  appearance  of  a  title 
which  became  so  familiar  during  some  centuries  onward, 
and  it  clears  up  the  rise  of  the  priest  kings.    So  far 


B.C.  1161-1156.] 


RAMESSU  VI 


175 


the  succession  had  been  normal,  Setnekht,  Ramessu 
III.,  R.  IV.,  R.  V.  had  all  succeeded  as  father  and 
son.  The  early  death  of  R.  V.  had  caused  him  to 
be  succeeded  by  his  uncle,  R.  VI.  Nothing*  unusual 
occurred  so  far  ;  but  when  the  daughter,  who  wore 
the  uraeus  and  was  the  heiress  of  the  kingdom,  was 
married  to  the  high  priest,  the  priestly  line  became 
the  rightful  rulers.  Not  daring  to  take  the  kingdom 
at  once,  they  maintained  the  long  series  of  the  sons 
of  Ramessu  III.  in  power,  one  after  the  other,  while 
the  real  rule  belonged  to  the  priestly  family.  Thus, 
so  far  from  the  priests  being  mere  usurpers,  they  were 
tolerating  a  series  of  royal  princes  ;  while  they  were 
ready  to  step  into  their  rights  so  soon  as  the  sons  of 
the  dynastic  founder  had  passed  away. 

Turning  now  to  the  family  of  the  high  priests, 
Rameses-nekhtu  was  acting  under  R.  III.  (tomb  of 
Setau,  Ms.  M.  667)  ;  his  son  Amenhotep  was  acting* 
in  the  Xth  year  of  R.  X.  (Ms.  M.  65i)  ;  his  son  Herhor 
began  between  the  1st  and  Vlth  years  of  R.  XI.  (Ms.  M. 
662).    Stating  these  in  years,  w^e  have 

Early  in  Rameses-nekhtu,  1171  B.C. 
During  Amenhotep,  1142 
Beginning  of  Herhor,  1134-28 

from  which  we  may  roughly  state  the  priesthood  as 
being — 

Rameses-nekhtu,  1180-1155 

Amenhotep,  1155-1130 

Herhor,  1130-1100. 
Nowthebirth  of  Ramessu  VI.  (horoscope)  was  in  1 198  B.C. 
His  daughter  Ast  was  probably  born   '  1176 
and  would  be  married  at  about  1160-1156. 

These  dates  cannot  come  lower,  as  she  was  already 
married  during  his  lifetime  (Koptos  stele),  and  he  died 
in  1 1 56;  nor  can  the  ages  allow  more  than  two  or 
three  years'  variation  earlier.  She  is  not  likely  to  have 
been  married  to  Rameses-nekhtu,  as  he  was  probably 
50  or  60  years  old  at  the  time.  His  son  Amenhotep,  how- 
ever, was  probably  between  30  and  40,  and  so  quite 


176  NEB-MAAT-RA  [dyn.  xx.  4.] 

likely  to  marry  the  heiress.  This  would  bring,  then, 
the  beginning  of  his  high  priesthood  a  few  years  earlier 
than  the  presumptive  dates  sketched  above.  It  cannot 
have  been  Herhor  whom  she  married,  as  he  was  not 
high  priest  till  much  later.  The  inheritance  of  the 
priest-kings  then  was — 

1210?  Rameses-nekhtu  1160  1198  Ramessu  VI.  1156 

I  in  1 160  I 

1 1 90  Amenhotep  1130,  married     11 76  Ast. 

I 

1155  Herhor  1105;  married  Nezemt. 

XX.  5.  UsER-RA,  TTT~~o  N 

Mery-amen,  O  1  III  \>  ^ 

SOTEP-EN-RA   ^  — ^  "5-; 

Ra'meses,  At-amen,  ^  .       „   -\|  ^^55- 


Tomb  I.  in  valle}'  of  Kings'  Tombs    (L.D.  iii.  233  ;  L.D.T.  ii.  194  ; 

C.N.  442-6,  803-6;  M.A.F.  iii.  1-7). 


Heliopolis       Pieces  of  stele,  on  building-  (Rec.  xxv,  36). 

Memphis         Architraves    and    monohth  (M.S.  Ms.  147). 
cohimns 

Apis  burial  (M.S.  Ms.  146). 

Karnak  On  stone  of  Shabataka  (L.D.  v.  4  a). 

,,              Usurps  R.  IV.  on  pylon  IX.  (L.D.  iii.  219  a). 
Ramesseum     Graffito  (L.D.     iii.  219 
  L.D.T.  ii.  132). 


Altars  of  R.  II.  usurped.    P.  Mus.  (R.M.L.  p.  210,  D  61  ; 

L.A.  xiv.). 
Marseille  (Ms.  CM.  5). 

Pedestal  of  statuette.    P.  Mus.  3817. 

Papyrus,  hymn  to  king.    Turin  (P.P.T.  123). 

,,       fragment,  Manduit  Coll.,  Nantes    (W.G.  517). 
Portrait  (L.D.    iii.    300,  73; 

CM.  269). 

The  tomb  consists  of  only  one  length  of  passage, 
a  chamber  for  the  burial,  and  a  small  chamber  beyond. 
It  is  inscribed  with  the  beginnings  of  the  Book  of  Hades 
and  Book  of  Caverns.  One  scene  is  well  published  in 
L.D.  iii.  233.    The  mummy  is  not  known. 


[B.C.  II56-II55.] 


RAMESSU  VII 


177 


The  mention  of  great  architraves  and  monolith 
columns  40  feet  high,  at  Memphis,  found  in  1853, 
seems  probably  to  refer  to  some  usurpations  of  this 
king-  on  work  of  a  far  g-rander  age.  Of  the  Apis  burial 
there  are  no  details.  The  remaining-  works  and  objects 
are  all  unimportant.  As  no  dates  exist  in  this  reign, 
we  have  taken  a  year  for  it  as  a  probable  allowance. 


XX.  6. 

USER'MAAT'RA, 

Akhenamex 
Ra'messu,  Set* 
her-khopshef 

(vm.) 

In  list  of  sons  of  Ramessu  III.  with  cartouches 
Scarabs.    2  P.P.  Coll.,  Eraser  Coll. 
Stele  of  Hora.     Berlin  2081 


II54 

B.C. 


(L.D.  iii.  214). 
(Berl.  Cat.  p.  133^. 


The  existence  of  this  king 
would  be  doubted  were  it  not 
that  he  appears  in  the  con- 
temporary series  at  Medinet 
Habu.  The  stele  of  Hora,  an 
official  of  Busiris,  is  the  only 
monument  of  the  reign  beside 
three  scarabs. 


Fig.  74.  —  Scarabs  of  Ramessu 
VIII.  and  IX.    F.P.  Coll. 


XX.  7.  Skha-ex-ra, 
Mervamen 

RA'MESSU, 

SiPTAH  (IX. 


CI 

ii54- 
1153 

B.C. 


(Ms.  M.  657  ;  M.S.  Ms.  14- 
M.S.  22;  P.L.  p.  91,  375 


Glazed  vase,  Serapeum.    P.  Mus. 
Carnelian  scarab.    F.P.  Coll. 

This  king  is  only  known  by  a  \'ase  and  a  scarab. 
The  vase  was  found  with  another  of  Ramessu  X.  in 
an  Apis  burial  of  that  reign  ;  and  this  king  is  therefore 
III — 12 


178 


SE-KHA'EN-RA 


[DYN.  XX.  7.] 


supposed  to  be  next  before  R.  X.  There  is  no  such 
name  in  the  list  of  sons  of  Ramessu  III.  But  at  this 
point  there  is  a  son  Mery-atmu  ;  and  a  block  with 
that  name  is  said  to  have  been  seen  at  Heliopolis,  but 
it  has  never  been  published  (B.  Rs.  51).  Possibly 
Siptah  was  another  name  of  prince  Mery-atmu. 


XX.  8. 

Nefer'ka-ra, 
sotep'en'ra 
Ramessu,  Kha* 
EM'UAs,  Merer* 

AMEN  (X.) 


u 

III 


Dl  "53- 


B.C. 


Tomb  6  in  valley  of  King's'  Tombs  (L.D.  iii.  228  bis,  234  ;  L. D.T. 
iii.  198  ;  M.A.F.  iii.  16-30,  iv.-xxiii,  ;  CM.  269,  270;  C.N.  i. 
465,  811  ;  T.S.B.A.  iii.  400  ;  B.E.  265). 


Alexandria 
Memphis 
Fayum 

Karnak 


Statue  fragment 
Serapeum,  Apis  III. 
Tomb  of  Hora,   priest  of 

Sebek.    C.  Mus. 
Dedication  by  high  priest 
Amenhotep,  E.  wall  Pylon 
VII.  to  VIII. 
,,  S.  door,  great  hall 

E.  wall  from  pylon  VII. — ■ 
temple 

, ,  Graffito,  outer  wall  of  temple 

Deir  el  Bahri    Casket   of  ivory,  bronze, 
and  sycomore  ;  C.  Mus. 


Slab.    B.  Mus. 

Ushabtis.    B.  Mus.  8570-1. 

Obelisk  of  Ramessu  I.  usurped.  Copenhagen 

Altars  of  Ramessu  II.  usurped.    P.  Mus. 

,,  ,,  ,,  Marseille 

Inscription    of    Ramessu    IV.  usurped. 
Avignon 

Wooden  plaque.  P.  Mus.  ;  S.  Hist.  456 
Dad,  Serapeum.  P.  Mus.  ;  S.  Hist.  639 
Vases,  ,,  376,380 


Part  of  inscribed  box.    Meux  Coll. 
Ring-,  Carnelian  eye.    P.P.  Coll. 
Scarabs.    B.  Mus.  ;  F.S.  ;  G.  Coll. 


(A.S.  V.  ii7). 
(M.S.  22,  4,  5). 
(Rec.  xiv.  28). 

(L.D.  237  d,  e  ;  M.K. 

40  ;  R.E.   199-201  ; 

Ms.  M.  657,  661-2). 
(C.N.  ii.  125-7). 
(C.N.  ii.  193). 

(W.G.  519). 

(Ms.  Q.G.  434;  Ms. 

M.  584). 
(Y.L.  xi.  32). 

(S.M.C.  19). 
(L.A.  xiv.). 
(Ms.  CM.  5). 
(W.G.  520). 

(W.G.  519). 
(P.L.  639). 

(M.S.  Ms.  147;  P.L. 
376). 


U.C  Coll. 


[B.C.  I153-II34.] 


RAMESSU  X 


179 


Portrait.    L. D.  iii.  234  a,  300,  74  ;  on  papyrus,  C.N.  ii.  718. 
Papyri — 

Abbott,  tomb  robberies,  XVI.  \r.  (S.   Pap.  ii.    i.-viii.  ; 

R.P.  xii.  loi). 

docket,  XIX.  yr.  =  i  yr.  (Ms.  E,  4,  5,  58,  59). 

Amherst,  tomb  robberies,  XVI.  yr.  (Am.  P.  23). 

,,       copy  of  Harrs,  B,  Mus.    Thefts      (Am.  P.  29). 
Mayer,  A,  witnesses  of  robbery  (Sety  I.    (A.Z.  xi.  39,  xii.  61). 
and  R.  II.),  yr.  I. 
,,       B,  quarrel  of  thieves  (A.Z.  xi.  40,  xii.  62). 

B.  Mus.  Receipts  of  gold,  I.-XVII.  yr.  (S.  Pap.  ii.  7). 
Turin,  fishers' accounts,  yr.  XIX.,  vr.  I.        (Ms.  M.  658). 

,,     list  of  oils  '  (P.P.T.  48). 

Berlin  VI.,  hvmn  to  sun  (L.D.  vi.  ii7;C.C.T. 

29). 

Ostrakon,  sketch  for  wall  scene.   B,M.  5620    (B.I.H.D.  1). 
Ostrakon,  yr.  X.  (Dy.  O.  25199)  ;  others,    (Dy.  O.   25021,  185, 

C.  Mus.  201). 
Ostrakon,  plan  of  tomb.    C.  Mus.  (Rev.  A.  xxxii.  235  ; 

Dy.  O.  25184). 

Amenhotep,  high  priest,  statue  (Rec.  xxvii.  71). 

The  tutelage  of  this  prince  was  confided  to  the  son 
of  the  hig"h  priest  of  Amen,  Amenhotep,  who  (as  we 
have  already  seen)  became  high  priest  himself  not  later 
than  1 156  B.C.  (M.K.  40,  line  i).  We  have  already  noted 
that  the  prince  was  born  about  1190,  or  very  likely  as 
late  as  1180  B.C.  Now  Amenhotep  was  high  priest 
at  about  1160-1130;  and  was  probably  born  between 
1 198  and  1 185  B.C.  He  might  well,  therefore,  be  about 
ten  years  older  than  the  prince.  The  position  then  was 
that  Amenhotep,  son  of  the  high  priest,  at  about  20, 
in  1 170  B.C.,  was  entrusted  with  educating  the  young 
prince,  then  perhaps  rather  over  10  years  old  ;  at 
30  or  35  he  succeeded  to  the  priesthood,  and  married 
the  prince's  niece,  the  daughter  of  Ramessu  VI.  ;  and 
then  at  about  50  he  carved  long  inscriptions  on  the 
temple  walls  about  his  works,  beginning  by  stating 
that  he  was  the  king's  tutor,  though  he  might  have 
added  that  he  was  his  heir  as  well,  by  the  royal 
marriage.  In  fact,  the  series  of  later  Ramessides  were 
the  pupils  of  the  court  tutor,  who  had  become  high 
priest,  and  who,  having  married  the  heiress,  the 
daughter  of  his  own  contemporary,  then  set  up  the 


i8o 


NEFER-KA-RA 


[dyn.  XX.  8. 


young  men,  who  had  been  accustomed  to  obey  him, 
as  a  mere  cover  for  his  power. 

The  high  priest,  in  the  Xth  year  of  the  reign,  was 
placed  in  independent  control  of  all  the  endowments 
of  Amen,  at  a  special  court  held  in  the  temple  on  the 
19th  day  of  Hathor,  the  gods  Mentu  and  Amen-ra, 
and  the  king,  being  named  as  formal  witnesses.  All 

the  taxes  and  usufruct  of 
the  endowments,  the  full 
revenues,  the  collection  of 
the  amounts,  the  adminis- 
tration of  treasures  and 
granaries  of  Amen  were 
all  placed  entirely  in  the 
hands  of  the  high  priest 
(R.E.  201  ;  B.H.  ii.  179). 
Further,  Amenhotep  states 
that  the  temple,  founded 
by  Usertesen  I.,  was  de- 
caying ;  that  he  restored 
it,  strengthened  the  walls 
and  columns,  set  up  new 
doors  ;  built  a  new  palace 
for  the  high  priest,  decor- 
ated with  golden  tablets  ; 
built  a  stone  forecourt  by 
the  southern  temple  lake, 
with  doors  of  acacia  wood ; 
and  he  also  built  a  new 
treasury  of  stone  (B.H.  ii. 

Fig.  75.-Z)^</ amulet  of  Ramessu       180  ;  M.K.  40).  ^ 
X. ;  Serapeum.   M.S.  22.  This  mcrease  of  priestly 

rule  was  accompanied  by 
the  decay  of  administration  ;  just  as  the  growth  of 
the  papal  power  was  marked  by  the  inability  to  keep 
order  in  Italy.  The  robberies  of  the  royal  tombs  caused 
a  commission  of  inquiry  to  be  appointed,  though  before 
such  a  pass  was  reached  the  private  tombs  of  the 
wealthy  ages  had  been  already  pillaged.  Of  this 
commission  several  documents  have  fortunately  been 


B.C.  II53-1I34-] 


RAMESSU  X 


i8i 


preserved.  The  main  inquiry  was  on  the  i8th  to 
2ist  Hathor,  year  XVI.  (Abbott)  ;  part  of  another  roll 
of  the  same  inquiry  on  the  19th  day,  but  in  a  different 
hand,  also  remains  (Amherst).  On  the  5th  of  Tybi 
in  year  XVII.  a  long  list  of  85  thieves  and  receivers 
of  stolen  property  from  the  tombs  was  drawn  up  ;  this 
was  probably  about  six  weeks  after  the  inquiry,  or 
perhaps  a  year  more  elapsed.  Then  three  years  later 
further  inquiries  took  place  about  robberies  in  the 
tombs  of  Sety  I.  and  Ramessu  II.  (Mayer,  A)  ;  and 
a  quarrel  of  the  thieves  is  reported  (Mayer,  B).  The 
documents  of  the  earlier  inquiry  were  taken  in  hand, 
and  sent  up  with  a  list  of  the  thieves,  dated  in  the 
1st  year,  which  is  stated  to  be  also  the  XlXth  (Abbott). 
This  may  be  a  co-regency  ;  or  as  the  new  reign  is  put 
first,  it  may  be  merely  a  carrying  on  of  the  old  reckon- 
ing to  continue  from  that  of  the  previous  documents, 
which  accompanied  it.  After  that  there  is  a  list  of 
documents  about  the  robbery  in  the  next  reign  (\.Z. 
xiv.  i),  and  the  dockets  on  the  mummies  of  the  kings 
show  how  often  they  were  inspected  and  moved  for 
safety. 

We  will  now  note  some  of  the  details  of  these  in- 
quiries. On  Hathor  18  the  great  officials  of  the 
cemetery  were  assembled  to  investigate  the  thefts, 
which  had  been  reported  to  the  nomarch  and  magis- 
trates by  the  police  of  the  necropolis.  The  tomb  of 
Amenhotep  I.,  120  cubits  long,  had  been  reported  as 
robbed,  but  was  found  intact.  The  monument  of 
Antef,  north  of  the  temple  of  Amenhotep,  was  injured, 
but  the  tomb  was  intact.  (This  stele,  "  with  the  grey- 
hound named  Behhuka,"  was  found  at  Drah  abul 
Negga,  and  is  now  in  Cairo.)  The  monument  of  Nub- 
kheper-ra  Antuf  was  pierced  from  the  tomb  of  Auri, 
which  was  in  ruins  ;  but  the  thieves  had  not  been  able 
to  plunder  it.  The  monument  of  Sekhem*em"up'maat 
Antufaa  was  attacked,  but  yet  unplundered.  The 
monument  of  Ra-Sekhem-shedet-taui  Sebek'em'sauf 
had  been  forced  from  the  tomb  of  Xebamen,  and  the 
bodies  of  the  king  and   Xubkhaas  the  queen  were 


l82 


NEFER-KA-RA 


[dyn.  XX.  8. 


plundered.  The  monuments  of  Raseqenen  Ta-aa, 
Raseqenen  Ta-aa-aa,  Ra'uaz'kheper  Karnes,  Aahmes 
Sipaar,  and  Neb-kheper-ra  Mentuhotep,  were  all  intact. 
Only  one  of  ten  was  violated  ;  and  two  tombs  of  queens 
were  intact  and  two  violated.  But  all  of  the  private 
tombs  of  the  chanters  were  ransacked  (Abbott). 

On  the  19th  the  tombs  of  the  royal  families  were  to 
be  examined.  A  man  who  had  been  arrested  as  being- 
near  the  tombs,  when  a  search  was  made  in  the  year 
XIV.,  confessed  to  plundering  the  tomb  of  Aset,  wife 
of  Ramessu  III.;  but  the  tomb  proved  intact  (Abbott). 
The  same  day  the  man  who  had  plundered  the  tomb  of 
Nubkhaas  was  examined,  and  described  the  plunder, 
and  the  division  of  the  things  in  eight  parts  between 
the  thieves  ;  also  how  they  set  fire  to  the  mummies 
after  plundering  them  (Amherst). 

The  evening  of  the  same  day  three  men  were  con- 
demned for  giving  false  witness. 

On  the  20th  Hathor  the  chief  of  police  complained 
that  he  overheard  the  governor  of  the  town  joking  with 
the  men,  and  boasting  that  he  had  five  informations 
which  would  bring  them  all  into  trouble  ;  yet  he  never 
reported  any  of  them,  and  was  evidently  hushing  up 
the  case. 

On  the  2ist  the  witnesses  were  brought  up  about 
this  matter.  But  the  Nomarch  states  that  he  had 
found  the  reports  of  robbery  to  be  false,  and  therefore 
the  governor  had  been  falsely  stating  that  he  had 
evidence,  in  order  to  blackmail  the  people.  Here  the 
Abbott  papyrus  ends.  It  reads  exactly  like  a  case  in 
Egypt  to-day,  where  the  one  object  is  bakhshish  ;  and 
if  there  were  no  evil-doers  to  give  bribes  to  be  let  off, 
false  accusations  were  sprung  on  other  men,  so  as  to 
extort  something  even  from  the  innocent. 

About  six  weeks  later,  or  perhaps  after  a  year  more, 
a  long  list  was  drawn  up  of  85  persons  who  had  shared 
in  plundering  the  necropolis  in  general.  The  values 
stated  are  mostly  in  fives  and  tens,  evidently  approxi- 
mate ;  but  the  totals  mount  up  to  a  value  of  850  deben, 
or  about  170  lb.  weight  of  copper,  which  was  the 


s.c.  1153-1134.] 


RAMESSU  X 


standard  of  value.  The  further  inquiries,  three  years 
later  (Mayer,  A  B),  about  the  tombs  of  Sety  I.  and 
Ramessu  II.  are  unfortunately  not  fully  published  ;  but 
the  endorsement  of  the  previous  inquiry  (Abbott)  shows 
that  the  documents  were  kept  in  hand  till  then,  and  a 
complete  list  of  the  thieves  was  drawn  up. 

Beyond  this  inquiry  we  know  nothing  more  of  the 
history  of  this  reign  ;  evidently  the  king  died  in  his 
XlXth  year,  between  Khoiak  27  and  some  time  in  the 
next  month  Tybi,  in  which  begins  the  reckoning  by 
year  i  of  the  next  king. 

The  recorded  dates  in  this  reign  are — 

YEAR 

I.  Mekhir  16        Beginning  of  gold  accounts  (S. 

Pap.  ii.  p.  7). 
II.  Mesore  15       B.M.  pap.  13,  transport  of  gold 
and  silver  (S.  Pap.  ii.  p.  7). 

III.  Serapeum  (M.S.  Ms.  152). 

IV.  Tomb  of  Setau,  El  Kab  (L.D.  iii. 

236  b). 

X.  Hathor  19        Karnak  decree  (L.D.  iii.  237  d  e). 

Ostrakon  (Dy.  O.  25199). 
XIV.  Search  in  tombs  (Abbott  pap.  iv. ; 

R.P.  xii.  109). 
XVI.  Hathor  19-21    Inquiry   about    tombs  (Abbott 
pap.  ;  S.  Pap.  ii.  i.-viii.). 
XVII.  Tybi  5  List  of  thieves  (Amherst  pap.  p. 

29). 

XVII.  Mekhir  ii        End  of  gold  accounts  (S.  Pap.  ii. 

P-  7)- 

XIX.  Hathor  9,  Khoiak  24,  27,  yr  i  Tybi.  Fisher's 
account  (Ms.  M.  658). 

XIX.  =  I  yr.  Endorsement  of  Abbott  pap.  (Ms. 

E.  4.  5,  58,  59)- 

The  tomb.  No.  6,  has  two  small  chambers  at  either 
hand  on  entering,  then  three  lengths  of  passages,  two 
large  halls,  another  passage,  and,  lastly,  the  burial 
chamber.  Much  of  the  inscription  is  only  drawn  and 
not  carved  ;  and  parts  of  it  vary  in  cursiveness  down 


XEFER'KA-RA 


[dyn.  XX.  8.] 


Fig.  76." — Door  of  toi 
Ramessu  X, 


to  complete  hieratic.  The  texts  are  of  the  Litany  of 
the  Sun,  the  Book  of  the  Dead,  chaps.  123,  125,  126, 
130;  Am  Duat,  parts  i,  2,  3.  It  contains  the  earliest 
instance  of  the  ages  of  man  ;  not  the  seven  of  later 

ideas,  but  five — the  infant, 
youth,  young  man,  senior, 
and  decrepit. 

The  monuments  of  this 
reign  are  hardly  more  than 
usurpations,  and  need  no 
notice  beyond  the  list  above. 
Beside  the  historic  papyri 
already  described,  there  are 
a  few  others  yet  unpub- 
lished, and  of  which,  there- 
fore, the  historic  value  is 
not  known. 

The  private  persons 
named  are  very  numerous  in  the  papyri  ;  but  those  of 
whom  remains  exist  are  but  four. 

Aimadua^  chief  scribe  of  the  temple  of  Amen  :  fine 
tomb  with  delicate  sculptures 
of  sacred  bark,  king  offering, 
figures  of  II  earlier  kings, 
etc.  (L.D.  iii.  235-6;  C.N. 
258,  859). 
Hora^  chief  priest  ot  Sebek  Shedti, 

lintel  and  jamb.    C.  Mus. 
Pasar,  mayor  of  Thebes,  Shabti. 
Amherst  Coll.   (S.B.A.  xxii. 

Setazi,  priest  of  Nekhen,  in  tomb 
at    El    Kab.      He  officiated 
under  Ramessu  III.,  and  con- 
tinued till  the  IVth  year  of 
R.  X.  ;  somewhat  over  22  years,  an  indication 
of  the  shorter  chronology  here  followed ;  as, 
according  to  Ms.  M.  664-5,  the  full  activity  of 
this  priest  would  have  extended  over  56  years. 


Fig.  77,  —  Ring  of 
Ramessu  X.  and 
Scarab  of  R.  XI. 
F.P.  Coll. 


[B.C.  II34-II29.] 


RAMESSU  XI 


XX.  9. 

Kheper- 

MAAT'RA, 
SOTEP* 
EX'RA 
RA'MESSU, 

Amen -HER- 

khepshef 

mervamex 

(XI.) 


1134- 
1 129 

B.C. 


Fig.  78.— Ostrakon  of  Ramessu  XI. 


Tomb  Xo.  18  in  valley  of  Kings'  Tombs        (C.X,    i.    441,    803  ; 

M.A.F.  iii.  161  ;  L.D.  iii.  239  b  ;  CM. 
271  ;  Ms.  M.  658). 


Papyri,  yr.  I.,  Maver,  A. 
Yr.     I.  Mekhir?  8  ;  Abbott,  docket 
,,   III.  On  reverse  of  R.  X.  papyrus, 
Turin 

,.   \'I.  \'ienna,  list  of  documents  about 
the  necropolis  robberies 
Turin,  figure  (perhaps  of  R.  II.) 

,,     praise  of  the  king 
Ostrakon.    B.  Mus.  cartouches 
C.  Mus. 

Scarabs.      F.P.  Coll.  ;  F.S.  ;  Turin? 


(A.Z.  xi.  39,  xii.  61). 
(Ms.  E.  4,  5,  58,  59). 
(Ms.  M.  659-60). 

(A.Z.  xiv.  i). 

(P.P.T.  Ixx.). 
(P.P.T.  Ixv.  83). 
(B.I.H.D.  ii.-iii.). 
(Dy.  O.   25186,  190-3, 
210). 


The  tomb  is  unfinished,  only  two  lengths  of  passage 
having  been  cut,  and  no  chamber.  It  has  been 
stuccoed,  but  is  now  nearly  all  bare  rock  ;  the  scene 
over  the  door  was  the  main  piece  of  work  (CM.  271), 
but  it  is  now  mostly  destroyed. 

The  papyri  show  that  the  inquiries  about  the  plunder- 
ing of  the  royal  tombs  and  the  necropolis  continued 
until  year  VI.    There  is  no  ground   for  the  Turin 


KHEPER-MAAT-RA 


[dyn.  XX.  9.] 


papyrus  of  year  VIII.  belonging  to  this  king.  His 
position  in  the  dynasty  has  been  considered  at  the 
beginning  of  the  dynasty. 


XX.  10.  Men'maat-ra, 

SOTEP-EN'NEIT 

RaMESES,  KhA'EM'UAST, 
MeRER'AMENj 

Neter* 

HEQ'AN 

(XII.) 

Mummy  at  Deir  el  Bahri  C. 
Tomb  4  in  valley  of  Kings'  Tombs 


29- 

1 102 

B.C. 


Memphis,  usurped  columns 
Serapeum,  5  Apis  burials 
Abydos  stele  of  Ta'mer'pena's 

,,      earrings  from  burial 
Karnak,  on  temple  of  Khonsu 


on  temple  of  Amenhotep  III. 
Leather,  two  pieces  P.  Mus. 

Scarab?  formerly  P.  Mus. 


Mus.        (Ms.  M.  568). 

(M.A.F.  iii.  12  ;  L.D. 
iii.  239a  ;  L.D.T.  iii. 
 197)- 

(P.P.T.  86). 
(M.S.  16). 
C.  Mus.       (M.A.  ii.  62,  p.  55). 
C.  Mus.       (M.A.  ii.  40,  p.  29). 

(L.D.  iii.  238;  CM. 

308,  5;  A.Z.  xxi.  76). 
(Rec.  xiii.  172). 
(P.L.  p.  109). 
(C.M.Cx.  p.  61,  143). 


Turin,  (P.P.T.  87). 
Turin,    (P.P.T.  89). 


Dated  objects — 

Yr.        XII.  Hathor     26,  pap. 

wheat  receipt 
,,       XVII.  Khoiak     25,  pap. 

Panehsi,  prince 

„  XXVIII.  Mesore  8,  Abydos  stele  of   (M.A.  ii.  62,  p.  55). 
Ta'mer'pena's 

Private  monuments — 

Dudiiamen,  scribe's  palette  P.  Mus.        (P.L.  p.  159,  641). 
Herhor,  high  priest  of  Amen  (A.Z.  xxi.  76). 

Unnefer,  vizier  (Rec.  xiii.  173). 

Lintel  of  an  official  Marseille      Ms.  CM.  44). 

The  tomb  has  been  planned  of  large  size,  with  two 
lengths  of  passage  and  three  halls  ;  but  it  is  nearly  all 
left  blank,  and  only  some  red  and   yellow  painted 


[B.C.  II29-1102.] 


RAMESSU  XII 


187 


scenes  and  inscriptions  have  been  drawn  near  the 
entrance.  The  mummy  was  found  in  a  coffin  of  Nesi- 
khonsu  ;  it  had  been  rewrapped  in  year  VII.,  probably 
under  Menkheperra.  At  the  Serapeum,  five  Apis 
burials  are  attributed  by  Mariette  to  this  reign  ;  but  he 
does  not  give  the  least  trace  of  his  authority  for 
declaring  this.  The  whole  treatment  of  the  Serapeum 
remains  has  been  most  scandalously  bad  ;  we  only 
have  a  great  mass  of  statements,  without  definite 
documents  for  more  than  a  small  portion  of  them  ; 
and  those  documents  have  never  been  published  as  a 
whole,  and  many  have  irrevocably  crumbled  to  dust  in 
Paris.  Practically  the  greater  part  of  the  value  of 
the  discoveries  has  been  thrown  away  by  neglect  of 
accurate  record  and  publication. 

The  stele  from  Abydos  records  the  offering  by 
Ta'mer-pena's  to  Osiris,  god  of  birth,  for  her  son 
Neterkha.  Two  earrings  of  monstrous  size  were  found 
in  a  coffin  in  the  temenos  at  Abydos. 

The  scenes  on  the  temple  of  Khonsu  at  Karnak 
show  the  high  priest  Herhor  acting  for  the  king,  and 
shortly  after  acting  himself  as  king.  His  rise  we  shall 
notice  in  the  next  reign. 

The  viceroy  of  Kush  was  named  Panehsi,  ''the 
negro"  ;  he  gave  receipts  for  wheat  in  the  Xllth  year, 
and  was  written  to  about  public  works  and  searching 
for  gems  in  the  XVI  Ith  year. 

There  is  no  more  to  be  said  about  this  reign  than 
about  the  other  obscure  reigns  before  it.  The  kings 
and  public  aff'airs  seem  mute  and  insignificant  ;  only 
their  heirs,  the  high  priests  of  Amen  who  kept  them  in 
tutelage,  seem  to  have  been  of  any  importance.  So 
ended  the  rule  of  the  Ramessides  after  226  years  ; 
though  the  prolific  family  left  descendants,  proud  of 
their  ancestry  two  centuries  later,  when  a  "son  of 
Rameses  "  was  a  title  of  honour. 


TWENTY-FIRST  DYNASTY 


[dYN.  XXI. 


TWENTY-FIRST  DYNASTY 

We  here  reach  the  most  complex  period  of  Egyptian 
history,  where  two  dynasties  went  on  contemporane- 
ously, the  XXIst  of  Tanis  and  the  XXIst  of  Thebes. 
The  large  mass  of  minute  facts  from  which  the  history 
has  to  be  built  up,  makes  lengthy  statements  necessary 
before  any  certain  conclusions  can  be  reached.  Broadly, 
there  are  two  main  sources,  the  Deir  el  Bahri  remains 
(in  Ms.  M.),  and  the  mummy  wrappings  of  the  priests' 
tombs  (see  Daressy,  Rev.  Arch,  xxviii.  75).  Where 
reference  numbers  for  statements  are  given  in  the 
genealogy  less  than  200,  they  refer  to  the  number  of 
the  mummy  in  Rev.  Arch.  ;  numbers  over  500  refer  to 
the  pages  of  Ms.  Momies  de  Deir  el  Bahri.  The  subject 
has  been  greatly  complicated  by  each  writer  framing  a 
scheme  of  conclusions  in  which  the  certain  facts  are 
mingled  with  probable  or  possible  conclusions,  and 
hence  nothing  can  be  taken  as  proved  without  entire 
rebuilding  from  the  single  documents.  We  therefore 
begin  here  by  stating  all  the  proved  facts  alone  ;  and 
after  that  form  a  scheme  which  can  be  revised  when- 
ever more  facts  are  found.  The  royal  family  appear  to 
be  related  as  follow,  with  the  references  stated,  which 
prove  the  position  here  given  to  each  person. 


3.C.  1102-952.] 


TWENTY- FIRST  DYNASTY 


189 


Nebseny=  Thentamen 

688  ! 
Hent-taui  I. 
684-7 

died  under  Menkheperra 
691 

1 

n 


Herhor 


648- 


Nezemt 


heir  |  678 

PlANKH 


545j  555'  563 


572 
701 
2,  1 1 
i4>  113 


r»  '  T  6q6 
PiNEZEM  I. 

(Kha-kheper-ra  570)  j 
537  I  588  I 
571  I  699  I 

Masaherta     —    x  ? 

heir  699  I 

=^88 


Pasebkhani-  I. 


693 


694 


Maatkara 


572  + 

Men-kheper*ra  Astemkheh  I. 

7        died  Pinez.  II.  586 


707 
Hent- 
taui  II. 


Tahent-  600  Nesi'BA 
tahutia  =  DADU 

I  I 
707  707 
606      Astemkheb  III 


Nesi-  ^ 
khonsu  I .  ^ 


I  I 
p.  86      572,  578,  606 
Astern-  Pinezem 
hhehIL  =  II. 
17,  43  I  48,  65 
125,  132  I  133,  148 
Pasebkhani- 


I 

133 
Her- 

uben 


Kat- 

sashni 


Pixezem  II. 


608 


I.I  I  i 

Ataui  Nesi'ta-  Masaherta  Zaunefer 

neht'asherii 

p.  86  I 

Nesi'khoiisti  II. 


Some  points  are  not  directly  defined  ;  Pinezem  II. 
often  calls  himself  royal  son  of  Pasebkhanu  (81,  85, 
113,  119,  120,  121,  127,  152),  yet  he  was  son  of 
Menkheperra  and  Astemkheb  (572+605).  The  title, 
royal  son  of  a  king,  does  not  mean  the  next  generation, 
but  only  descent  ;  as  in  the  title,  royal  son  of  Ramessu, 
usual  in  the  XXIInd  dynasty.  Hence  Pinezem  was 
descended  of  Pasebkhanu,  and  that  was  probably 
through  Astemkheb,  as  seen  above  (see  Ms.  M.  710). 
Hent-taui  has  been  commonly  supposed  to  be  the 
wife  of  Pinezem,  but  there  is  no  proof  of  that  beyond 


I  go 


TWEXTY-FIRST  DYNASTY 


[DYN.  XXI. 


appearing"  on  his  monuments  ;  and  as  in  one  case  (Rec. 
xix.  20)  she  is  shown  on  a  lintel  receiving  homage 
from  him,  this  would  show  that  she  was  his  mother,  a 
position  which  no  monument  contradicts.  Indeed  this 
explains  the  scene  at  Luqsor,  where  there  are  placed 
with  Pinezem  (i)  Maat'ka'ra  his  wife,  (2)  Hent-taui  his 
mother,  (3)  Nezemt  his  grandmother,  who  need  not 
have  been  over  60  years  of  age  at  the  time.  He  also 
adores  her  after  her  death  (Rec.  xiv.  32).  The  mother 
of  Menkheperra  is  unknown  ;  but  either  he  or  his  wife 
must  have  been  born  of  Maatkara,  as  we  notice  just 
above.  It  is  not  absolutely  defined  whose  wife  Maat- 
ka-ra  was  when  she  "came  south,"  and  had  her 
marriage  settlement  engraved  at  Karnak  ;  but  as  she 
appears  with  Pinezem  I.  as  a  royal  wife,  and  so  cannot 
be  wife  of  Masaherta,  nor  (by  her  age)  the  wife  of 
Piankh,  it  seems  that  she  was  the  wife  of  Pinezem. 
The  last  Pasebkhanu  was  son  of  Pinezem  II.,  as  on  the 
same  mummy  naming  him  (No.  133)  is  linen  made  by  a 
daughter  of  Astemkheb,  and  by  king  Siamen,  which 
would  not  agree  to  Pinezem  I.  The  burial  in  Deir  el 
Bahri  is  of  Pinezem  II.,  not  I.,  as  the  officials  are  the 
same  who  buried  Nesikhonsu,  wife  of  Pinezem  II. 
(Ms.  M.  521-2).  Pinezem  II.  must  have  married 
Astemkheb  II.  ;  for  his  son  Pasebkhanu  was  not  a 
son  of  Nesikhonsu,  and  was  too  old  to  be  a  son  of 
Astemkheb  III.  Nor  is  there  any  direct  evidence  for 
Menkheperra  being  son  of  Hent-taui;  but  his  daughter  is 
named  Hent-taui.  Astemkheb  I.  died  under  Pinezem  II. ; 
for  her  father  is  called  viakheni  on  her  tent,  she  is  named 
with  Men-kheper-ra  on  the  bricks  at  El  Heybeh,  and  the 
reigning  king  when  she  died  was  a  Pinezem.  Daressy, 
however,  divides  these  evidences  between  two  Astem- 
khebs,  relying  on  a  diff"erence  of  titles.  If  so,  the 
parentage  of  the  wife  of  Menkheperra  is  unknown. 

The  next  question  is  that  of  the  many  datings  of  years 
associated  with  these  kings.  Lepsius,  and  Maspero  at 
first,  thought  they  were  the  years  of  the  high  priests. 
Then  Maspero  supposed  them  to  be  the  years  of  the 
Tanite  kings,  because  Pinezem  II.  had  his  burial  dated  in 


B.C.  1102-952.]        TWEXTY-FIRST  DYNASTY  191 

year  XVI.,  and  if  this  was  of  the  priesthood  it  would  be 
the  ist  y^ar  of  his  successor  ;  also  because  the  formula 
never  is  year  (9/a  high  priest,  but  is  found  as  year  of  a 
Tanite  king.  The  first  reason  is  not  convincing,  as  at 
the  funeral  the  dating  might  well  go  on  by  habit  on  the 
old  reign  until  the  affairs  of  the  new  king  were  dealt 
with.  The  second  reason  is  reversed  by  fresh  ex- 
amples {Rev.  Arch,  xxviii.  77-78),  where  there  are 
'*year  48  the  high  priest"  (No.  105)  and  "year  8 
king  Siamen  "  (134)-  On  looking  over  all  the  datings 
there  are — 

1  with  a  year  q/a  Theban  (105). 

2  with  a  year  0/2.  Tanite  (133,  553). 

2  with  a  year  and  a  Tanite  (134,  557). 
I  with  a  year  and  a  Theban  (534). 

3  with  a  Tanite,  and  a  year  after  (38,  134,  p.  78). 
Many  with  a  Theban  and  a  year  after. 

It  seems  impossible  to  frame  from  these  varieties  any 
law  which  shall  fix  the  meaning  of  a  date  where  it  is 
not  specified.  The  obvious  sense  at  first  sight  is  that 
the  year  refers  to  the  Theban  reign  unless  the  Tanite  is 
mentioned.  To  make  a  history  of  independence  and 
dependence  of  Thebes  out  of  the  fluctuations  of  the 
style  of  dating  seems  to  build  far  too  much  upon 
variations.  For  the  present  I  see  no  use  in  building 
upon  these  datings  except  where  the  year  of  a  ruler  is 
precisely  stated  ;  though  1  should  rather  expect  the  un- 
defined years  to  belong  sometimes  to  the  Theban  rulers 
with  whose  names  the  dating  is  associated.  There  is 
in  one  case  a  strong  presumption  that  a  bandage  with 
a  Tanite  name,  and  a  date  after  it,  is  dated  in  the 
Theban  reign.  One  bandage  (105)  is  clearly  48th  year 
of  Menkheperra,  a  very  unusually  long  reign.  It  is 
very  unlikely  that  his  contemporary  Amenemapt  would 
also  have  a  very  long  reign,  and  he  is  only  stated  at  9 
years  in  Manetho.  But  a  bandage  (Rev.  Arch.  p.  78) 
is  dated  "Amenemapt,  year  49,"  which  seems  as  if  the 
suzerainty  was  acknowledged,  but  the  years  were  of  the 
high  priest.    As  there  are  over  forty  datings,  hardly 


192 


TWENTY-FIRST  DYNASTY 


[DYN,  XXI. 


any  of  which  lead  to  conclusions,  we  shall  not  repeat 
them  all  ;  they  are  summarised  in  Ms.  M.  724-5,  in 
which  make  correction  in  Note  4  that  the  moving^  of 
Sety  was  under  Pinezem  II.,  as  the  officials  are  the 
same  who  buried  that  king  ;  in  Note  6,  xvii.  should 
be  XV.,  and  so  corrected  on  p.  56  e  ;  and  in  Note  12 
omit  the  first  reference,  and  transfer  the  second  to 
Note  13.  Other  datings  are  in  Rev>  Arch,  xxviii. 
77-78.  Any  of  historical  use  at  present  are  quoted 
further  on. 

The  most  definite  dating  is  in  the  XXIst  dynasty  of 
Tanis,  as  recorded  by  Manetho.  His  list  shows  few 
variations  in  the  versions,  and  only  seems  to  need 
emendation  at  one  point. 


Monuments.  | 

Manetho. 

1 

Adopt  b.c. 

1 102 

Nesi'ba'dadu 

Smendes 

26 

26 

1076 

Pa'seb'khanu  (I.) 

Psousennes 

41 

41 

1035 

Neferkheres 

4 

4 

103 1 

Amenemapt 

Amenenofthis 

9 

9 

1022 

Siamen 

Osokhor 

6 

26 

996 

Psinnakhes 

9 

9 

987 

Pascbkhanu  (II.) 

Psousennes 

35 

35 

952 

It  is  probable  that  something  has  dropped  from  this 
list,  as  the  interval  between  the  close  of  the  Ramessides 
and  the  earliest  possible  date  for  Sheshenq  I.  (by  con- 
nection with  the  Jewish-Assyrian  chronicles)  is  150 
years,  instead  of  130  years,  the  total  of  Manetho. 
Where  the  20  years  has  been  lost  is  indicated  by 
having  dates  of  Siamen  up  to  year  XVII.,  showing 
that  he  reigned  more  than  the  6  years  of  Osokhor,  or 
9  years  of  Psinnakhes. 

Now  there  are  a  few  equations  between  these  kings 
and  the  high  priests. 


B.C.  1102-952.]        TWEXTY-FIRST  DYNASTY 


193 


Tanite.  Thebax. 

Mummy  130  Amenemapt  wilh  Xesibanebdadu. 

708,   38,  81,  85,^ 

813,   121,   130,  VAmenemapt  with  Pinezem  II. 

152  J 
1335  134  Siamen  \  Ilth-VIIIth  yr.  with 

Rec.  xxii.  61  Siamen  XI\^th  yr.  with 

Ms,  M.  522  Siamen?  X\'Ith  yr.  death  of  ., 

133  Siamen  \'IIIth  yr.  with  Pasebkhanu. 

But  bandages  were  sometimes  rather  old  when  used, 
as  a  single  body  has  bands  of  Vth  to  Xlth  years  of 
Sheshenq  (573).  Lastly,  Menkheperra  reigned  48  or 
49  years  (105,  and  p.  78,  Rev.  Arch.),  and  died  under 
Amenemapt  (Rev.  Arch.  p.  78). 

Turning  now  to  the  high  priests,  the  genealog}^  fills 
the  available  time  very  closely.  Starting  from  the 
horoscope  date  of  Ramessu  VI.,  and  taking  the  male 
generations  at  22  and  female  at  20  years,  there  is  the 
continuous  series  of  generations — 

Ramessu  VI.  born  1198B.C. 


Ast  1 1 76  (married  1 160-1 156). 

Herhor  1156 

Piankh  1134 

Pinezem  I.  1 1 1 2 

Masaharta  1090       Menkheperra  b.  1086? 

Astemkheb  I.  1068 

Pinezem  II.  1046 

(Astemkheb  II.  1044) 

Pasebkhanu  1024 


As  the  burial  of  Pinezem  II.  was  in  the  XVIth  year 
of  Siamen,  1006  B.C.,  therefore  Pasebkhanu  of  Thebes 
was  18  at  his  accession,  and  was  superseded  by 
Sheshenq  at  72  years  of  age.  This  connection  with 
Siamen  prevents  any  serious  lengthening  of  the  genera- 
tions, and  the  age  of  72  years  equally  prevents  short- 
ening of  the  generations.  So  no  great  variation  is 
possible  either  way.  Taking  the  correlations  with  the 
Tanite  line,  we  can  then  combine  the  genealogy  with 
the  history  as  follows,  showing  what  is  the  earliest  and 
the  latest  date  possible.  The  fairly  certain  dates  are 
given  here,  and  those  filled  in  by  general  considerations 
are  placed  in  parentheses. 
Ill  — 13 


194 


TWENTY-FIRST  DYNASTY 


[dVX.  XXI. 


Born. 

Earliest 

Dates. 

Latest  Dates. 

succ. 

died. 

succ. 

died. 

1185 

Amenhotep 

1 165 

1 134 

1 150 

11  2o 

I  1 

Herhor 

1 134 

1096 

1 128 

(1086) 

1134 

Piankh 

0 

0 

1  I  12 

Pinezem  I. 

1096 

(1080) 

(1086) 

(1074) 

1086 

Menkheperra 

(1080) 

(1031) 

(1074) 

(1025) 

1048 

Nesibanebdadu 

0 

0 

1046 

Pinezem  II. 

(1031) 

1006 

(1025) 

1006 

1024 

Pasebkhanu 

1006 

1006 

Herhor  began  to  act  between  the  1st  and  Vlth  year 
of  Ramessu  XI.,  and  he  reached  the  Vlth  year  of 
his  own  reig"!!.  Pinezem  II.  died  in  the  XVIth  year  of 
Siamen.  Menkheperra  reigned  49  years,  and  he  died 
under  Amenemapt.  And  the  beginning  of  Pinezem  II. 
cannot  be  put  after  1025,  as  there  are  no  less  than 
seven  instances  of  his  name  with  that  of  Amenemapt, 
who  died  in  1022.   These  are  the  fixed  data  used  above. 

The  test  of  all  this  is  to  see  what  ages  work  out  for 
accession  and  death.    These  result  as  follows  : — 


Accession. 

Death. 

Amenhotep 

20-29 

51-57 

Herhor 

22-28 

60-70 

Piankh 

under  38-48 

Pinezem  1. 

16^26 

32-38 

Menkheperra 

6-12 

55-61 

Nesibanebdadu 

under  17-23 

Pinezem  II. 

15-21 

40 

Pasebkhanu 

18 

72 

These  figures  are  nearly  all  of  them  quite  possible. 
But  as  Nesibanebdadu  had  two  wives  and  two  children, 
the  latest  date  of  his  death  is  the  only  likely  one  in 
that  case  ;  and  the  latest  date  of  accession  would  fit 
to  Menkheperra  more  probably.  Therefore  we  must 
adopt  the  latest  series  of  dates  ;  and  know  that,  as  far 
as  we  can  rely  on  our  data,  there  is  not  likely  to  be 
more  than  two  or  three  years  of  uncertainty. 

There  is,  however,  a  strain  in  joining  the  genealogy 
of  Maat'ka'ra.  As  being  the  grandmother  of  Astem- 
kheb  I.,  who  was  born  at  1068,  her  birth  could  not  be 
put  later  than  1104,  and  therefore  her  father's  birth 


B.C.  II02.] 


TWENTY-FIRST  DYNASTY 


195 


would  be  at  1126.  This  would  imply  that  he  was  50 
at  accession  and  91  at  death,  which  is  unlikely,  though 
possible.  That  she  was  wife  of  Pinezem,  and  not  of 
Masaharta,  is  shown  by  the  scene  at  Luqsor,  where 
Pinezem  is  associated  with  his  grandmother  Nezemt, 
his  mother  Henftaui,  and  (presumably,  therefore)  his 
wife  Maafkara  (Rec.  xiv.  32). 

It  does  not  seem  at  all  safe  to  attempt,  with  our 
present  knowledge,  to  build  up  a  more  definite  scheme. 
So  far,  we  have  shown  that  we  may  accept  Manetho 
(with  one  emendation),  and  all  the  data  of  family 
genealogy  and  equations  of  reigns,  without  a  single 
difficulty  ;  and  that  the  results  leave  an  uncertainty  of 
about  two  or  three  years  in  the  Theban  line.  More 
data  that  may  be  discovered  can  be  adjusted  within 
these  limits,  without  the  uncertainty  of  how  much  is 
fact  and  how  much  guesswork  in  our  statements. 


XXI.  I. 

NeTER-HOX'TEP'EN'AMEN 


Amen'si",  Her'hor 


Mummy  and  coffin  Deir  el  Bahri 

Karnak  Temple  of  Khonsu 

On  a  restored  wall 
,,  On  sphinx  of  Sety  II. 

Deir  el  Bahri      Moving-    of    Sety  I. 

Ramessu  II. 
Stele  with  Nezemt  Leyden 
Papyrus  of  Unuamen,  Vth  year 
Papyrus  (see  below). 

Oueeyi — Nezemt,  Temple  of  Khonsu 
Coffin  and  shroud 
Sons — Temple  of  Khonsu 

Piankhy,   Pa 'ra "amen "en 'amen, 


and 


(Ms.  M.  569). 
(L.D.  iii.  243-48). 
(W.G.  530). 
(A.Z.  xxiii.  82). 
(Ms.  M.  553,  557). 

(Lb.  D.  991). 
(Rec.  xxi.  74). 


(L.D.  iii.  247). 
(Ms.  Q.G.  425,  432s 
(L.D.  iii.  247). 
Pa'nefer  .  .  .,  Merftef* 
amen,  Amen  "her 'unamif,  Tekhuy,  Masaharta,  Masaqa- 
harta,  Pa*shed"khonsu,  Amenra .  .  .  hershef,  ....  em  kheb, 
.  .  .  t  .  .  .,  Bak"hor*neteri,  .  .  .  anm,  .  .  mmsunai,  Ruda' 
anient  .  .  .     Nesi"pa"kher"her ?,  Madenneb. 


196 


TWENTY-FIRST  DYNASTY 


[dYN.  XXI.  I. 


As  we  have  already  noticed,  under  the  reign  of 
Ramessu  VI.  his  daughter  was  married  to  Amenhotep, 
father  of  Herhor,  not  long  before  1156,  and  Herhor 
was  probably  her  son,  and  so  born  about  1160-1155. 
He  therefore  would  be  of  royal  descent,  and  thus  have 
a  legitimate  right  to  the  titles  of  "  Heir  over  both 
lands,  great  companion  in  the  whole  land"  (L.D.  iii. 
247  d),  and  the  "Hereditary  prince"  (L.D.  iii.  222  f), 
which  he  uses  during  the  reign  of  Ramessu  XH.  After 
that  he  appears  as  enjoying  full  sovereign  rights  and 


Herhor,  she  must  be  his  wife.  Also  she  appears  as 
the  equal  of  Herhor  on  the  Leyden  stele  (A.Z.  xxiii.  82; 
Lb.  D.  991). 

The  military  power  was  also  united  to  the  priestly, 
even  during  the  end  of  the  Ramessides,  as  Herhor  was 
the  "commander-in-chief  of  the  south  and  north,"  and 
hauti,  which  Maspero  renders  "chief  of  the  mercen- 
aries" (L.D.  iii.  247  d).  In  turn  his  son  Piankh  was 
"general,  viceroy  of  Kush,  keeper  of  the  southern 
deserts,  chief  of  the  mercenaries,  head  of  the  archers" 


titles  as  completely  as 
any  other  king  of  Egypt 
(L.D.  iii.  243-44). 
is  shown  as  seated  be- 
tween the  goddesses  of 
south  and  north,  Nekheb 
and  Uazet,  and  with 
Horus  and  Set  offering 
him  the  crowns  of  Upper 
and  Lower  Egypt  (L.D. 
iii.  246  b).  The  fullest 
rights  were  therefore 
claimed  by  him. 


Fig.  79.  —  Herhor,  head,  from  temple 
of  Khonsu.    L.  D.  iii.  300. 


His  wife  Nezemt  has 
been  supposed  to  be  his 
mother  ;  but  as  she  ap- 
pears heading  the  long 
family  of  "  kings'  sons," 
who  must  have  been 
sons  and  not  brothers  of 


n.c.  T 102-1086.] 


HERHOR 


197 


(M.A.  ii.  57  ;  n  is  perhaps  in  error  for  her  in  the  last 
title).  The  Retennu  of  Syria  are  claimed  as  being- 
tributary  (L.D.  iii.  243  a,  1.  2),  which  points  to  Herhor 
having  complete  command  of  the  eastern  frontier. 

That  there  was  an  amicable  condominium  between 
Herhor  as  full  king  and  Nesibanebdadu,  prince  of 
Tanis  and  ruler  in  the  Delta,  is  shown  by  the  papyrus 
of  Unuamen  (Rec.  xxi.  74).  His  journey  in  Palestine 
was  for  his  master  Herhor  ;  but  he  goes  to  Tanis  and 
gives  his  credentials  to  Nesibanebdadu,  who  sends  him 
on  with  a  boat  and  men.  On  a  robbery  taking  place, 
he  states  that  the  property  belongs  to  Amen  Ra,  to 
Nesibanebdadu,  to  Herhor,  and  to  various  Egyptian 
and  Syrian  chiefs.  Afterwards  Nesibanebdadu  sent 
presents  to  the  king  of  Dor.  Neither  ruler  has  a 
cartouche  or  any  royal  titles  given  him  ;  and  it  seems 
as  if  the  Tanite  was  only  acting  as  a  local  prince  under 
the  orders  of  the  Theban  ruler. 

This  papyrus  gives  so  interesting  a  picture  of  the 
life  of  that  time  that  it  must  be  summarised  here, 
though  the  whole  is  too  long  to  be  quoted.  Unu'amen 
was  sent  in  the  Vth  year  of  Herhor  to  bring  wood  for 
the  boat  of  Amen,  leaving  Thebes  on  Epiphi  16  (April 
6).  He  applied  to  Nesibanebdadu  and  Tent-amen, 
whose  name  always  appears,  and  who  was  probably 
an  heiress  of  the  royal  line  through  whom  her  husband 
enjoyed  rights.  They  gave  him  a  boat  and  sailors, 
and  he  started  on  the  Mediterranean  on  Mesore  i 
(April  20).  He  came  to  Dir,  a  town  of  Zakar,  and 
Badir  the  chief  gave  provisions.  One  of  the  boatmen 
ran  away,  taking  about  £.60  in  gold  and  J^\2  in  silver, 
a  much  larger  value  in  exchange  at  that  time.  The 
chief  repudiated  all  responsibility  if  the  thief  belonged 
to  the  boat,  but  acknowledged  it  if  from  the  country. 
Here  is  a  long  gap,  and  it  seems  that  Unuamen  had 
been  trying  to  get  cedars  without  being  formally  author- 
ised by  the  chief.  After  waiting  for  5  months  (till  23rd 
Sept.),  at  a  sacrifice  the  chief  was  making,  one  of  the 
youths  became  possessed,  and  danced,  saying  that 
some  one  would  lead  away  the  envoy.     The  same 


TWENTY-FIRST  DYNASTY 


[DYN.  JCXl.  T. 


night  Unuamen  found  a  ship  going"  to  Egypt,  and  tried 
to  slip  on  board  in  the  dark,  tired  of  having  wasted  the 
whole  summer  waiting  to  catch  the  thief.  The  guards 
said  that  he  must  stay  and  go  to  the  chief.  Unuamen 
retorted  that  they  were  continually  urging  him  to 
depart.  The  chief  was  told,  and  stopped  the  ship. 
Next  morning  Unuamen  was  led  up  to  the  king  in  his 
castle  by  the  sea  ;  he  was  on  his  throne,  with  the  back 
to  the  window,  while  the  waves  of  the  great  sea  broke 
behind  him,  a  sound  and  air  which  struck  the  Theban 
strangely.  Then  ssi'id  U'?iimme7i,  "  The  grace  of  Amen 
to  you."  Chief.  "  How  long  is  it  since  you  came  from 
the  habitation  of  Amen?"  Un.  "  Five  months  and  a 
day."  Ch.  "If  you  are  right,  where  are  the  letters  of 
the  requests  of  Amen  in  your  hands,  where  is  the  letter 
of  the  first  prophet  of  Amen,  which  ought  to  be  in  your 
possession?"  Un.  "I  gave  them  to  Nesibanebdadu 
and  Tent-amen."  The  chief  was  much  annoyed  and 
worried  by  this  (fearing  to  displease  the  Tanite),  and 
said,  "But  if  you  have  not  brought  the  requests  and 
the  letter,  where  is  your  Egyptian  boat  from  Nesibaneb- 
dadu, where  are  his  Syrian  sailors  ?  Did  he  not  tell 
the  captain  then  that  they  should  kill  you  and  throw 
you  in  the  sea?  For  if  they  desert  the  god,  where  are 
you  ;  or  if  they  desert  you,  where  are  you  ?  "  Un,  "  It 
was  not  an  Egyptian  boat,  but  the  sailors  of  Nesi- 
banebdadu are  Egyptian  ;  he  did  not  give  me  Syrians." 
Ch.  "Are  there  not  twenty  boats  from  Nesibaneb- 
dadu on  my  coasts  ?  And  as  to  this  other,  the  Sidonian 
who  you  have  addressed,  are  there  not  many  boats  of 
Uar-kat-al  bringing  goods  to  my  house  ?  "  (The  affairs 
of  the  rulers  whose  protection  you  claim  are  well 
known  here,  and  you  are  not  in  their  charge.)  Unu- 
amen felt  caught,  and  bigger  grew  the  chief's  speech  : 
"What  business  have  you  coming  here?"  Un.  "I 
came  for  wood  for  the  beautiful  boat  of  Amen-Ra,  king 
of  the  gods.  Do  also  as  thy  father  did,  and  the  father 
of  thy  father."  Ch.  "Whatever  they  really  did,  and 
you  want  me  to  do,  I  will  do.  But  if  my  people  supply 
the  wood,  Pharaoh — life,  wealth,  and  health  to  him — 


B.C.  II02-1086.] 


HERHOR 


199 


must  send  six  boats  of  Egyptian  goods  to  be  sold  at 
their  agencies.  You  must  go  and  bring  what  is  due." 
Then  the  journals  of  the  chief's  ancestors  were  brought 
and  read  to  Unuamen,  and  1000  deben  (;^40o)  of  silver 
were  recorded.  Ch.  '*If  the  prince  of  Egypt  were 
master  and  I  was  servant,  he  would  not  send  silver  or 
gold  for  the  business  of  Amen,  and  he  would  not  have 
sent  presents  to  my  father.  But  I  am  what  I  am.  I 
am  not  the  servant  of  you  or  of  him  who  sent  you. 
But  I  must  say  this  annoys  me, — that  the  beams  of  fine 
tall  cedars  should  lie  abandoned  on  the  shore.  So  I 
will  agree  to  give  you  the  sails  which  you  brought  to 
sail  the  rafts  of  beams,  and  give  the  cordage  .  .  .  the 
trees  which  I  have  cut,  to  help  you.  But  I  will  rig  the 
sails  of  your  ships  so  that  the  rigging  shall  be  heavy, 
and  that  thus  they  might  break  and  you  might  perish 
in  the  midst  of  the  sea.  Then,  if  Amen  keeps  his  word 
in  heaven,  and  chains  Sutekh  (storms)  in  his  hour, 
(then  I  shall  know  if)  Amen  really  is  active  in  all  lands, 
and  that  he  possesses  and  ought  to  possess  Egypt 
where  you  come  from,  and  that  the  perfection  of 
thought  reaches  from  Egypt  to  where  I  am,  and  that 
the  orders  should  reach  to  the  place  where  I  am,  and 
why  some  one  has  sent  you  on  this  cadging  voyage." 
Un.  Not  so,  this  is  not  a  cadging  voyage,  shame  on 
those  around  who  say  so.  There  is  not  a  ship  on  the 
sea  which  does  not  belong  to  Amen  ;  the  sea  is  his  and 
the  cedars  also,  of  which  you  say  they  are  mine.  He 
makes  a  place  to  grow  (the  wood)  for  the  bark  Amen, 
and  for  every  ship.  Truly  it  is  Amen  himself,  king  of  the 
gods,  who  ordered  Herhor  my  master  that  he  should 
send  me,  and  he  has  made  me  come  for  this  great  god. 
But  see  now  you  have  made  the  great  god  wait  29 
days  moored  on  your  shore,  while  you  do  not  consider 
that  he  neither  attends  nor  cares  to  attend  about  your 
selling  these  cedars,  for  Amen  is  lord  himself.  As  to 
what  you  say  about  the  former  kings  having  sent  silver 
and  gold,  if  such  gave  life  and  health  they  would  not 
have  parted  with  them,  but  your  fathers  sought  life 
and  health  by  sending  (the  cedars).    As  to  Amen-Ra, 


200 


TWENTY-FIRST  DYNASTY 


[dvn.  XXI.  r. 


king-  of  the  gods,  himself  he  is  lord  of  life  and  health, 
and  he  himself  is  lord  of  thy  ancestors  who  have  passed 
their  life  in  making  offerings  to  Amen.  And  you,  in 
your  condition,  are  a  servant  of  Amen.  If  you  say, 
'Do  it,  do  it  for  Amen,'  and  you  put  things  in  train, 
you  shall  live  long  in  health  and  safety,  and  it  shall 
be  well  with  your  land  and  your  people.  But  covet 
not  what  belongs  to  Amen-Ra,  king  of  the  gods  ! 
Assuredly  the  lion  loves  his  own  !  Let  my  scribe  come, 
and  I  will  send  him  to  Nesibanebdadu  and  to  Tent- 
Amen,  the  adorers  ('earth-smellers')  whom  Amen  has 
put  in  the  north  of  his  land,  that  they  may  send  all 
that  I  want  when  I  say,  'Send  what  I  will,' before  I 
go  south,  in  order  to  be  able  to  send  you  all  that  you 
yet  need."  So  the  chief  gave  Unuamen's  letter  to  his 
messenger,  who  took  with  it  planks  and  beams,  and 
went  to  Egypt.  He  returned  to  Syria  in  Tybi  (end  of 
September)  with  4  vases  and  a  basin  of  gold,  7  vases 
of  silver,  and  much  leather  and  stuffs  and  dried  fish. 
So  the  chief  gave  Unuamen  300  men  and  300  oxen  to 
bring  down  trees  all  the  autumn,  and  in  Epiphi  (early 
April)  they  were  brought  to  the  shore  ready.  The 
chief  then  went  to  the  shore  and  graciously  made  over 
the  cedars  to  Unuamen.  Then  Unuamen  suddenly 
found  eleven  ships  of  Zakar  (?  Zakro  in  Crete),  which 
said  that  he  was  caught,  and  should  not  be  let  go.  He 
sat  down  and  wept  ;  and  the  chief's  secretary  came  and 
said,  "What  is  the  matter?"  Un.  "Don't  you  see 
these  sea-fowl  who  twice  over  have  swept  down  upon 
Egypt.  Look  at  them  !  They  lie  here  as  they  please, 
and  when  will  they  go  !  As  for  me,  I  am  abandoned. 
Don't  you  see  them  come  to  take  me  prisoner  again  ?  " 
The  scribe  told  the  king,  who  wept  at  such  sad  news  ; 
but  who  sent  the  scribe  again  with  two  jars  of  wine 
and  sheep,  along  with  an  Egyptian  singing  girl.  Tent- 
nut,  to  cheer  him.  Next  morning  the  chief  called 
together  his  people,  and  standing  amid  them  said  to 
the  strangers,  "  Oh,  Zakru,  what  have  you  come  here 
for?"  They  said,  "We  have  come  after  the  ships 
which  you  sent  to  Egypt,  for  we  are  the  guardians  of 


B.C.  IT02-1086.] 


HERHOR 


201 


the  helpless  !  "  The  chief  replied,  "  I  cannot  imprison 
the  messenger  of  Amen  in  my  land.  Let  me  send  him, 
and  you  may  follow  him  to  take  him." 

Unuamen  was  then  cast  by  the  wind  on  the  coast  of 
Alasya  (North  Syria  or  Cyprus?),  and  the  people  seized 
him  to  kill  him,  and  dragged  him  along  to  see  Hataba, 
the  female  chief  of  the  town.  She  was  moving  from 
one  house  to  another.  He  begged  to  know  if  anyone 
understood  Egyptian  ;  and  one  said  that  he  did.  Unu- 
amen said,  "  Tell  my  queen  that  all  the  way  from  here 
to  Egypt  I  have  heard  that  if  all  others  are  liars,  at 
least  they  are  true  in  Alasya.  Now  is  falsehood  even 
done  here  always  ?  "  The  queen  said,  What  is 
he  saying?"  Un.  "The  sea  was  wild  and  the  wind 
blew  me  up  on  to  your  land.  Do  not  let  them  kill  me. 
I  am  a  messenger  of  Amen,  but  see  now  there  is  always 
some  one  after  me.  As  to  the  sailors  of  the  chief  of 
Kapuna  (Byblos),  who  tried  to  murder  him,  he  could 
not  find  the  ten  sailors  who  were  here,  or  he  would 
certainly  have  killed  them."  So  the  queen  told  him  to 
rest,  and  after  a  while  he  went  to  Tyre  ;  and  then  went 
to  Zakar-baal,  king  of  Kapuna,  but  was  chased  from 
there.  Unhappily  the  end  of  the  papyrus  is  much 
broken  and  curtailed  ;  but  the  spirited  view  of  life  in 
Syria,  and  the  relations  with  Egypt,  give  great  value 
to  this  report,  which  may  perhaps  be  a  novel  rather 
than  a  history.  The  delightful  irony  of  the  piratical 
Cretans  saying  they  were  "the  guardians  of  the  help- 
less "  is  quite  in  keeping  with  the  picturesque  dash  of 
the  story. 

The  only  dated  records  of  this  reign  are  the  in- 
scriptions on  the  mummies  of  Sety  I.  and  Ramessu  II., 
in  the  Vlth  year  Paophi  7,  and  Phamenoth  15,  record- 
ing the  renewing  of  the  wrappings.  After  reading  the 
account  of  Unuamen,  to  suppose  that  these  dates, 
written  at  Thebes,  refer  to  the  reign  of  the  prince  of 
Tanis,  seems  quite  improbable.  We  can  but  refer  them 
to  years  of  the  reign  of  Herhor,  1096  B.C. 

Of  the  royal  family  a  full  record  appears  in  the 
temple  of  Khonsu  at  Karnak.     First  is  the  Queen 


202 


TWENTY-FIRST  DYNASTY         [uyn.  xxi.  i.] 


Nezemt,  then  the  eldest  son  Piankh,  who  died  before 
succeeding",  and  then  i8  other  sons  and  19  daughters  ; 
their  names  are  already  given  in  the  above  list,  and 
we  notice  the  later  family  name  Masa-harta,  and  the 
variation  on  it,  Masa'qaharta,  which  shows  how  it  is 
compounded.  The  papyrus  of  the  Book  of  the  Dead 
for  Nezemt  was  found  at  Deir  el  Bahri,  and  divided  so 
that  parts  are  now  in  B.  Mus.  (S.B.A.  v.  79),  in  the 
Louvre  (P.R.  ii.  131),  and  the  Murch  Collection  (W.  G. 
531).  Her  double  coffins  and  mummy  from  Deir  el 
Bahri  are  in  Cairo.  They  are  finely  wrought,  gilded, 
and  richly  inlaid  with  stones  and  pastes  (P.  Ins.  i.  66  G). 
The  outer  wrappings  of  the  body  had  scenes  drawn  on 
them  ;  within  were  fragments  of  toilet  objects  of  ivory 
and  wood,  and  a  beautiful  medial  pendant ;  none  of 
these  are  published  (Ms.  M.  570  ;  xix.  a).  A  glazed 
bead  with  her  name  is  at  Berlin  (Berl.  Cat.  12766). 
The  wrappings  of  the  mummies  of  Sety  I.  and  Ramessu 
II.  were  renewed  by  Herhor  in  the  Vlth  year  (Ms.  M. 
553>  557)- 


XXI.    2.  NeTER-HON'TEP*EN-AME\ 

Piankh 

Abydos  (Cairo)      Stele  (Ms.  G.  47  ;  M. A.  382 ; 

M.A.  ii.  57). 

Karnak  Eldest  son  in  list  (L.D.  iii.  247). 

Queen — Hent'TALI — 

Mummy  Deir  el  Bahri  (Ms.  M.  576). 

Two  coffins      Deir  el  Bahri  (Cairo)        (Ms.  M.  576). 
Medinet  Habu  Lintel  (Rec.  xix.  20). 

Karnak  Pvlon  of  Khonsu  (L.D.  iii.  250c). 

,,  onbackofSekhet  statues  (L.D.  iii.  2490. 

Book  of  Dead  Deir  el  Bahri  (Cairo)       (M.P.B.  iii.  12—  ;  Ms. 

M.  688). 

Ushabtis  Deir  el  Bahri  (Fig-.  84). 

Portrait  (CM.  280). 

Pinezem,  Haqnofer,  Haqaa,  Ankh-    (Rec.  xiv.  32). 
efmut.  Luqsor. 

This  prince,  though  he  inherited  the  high  priest- 
hood, does  not  seem  to  have  ruled  independently.  It 


tB.C.  1086.1 


PIAXKH 


203 


is  supposed  that  Herhor  left  Thebes  to  consolidate  his 
power  in  the  north,  and  appointed  his  eldest  son  as 
high  priest  to  rule  in  the  south.  Only  a  single  monu- 
ment of  him  is  known,  a  stele,  on  which  he  is  called 
the  royal  fanbearer,  scribe,  general,  prince  of  Kush, 
chief  of  the  southern  lands,  high  priest  of  Amen,  chief 
of  the  granaries,  and  chief  of  the  archers.  The  title 
prince  of  Kush  shows  that  he  was  not  independent  at 


Fig.  80. — Stele  of  Piankh  ;  Abydos.    Cairo  Museum. 


that  time,  and  there  is  no  proof  that  he  survived  his 
father.  A  correspondence  about  rations  of  the  Masha- 
washa  guards,  addressed  to  a  scribe  Zaroaay,  is  attri- 
buted by  Spiegelberg  to  this  reign,  the  high  priest 
having  a  name  ending  in  ankh  and  titles  agreeing  to 
those  of  Piankh  (S.C.R.P.  13-18,  name  on  p.  10). 

The  queen  Henftaui  has  been  hitherto  supposed  to 
have  been  a  wife  of  Pinezem,  because  she  appears  with 


2C4 


TWENTY-FIRST  DYNASTY  [dyn.  x^^t.  2. 


him.  But  as  he  in  one  case  does  homage  to  her,  she  is 
rather  his  mother  (Rec.  xix.  20)  ;  and  this  accords  with 
her  position  between  his  wife  Maat*ka*ra  and  his  grand- 
mother Nezemt  (Rec.  xiv.  32).  She  must  have  been 
mother  of  a  wife  of  Pinezem,  as  she  is  called  mother  of 
the  great  royal  wife."  Her  ushabtis  are  also  in  colour 
and  clearness  finer  than  those  of  Pinezem,  or  any  later 
ones  in  this  decaying  series.  By  the  genealogy  she 
would  have  been  about  58  at  the  accession  of  Menkhe- 
perra,  and  so  might  well  have  died  in  his  reign  (Ms.  M. 
691).  -  In  her  papyrus  she  is  stated  to  be  the  daughter  of 
the  doctor^Nebseny  and  the  royal  female  Thentamen. 

A  queen  of  this  name  was  the  wife 
of  Nesibanebdadu  at  Tanis  at 
about  1097  B.C.  ;  and  this  might 
well  be  her  second  marriage,  as 
Hent'taui  was  born  about  1132 
B.C.  That,  though  called  "  king's 
daughter,"  Hent'taui  was  not  the 
immediate  daughter  of  a  king  is 
hinted  on  her  coffin,  where  she  is 
"king's  daughter's  daughter" 
(Ms.  M.  576).  The  Book  of  the 
Dead  of  Nebseny — probably  her 
father— is  published  (M.P.B.  iii.)  ; 
and  that  for  Tauhert,  daughter 
of  a  Thentamen, — possibly  her 
sister, — is  also  known  (Leyden  Pap.  T.  3).  The  father 
of  Thentamen  must  have  been  born  about  1175  or 
earlier.  This  excludes  Herhor,  born  about  1166,  but 
would  quite  agree  with  Ramessu  XH.,  born  about 
1 186,  as  he  might  well  have  been  27  and  she  24  at  the 
birth  of  their  children.  It  is  probable,  therefore,  that 
Thentamen  was  a  younger  daughter  of  Ramessu  XII. 
or  one  of  his  near  brothers. 

The  mummy  of  Hent'taui  is  well  preserved,  and  the 
face  carefully  prepared  to  imitate  the  living  appearance 
(Ms.  M.  XX.  A).  The  bandages  bear  the  name  of  her 
grandson  Menkheperra,  showing  that  she  must  have 
been  over  58  at  death.    The  mummy  was  in  two  coffins, 


Fig.  8r. — Henftaui,  from 
her  funeral  papyrus. 
Cairo  Museum. 


B.C.  1086.] 


PIANKH 


205 


both  inscribed  with  name  and  titles  (Ms.  M.  576).  Her 
ushabti  box  (Ms.  M.  xxi.  C),  ushabtis,  and  Book  of 
the  Dead  were  all 
in  the  Deir  el  Bahri 
burial. 

Her  figure  at  Kar- 
nak  (L.D.  iii,  250  c) 
has  not  the  uraei 
which  Maat"ka'ra 
has  ;  probably  be- 
cause she  could  not 
be  regarded  as  the 
heiress  of  the  king- 
dom, as  the  real 
heiress  of  the  Ra- 
messides  was  Ast, 
mother  of  Herhor. 
She  inscribed  one  of 
the  Sekhet  statues 
in  the  reign  of  her 
son. 

The  sons  are  named 
in  a  joint  dedication  to  Piankh  at  Luqsor. 


Fig.  82.- 


-Mnniiuv  of  Henftaui  I. 
Ms.  M.'xx.  A. 


XXI. 


Kheper*kha-r.\ 
sotep'en'amex 

Mery'amex 

PiNEZEM  (I.) 


G) 


XJi.    AAAAAA  yj  J 


about 
086- 
1074 

B.C. 


Mummy,  coffin     Deir  el  Bahri  (Cairo) 


Abydos 
Karnak 


Luqsor 

Medinet  Habu 
Sehel 


Altar 

Kriosphinx  inscriplion 
Sekhet  dedication 
Khonsu  pylon 
Chapel  of  Osiris 
Dedication  to  his  father 
Temple  of  Tahutmes  III.  (L.D. 
Rock  inscription  (M.D 


(Ms.  M.  570;  Ms.  Q.G. 

433-7)- 
(F.P.  Coll.). 
(Rec.  xiv.  30). 
(B.G.M.  370). 
(L.D.  iii.  248,  249,  251). 
(Rec.  xxiv.  210). 
(Rec.  xiv.  32). 


250  a,  251  fg). 


73'  73)- 


2o6 


TWENTY-FIRST  DYNASTY 


[dYN.  XXI.  3. 


Kneeling-  figure,  sandstone.    C.  Mus. 

Renewing  mummies  of  XVIIIth-XIXth    (Ms.  M.  534,  537,  538, 
dy»-  54i»  545^555.  560,  563, 

564). 

Bandag-es,  etc.,  of  priests  of  Amen  (Rev.  Arch,  xxviii.  75, 

Nos.  17,  43,  48,  65, 
125,  132,  133,  148). 
Gold  bracelets.    C.  Mus.  (Ms.  Q.G.  520). 

Leather  tabs — Two  in  Turin  (A.Z.  xx.  no). 

Six  in  Paris  (P.M.S.H.  450-2,  456). 

Ushabtis    and        Deir  el  Bahri  (Ms.  M.  570,  591  ;  Fig. 

Book  of  Dead  84). 

Queen  — MwTKA  RA  Mux 'EM -hat. 

Mummy  Deir  el  Bahri  (Ms.  M.  577). 

Karnak  Pylon  of  Khonsu  (L.D.  iii.  248 g,  250b). 

Luqsor  Court  (Rec.  xiv.  32). 

Coffins  (Ms.   M.  577  ;  P.  Ins. 

164-6,  75,  76). 

Ushabti  box      Deir  el  Bahri  (Cairo)  (Ms.  M.  xxi.  D). 
Ushabtis  and     Deir  el  Bahri  (Cairo)  (Ms.  M.  577,  590  ;  Fig. 

Book  of  Dead  84). 
Base  of  statue    Marseille  (Rec.  xiii.  148). 

Portrait  (CM.  280). 

Sons — Painezem  (Ms.  M.  537). 

Masaharta  (Ms.  M.  699). 

iNIenkheperra  (Ms.  M.  572,  701). 

This  ruler  seems  to  have  acceded  at  an  early  age, 
as  his  queen  is  inserted  as  a  subsequent  alteration  on 
his  scene  at  Karnak  ;  and  this  would  ag-ree  with  the 
family  history  already  worked  out,  by  which  he  would 
have  ruled  at  18  or  a  few  years  older.  This  also 
explains  the  importance  of  his  mother  Hent'taui  in  the 
sculptures. 

That  the  Thebans  continued  to  hold  Abydos  is  shown 
by  an  altar  with  the  royal  titles,  and  si  ra,  neh  khaii,  in 
akJiety  Amenmery  Pinezeniy  dii  ankh  senh  ma  ra,  for  Isis 
of  Abydos,  Fig-.  83  (F.P.  Coll.). 

At  Karnak  there  is  a  scene  on  the  temple  of  Khonsu 
of  offerings  to  the  Theban  triad,  before  his  marriage 
(L.D.  iii.  250a),  with  Maafka*ra,  inserted  later;  also 
inscriptions  on  the  pylon,  recording  making  monu- 
ments to  Khonsu  and  a  great  pylon  (L.D.  iii.  251  a-c) 
and  restorations  (248  h,  i,  249  c-e)  ;  also  over  the  door 


B.C.  1086-1074.] 


PINEZEM  I 


207 


of  a  chamber  in  the  chapel  of  Osiris  there  are  car- 
touches (Rec.  xxiv.  210).  At  Luqsor  is  a  dedication  by 
the  king"  and  his  brothers  to  the  memory  of  their  father 
(Rec.  xiv.  32),  the  only  place  in  which  the  brothers  are 
named.  At  Medinet  Habu  he  placed  inscriptions  on 
the  temple  of  Tahutmes  III.,  one  while  he  was  vizier, 
his  father  Piankh  being-  maat  kheru^  probably  deceased 
(L.D.  iii.  251  d-g) ;  this  suggests  that  Piankh  died  some 
time  before  Herhor,  so  that  Pinezem  held  the  south 
before  his  sole  rule.  At  Sehel  a  rock  inscription  of 
Pinezem  has  the  titles  of  high  priest,  and  great  general 


Fig.  83.— Altar  of  Pinezem  I.    F.P.  Coll, 

of  the  south  and  north  (M.D.  pi.  73,  No.  73).  A 
kneeling  figure  of  the  king  in  sandstone  was  dedicated 
in  the  festival  of  Ptah  Sokar  (C.  Mus.). 

An  important  work  of  this  time  was  the  renewing  and 
preservation  of  the  mummies  of  the  earlier  kings  and 
princes.  Inscriptions  on  the  bodies  of  Aahmes  I. 
(Ms.  M.  534),  Siamen  (538),  Sitkames  (541),  Amen- 
hotep  I.  (537),  Tahutmes  II.  (545),  Sety  I.  (555), 
Ramessu  II.  (563),  and  Ramessu  III.  (564),  are  at 
dates  between  the  Vlth  and  Xlllth  year.  The  princes 
and  Aahmes  I.  were  moved,  but  the  others  seem  to 
have  still  been  kept  in  their  tombs.    Several  bandages 


208 


TWENTY-FIRST  DYNASTY 


[dYN.  XXI.  3. 


and  straps  on  the  mummies  of  the  priests  of  Amen 
are  also  dated  to  this  reign  (Rev.  Arch,  xxviii.  75). 
Some  similar  straps  or  tabs  of  leather  are  at  Turin  and 
Paris. 

The  mummy  of  the  king  was  found  at  Deir  el  Bahri, 
in  the  damaged  coffin  of  Tahutmes  I.  It  had  been 
pillaged,  but  the  Book  of  the  Dead  was  still  between 
the  legs.    The  king  seems  to  have  been  a  small,  thin 


Fig.  84. — Shabtis  of  Henftaui  I.,  Pinezem  I.,  and 
Maafka-ra.  F.P.  Coll. 


man.  Two  boxes  of  ushabtis  were  found,  the  figures 
being  of  bright  blue  glaze  with  black  inscriptions. 

The  queen  Maat*ka*ra  Mut*em"hat  is  expressly  stated 
to  have  come  southward  to  her  marriage,  and  to  have 
been  the  daughter  of  king  Pasebkhanu  of  Tanis,  in  the 
marriage  settlement  engraved  at  Karnak  (Ms.  M.  694). 
The  scenes  in  which  her  figure  has  been  added  (L.D. 
iii.  250a),  or  designed  with  the  king  (L.D.  248  g.  250  b), 


B.C.  I086-IO74.] 


PINEZEM  I 


209 


or  placed  with  other  queens  (Rec.  xiv.  30,  32),  have 
been  already  noticed.  An  important  piece  is  the  base 
of  a  statuette  (6  by  4  in.)  dedicated  by  her  high  steward 
Horhotep  (Marseille  Mus.  Ms.  Cat.  M.  232  ;  Rec.  xiii. 
148).  That  she  was  the  heiress  of  the  kingdom, 
through  some  Ramesside  descent  of  the  Tanites,  is 
shown  by  the  double  uraeus  on  her  head,  the  title 

great  heiress,"  and  by  her  having  a  double  cartouche, 
a  throne  name  and  a  personal  name. 

Her  mummy  was  found  at  Deir  el  Bahri  in  good 
condition  (Ms,   M.  xix. 

577)-  With  it  was 
the  mummy  of  an  infant, 
at  whose  birth  she  had 
died.  It  cannot  have 
been  her  firstborn,  as 
either  M-enkheperra  or 
Astemkheb  was  her  child, 
because  Pinezem  II. 
boasts  his  descent  from 
Pasebkhanu,  her  father. 
The  inner  coffin  was 
injured,  but  the  outer 
one  is  perfect,  and  is  one 
of  the  finest  in  the  whole 
series.  The  inscriptions 
are  published  by  Piehl 
(P.  Ins.  i.  64-6,  75,  76). 

There  appears  to  have 
been  an  eldest  son  Pinezem,  who  died  early,  and  is 
once  named  (Ms.  M.  537). 

Masaharta,  the  son  of  Pinezem,  died  before  his  father, 
but  was  acting  officially  as  high  priest  of  Amen.  He 
appears  in  an  adoration  of  Amen  on  the  outside  of  the 
small  temple  of  Amenhotep  II.  at  Karnak  (A.Z.  xx. 
133).     A  colossal  hawk  bears   his  titles  and  name 


Fig.  85. — Maatkara,  coffin  head. 
Cairo  Museum. 


(Bruxelles,  A.Z.   xx.    134;  P.S.B.A. 


257).  The 


prince  is  named  as  renewing  the  mummy  of  Amen- 
hotep I.  under  his  father  Pinezem  in  the  XVIth  year 
(Ms.  M.  536). 
Ill — 14 


2IO 


TWENTY-FIRST  DYXASTV 


[DYN.  XXI.  3.] 


The  mummy  of  Masaharta  had  been  despoiled,  but  the 
coffin  still  retains  the  titles  and  name  (Ms.  M.  571). 
He  is  generally  entitled  son  of  Pinezem  ;  and,  on  the 
funereal  tent  of  Astemkheb,  Pinezem  (II.)  appears  as 
king-,  and  Masaharta  repeatedly  as  high  priest  deceased 
(maat-kheru),  implying  that  Astemkheb  was  the  daughter 
of  Masaharta.     His  shroud  is  at  Cairo  (Ms.  Q.G.  434). 


XXI.  4.  Men-kheper'ra  O 


about  1074- 
102^  B.C. 


El  Heybeh 
Karnak 


Liiqsor 
Thebes 

Gebeleyn 
Bigeh 


Walls 
Block 

On  column  of  Khonsu 

Walls 

Walls 

Stele 

\\^alls 

Rock,  titles  and  fig-ure 


(L.D. 
Pr. 

(Rec. 

(C.N.  n.  22 
(L.D.  iii.  251  k) 
(Rev.  Arch,  xxvi 
(B.R.I,    xxii.  ; 

ii.  194). 
(P.S.B.A.  XV.  498) 
(C.N.  i.  161). 


iii.    251  h,   i  ; 

M.  xxiii.  4-1 1 ). 
xxii.  53). 

5) 


i.86). 
B.H. 


Bandag-es  and  removal  of  mummies  (see  below). 
Leather  tab  P.  Mus.  (P.S.  H.  456). 

Libation  vase  (B.  Mus.  25,  566) 

Scarab  with  Astemkheb.    Wiedemann  Coll.  (W.G.  538), 

Queen — 

Astemkheb  I. 
Tent  (Cairo) 
Bricks 

Mummy  and  coffins  (Cairo) 
Ushabtis.  Common. 
Book  of  Dead 

Nesibanebdadu,  high  priest 
Pisebkhanu  ,, 
Pinezem  II. 
Daughters — Henftaui  II. 

Astemkheb  II.  (?) 
Her'uben 


(Ms.  M.  585). 
(L.D.  iii.  2,  51  h,  i). 
(Ms.  M.  577). 
(Figr.  86). 
(Ms.  M.  577). 
(Ms.  M.  707). 
(R.M.A.  xxxi.  xxxiv.). 
(Ms.  M.  572,578,605). 
(Ms.  M.  707). 
(Rev.  Arch,  xxviii.  86). 
(Rev.  Arch.  No.  133). 
,,  coffin,  mummy,  etc.  (Ms.  Q.G.  235,  306). 

Katsashni  coffin,  tablet,  etc.      (Ms.  Q.G.  235,  292, 

306). 

It  appears  that  there  was  a  division  of  the  Theban 
rule  at  the   beginning   of  this   reign :    on  bricks  at 


[B.C.  IO74-IO25.] 


MEX-KHEPER'RA 


21 1 


Karnak,  Menkheperra  appears  alone  (L.D.  iii.  251  k)  ; 
while  on  bricks  at  El  Heybeh,  Aslemkheb  appears  alone 
as  the  representative  of  her  deceased  father  Pinezem  I. 
(L.D.  iii.  251  h).  Hence  it  seems  that  the  queen  was 
at  El  Heybeh  on  the  death  of  Pinezem  I.,  and  continued 
to  rule  by  his  authority,  before  she  was  united  to  the 
king  who  was  already  reigning  at  Thebes.  Neither 
of  these  separate  rules  can  have  been  after  the  death  of 
the  other  ruler,  as  Astemkheb  survived  into  the  reign 
of  her  son. 

There  are  but  few  remains  during  this  long  reign  of 
48  years,  which  is  guaranteed  by  a  bandage  dated  in 
that  year  of  Menkheperra  on  a  mummy  with  a  band 
of  the  ist  year  of  Pinezem  II.  (Rev.  Arch.  No.  105). 

The  principal  work  known  is  the  fortification  of  El 
Heybeh,  known  also  as  Medinet  el  Gahel  or  Sahel,  by 
confusion  with  a  site  3  miles  N.  of  it.  No  plans  or 
accounts  of  the  fort  there  have  been  published.  But 
it  was  the  key  to  Upper  Egypt,  the  country  north 
of  it  having  more  connection  with  the  Delta.  The 
building  at  Karnak  is  the  east  wall  of  the  temple. 
The  stele  from  Thebes  is  the  main  document  of  the 
time.  It  is  dated  in  the  XXVth  year,  Epiphi  29.  It 
records  the  visit  of  Menkheperra  to  southern  Egypt  to 
restore  order.  He  went  to  Thebes,  sending  messengers 
before  him  that  the  majesty  of  Amen  Ra  should  appear. 
He  called  on  him  greatly  to  establish  him  in  the  seat 
of  his  father,  as  the  high  priest  of  Amen,  and  great 
general  of  the  army  of  the  south  and  north.  On  the 
4th  intercalary  day  Amen  came  out  in  procession,  and 
Menkheperra  went  in  to  Amen  with  offerings.  He 
addressed  him  five  times,  and  each  time  Amen  gave  his 
assent.  The  subject  was  the  anger  of  Amen  against 
people  banished  to  the  Oasis,  of  whom  there  were  a 
hundred  thousand,  and  the  assent  of  the  god  to  their 
recall.  From  the  account  of  his  visit  to  Thebes  it 
appears  as  if  he  had  long  been  absent  from  it,  and 
needed  to  secure  the  recognition  of  the  god.  It  is 
by  no  means  the  condition  of  a  resident  head  of  the 
priesthood,  and  it  seems  as  if  his  position  had  drifted 


212 


TWENTY  FIRST  DYNASTY  [dyn.  xxi.  4. 


into  that  of  a  purely  secular  ruler,  who  occasionally 
obtained  divine  sanctions.  As  Astemkheb  had  reigned 
alone  at  El  Heybeh  to  begin  with,  possibly  Menkhe- 
perra  had  gone  to  live  there  to  establish  his  northern 
authority,  and  left  Theban  affairs  to  drag  on  alone. 
This  banishment  of  large  numbers  of  persons,  and  their 
recall,  shows  that  keen  civil  war  had  been  going  on  in 
the  early  part  of  his  reign.  In  the  40th  year,  Epiphi  i, 
is  an  inscription  at  Karnak  naming  the  high  priest 
of  Mentu,  Zanefer  son  of  Nesipaherenmut  (Rec.  xxii. 
53)- 

The  attention  to  royal  mummies  continued  :  Sety  I. 
was  rewrapped  in  yr.  VII.  with  a  band  dated  yr.  VI.; 
and  probably  at  the  same  time  was  the  renewing  of 
Ramessu  XII.  in  yr.  VII.  (Ms.  M.  555,  568).  On  the 
bandages  of  the  priests  of  Amen,  Menkheperra,  royal 
son  of  Pinezem,  is  named  (Nos.  2,  113),  also  the 
XLVIIIth  yr.  of  Menkheperra  (No.  105)  with  the  1st 
year  of  his  successor,  and  the  name  of  Pinezem  II. 
Others  also  name  him  (Rev.  Arch,  xxviii.  75,  Nos.  11, 
14,  64,  96,  109). 

The  queen  Astemkheb  is  usually  named  with  Menkhe- 
perra on  the  bricks  of  El  Heybeh,  but  sometimes  with 
her  father  deceased  (L.D.  iii.  251  h),  showing  her  sole 
rule  there  at  first.  The  only  other  remains  of  this 
queen  are  from  her  burial  at  Deir  el  Bahri.  The  large 
square  catafalque  of  leather  with  applique  patterns  of 
coloured  leather  is  celebrated.  The  top  is  about  8  feet 
long  and  7  feet  wide,  the  sides  over  5  feet  high  (Ms.  M. 
585).  Six  vultures  are  outspread  along  the  middle, 
with  the  title  and  name  of  Masaharta  deceased,  the 
queen's  father  ;  while  the  sides  bear  an  inscription  for 
her  and  the  cartouches  of  her  son  Pinezem  II.,  under 
whom  she  died.  It  is  possible,  from  Masaharta  only 
being  named  on  the  top,  that  the  top  was  made  for 
his  funeral,  and  that  new  sides  were  added  for  his 
daughter's  funeral  ;  but  as  there  was  half  a  century 
between  the  two  ceremonies,  this  is  not  likely.  The 
four  bronze  vases  are  placed  in  a  wooden  stand,  and 
are  each  inscribed  with  the  queen's  name  (Ms.  M.  589, 


B.C.  1074-1025.] 


MEN-KHEPER-RA 


213 


xxii.  b).  The  four  alabaster  canopic  jars  have  her 
sacerdotal  title  (Ms.  M.  589).  And  a  great  quantity 
of  offering's  of  food  were  in  baskets  with  the  seal  of  the 
queen  or  her  husband  (Ms.  M.  590).  Her  ushabti  box 
and  osiride  figure  with  papyrus  are  also  in  Cairo 
(Ms.  M.  577,  590,  592)  ;  and  her  ushabtis  are  common 
(F.P.  Coll.  etc.),  but  are  not  mentioned  by  Maspero. 


Fig.  86.— Shabtis  of  Astemkheb,  Hent  taui  II.,  and  Xesikhonsu. 
F.P.  Coll. 

Her  two  coffins  and  cover  are  in  good  condition  and 
of  fine  work  ;  the  mummy  was  intact  (Ms.  M.  577, 
vi.  c). 

A  son,  Pasebkhanu,  who  became  high  priest  of 
Amen  and  other  gods  is  not  represented  at  Thebes  ; 
but  a  stele  of  his  was  at  Abydos,  now  in  B.  Mus. 
(R.M.A.  xxxi.  xxxiv.). 


214 


TWEXTY-FIRST  DYNASTY 


[DYN.  XXI.  5. 


XXI.  5.  Nesi  Baxebdadu  ^^^^^=^^2 

Karnak.    Inscription  of  Henftaui  II.  (Ms.  M.  705,  707). 

Funeral  pendant  (Cairo)  (Rev.  Arch,  xxviii.  75, 

No.  130). 

Bronze  statuette  (Mariemont,  Belgium)  (Fig-  87). 
IF//^— H.ENT-TAUI  II.  Ushabtis,  numerous.  (Fig.  86). 
Z^rt/z^/r/f;-— Astemkheb  III.  (Ms.  M.  707). 

There  is  nothing  to  show  that  this  prince  reigned, 


Fig.  87. — Xesibanebdadu,  bronze  figure. 

except  that  he  is  called  high  priest  of  Amen  on  his 
statuette  in  the  Warocque  Collection  at  Mariemont, 


B.C.  1025,] 


XESI  BAXEBDADU 


215 


and  on  the  pendant.  If  his  life  was  only  contemporary 
with  that  of  his  father,  and  he  was  only  acting  as  high 
priest  during  his  father's  absence  from  Thebes,  noted 
above,  then  he  must  be  excluded  from  the  series  of 
separate  rulers. 

Of  his  wife,  Hent'taui  II.,  it  seems  that  there  are 
many  ushabtis,  which  are  far  rougher  and  of  poorer 
colour  than  those  of  Henftaui  I.,  though  their  inscrip- 
tions are  longer.    See  ¥ig.  86. 


XXI.  6.  PiNEZEM  II.    ^  W  8  about  102,- 


1006  B.C. 

Mummy        Deir  el  Bahri  (Cairo)  {'Sis.  SI.  571). 


Karnak         Pvlon  of  Horemheb,  X. W.  side  (A.Z.  xxi.  70-5). 

X.E.  (X.  Pin.). 

Inscription  in  XI\'th  year  of    (Rec.  xxii.  61). 
Siamen 

Thebes  Leather  tabs  on  munmiies         (A.Z.  xx.  86;  L.  22 

dyn.  284). 

,,  Priests  of  Amen  bandages         (Rev.    Arch,  xxviii. 

75-78,  many). 

,,  Deir  el  Bahri  bandag-es,  etc.      (Ms.    M.    See  dates 

below). 

Coffin.     Deir  el  Bahri  (Cairo)    (Ms.  M.  571). 
,,  Jewellery  ,,         (Ms.  M.  572). 

Book  of  Dead.    Campbell  Coll.  (W.G.  537). 
,,  ,,       and  decrees  (Cairo)  (Ms.  M.  572,  604). 

,,  Canopic  jars  (Eyre  Coll.)  (Rec.  iv.  79). 

Ushabti  boxes  and  ushabtis    (Ms.  M.  590-1). 
(many  colls.). 

Dated  inscriptions  (either  Theban  or  Tanite  years) — 

YEAR 

I.  Bandage  (Ms.  M.  572). 

II.  iv"\   x^.    Decrees,   appearance   of    (X.  Pin.  8). 
Amen 

II.  ix.-xii.  2.  Decrees,  consultijig  Amen  (X\  Pin.  8). 
III.  ix.  12.  ,,  '  (X.  Pin.  8). 

III.  Bandages  (Ms.    M.   572  ;  Rev. 

Arch,    xxviii.     75  ; 

Xo.  17,  143). 

V.  i.  I.  In  decree  of  property  (Ms.  M.  704). 


2l6 


TWENTY-FIRST  DYNASTY 


[dyn.  XXI.  6. 


V.     ii.  9.  Decree,  appearance  of  Amen 
V.  xii.  8.  Decree  of  Amen  for  Nesi- 
khonsu 

V.  xii.  21.  Burial  of  Nesikhonsu 
VI.  xi.  19.  In  decree  of  property 
VII.  OfSiamen 
VII.  Bandage 

VII.  Bandag-es  of  Pinezem  II. 
VIII.  Siamen 

IX.  Bandages  of  Pinezem  II. 
X.  Bandage 
XII.  Bandage 
XIII.  Bandage  of  Nesitanebasheru 
XVI,  viii.  13.  Of  Siamen,  moving  of  Sety  I. 
XVI.  viii.  17.  Of  Siamen,  moving  of  Ra- 

messu  II. 
XVI.  viii.  20.  Burial  of  Pinezem 
XXII.  (?)  Bandage,  Amenemapt 

Queens  — 

Nksikhonsu  I. 
Married  Pinezem 

Daughter  of  Nesibanebdadu  and  wife 
Mummy 

Usurped  coffin  of  Astemkheb 
Rogers  tablet  (P.  Mus.) 
MacCallum  tablet 

Edwards  tablet  (Univ.  Coll.,  Lond.) 
Canopicjars  (Parrish  Coll.) 

70  glazed  and  glass  vases 
Ushabtis  and  box  (Fig.  86) 

Papyrus 
Astemkheb  II. 
Marriage  contract 

Daughter  of  Menkheperra,  coffin  (Cairo) 


Bronze  vases  (Cairo) 
Alabaster  canopies  (Cairo) 
Or  Astemkheb  III. 

Daughter  of  Nesibanebdadu,  decree 

Sons,  by  Nesikhonsu  I. 

Masahairta,  Zaunefer 
by  Astemkheb  (?) 

Zedkhonsu  auf  ankh 

Pasebkhanu 


(N.  Pin.  9). 
(Rec.  ii.  17). 

(Ms.  M.  521). 
(Ms.  M.  705). 
(Rev.  Arch.  I.e.  133). 
(Rev.  Arch.  I.e.  134). 
(Ms.  M.  572). 
(Rev.  Arch.  I.e.  134). 
(Ms.  M.  572). 
(Rev.  Arch.  I.e.  134). 
(Rev.  Arch.  I.e.  65). 
(Ms.  M.  579). 
(Ms.  M.  553). 
(Ms.  M.  558). 

(Ms.  M.  522). 

(Rev.  Arch.  I.e.  134). 


(Ms.  M.  606,  609). 
(Ms.  M.  600,  707). 
(Ms.  M.  578). 
(Ms.  M.  578). 
(Rec.  ii.  15). 
(RS.B.A.  V.  77). 
(Rec.  iv.  81). 
(Rec.  iv.  80). 
(Ms.  M.  590,  xxii.  A). 
(Ms.  M.  590,  591). 
(Ms.  M.  594-614)- 

(Ms.  M.  711). 

(Rev     Arch,  xxviii. 

86;    Ms.    M.  578, 

707). 
(Ms.  M.  589). 
(Ms.  M.  589). 

(Ms.  M.  707). 


(Ms.  M.  609). 

(Rev.    Arch,  xxviii. 
298). 

(Rev.    Arch,  xxviii. 
75,  etc.). 


B.C.  I025-1006.] 


PINEZEM  II 


217 


Daughters,  by  Nesikhonsu  I. 

Ataui,  Nesitanebasheru       (Ms.  M.  609). 
Daughter  of  Nesitanebasheru 

Nesikhonsu  II.  (Rev.  A.  xxviii.  86). 

Papyrus  Mus^e  Guimet,  Paris. 

The  main  information  about  this  reign  is  on  the 
pylon  of  Horemheb  at  Karnak.  The  N.E.  wall  shows 
a  large  scene  of  the  procession  of  barques  of  Amen, 
Mut,  and  Khonsu,  when  Pinezem,  son  of  Menkheperra, 
came  to  attend  to  the  affairs,  because  the  processions 
were  interrupted  owing  to  the  frauds  of  the  officials. 
Pinezem  placed  two  documents  before  the  god,  one 
asserting  the  guilt  of  this  divine  father  of  Amen, 
Tahutmes,  son  of  Suaa-amen,  the  other  his  innocence  ; 
the  god  indicated  the  statement  of  innocence.  Then 
Tahutmes  (being  cleared)  and  Pinezem  put  a  long  series 
of  inquiries  to  the  god,  and  received  assent  to  each. 
A  procession  then  took  place  in  the  Ilnd  year,  and 
more  questions  were  answered.  Then  in  the  Ilird 
year,  at  the  next  annual  procession,  a  further  inquiry 
was  made,  apparently  with  a  determination  to  clear 
Tahutmes.  The  god  was  asked  if  he  forgave  the 
required  death  of  Tahutmes  and  confiscation  of  all  his 
goods  ;  and  as  the  god  always  assented  to  questions, 
this  leading  question  received  the  favourable  answer. 
He  secured  his  position  further,  and  in  a  fresh  inquiry 
in  the  Vth  year  Pinezem  put  the  questions  if  Tahutmes 
was  to  be  established  again  in  all  his  offices,  and  so 
the  inevitable  divine  assent  confirmed  the  royal  wishes. 
Large  parts  of  the  inscription  have  perished,  but  the 
general  subject  is  clear  (N.  Pin.).  This  inquiry  shows 
how  little  the  nominal  high  priest  really  managed 
affairs,  and  that  he  was  a  secular  ruler  who  left  the 
religious  business  to  his  subordinate,  the  divine  father 
of  Amen. 

The  other  long  inscription  near  this  is  a  settlement  of 
the  descent  of  the  property  of  Astemkheb  I.,  apparently 
after  the  death  of  Nesikhonsu  in  year  V.  (A.Z.  xx.  75). 

The  coffin  of  Pinezem  was  found  at  Deir  el  Bahri, 
still  containing  his  mummy,  which  was  intact.  The 


2l8 


TWENTY-FIRST  DYNASTY 


[dyn.  XXI.  6. 


bandag-es  were  dated  in  years  I.,  III.,  VII.,  and  IX. 
Upon  the  body  were  two  beautiful  inlaid  bracelets  ; 
around  the  neck  nine  finely  worked  amulets,  a  large 
scarab,  and  a  hawk.  A  papyrus  of  decrees  lay  on 
the  body,  and  a  Book  of  the  Dead  between  the  legs 
(Ms.  M.   572).     The  ushabtis  were  abundant  in  the 

tomb  ;  and  the  canopic  jars 
had  been  removed  by  the 
Arabs  and  sold. 

The  dated  inscriptions 
are  so  continuous  up  to 
year  XVI.,  that,  thoug-h 
parts  of  them  might  refer 
to  different  Tanite  reigns, 
yet  at  least  a  reign  of  16 
or  17  years  is  demanded. 
Some  of  them  certainly  refer 
to  years  of  Siamen  at  Tanis. 

The  queen  Nesikhonsu 
died  during  her  husband's 
life,  and  was  buried  in  a 
V^th  year  ;  probably  dated 
in  the  reign  of  Siamen,  like 
Pinezem's  burial  in  a  XVIth 
year.  Her  mummy  was 
found  in  good  condition,  in 
one  of  two  coffins  originally 
inscribed  for  the  princess 
Astemkheb  (Ms.  M.  578). 
Three  tablets  for  her  are 
known  (see  Fig.  88),  canopic 
jars,  a  great  variety  of  beautiful  cups  of  glass  and 
glazed  pottery  (Ms.  M.  xxii.  A),  and  also  her  ushabtis 
and  papyrus  (see  list  above). 

There  is  very  slight  proof  of  the  marriage  of  Astem- 
kheb ;  a  settlement  of  property  of  an  Astemkheb  (Ms. 
M.  711)  implies  that  she  was  queen  at  a  time  when 
she  could  hardly  be  wife  of  any  ruler  but  Pinezem  ;  but 
it  remains  doubtful  whether  this  Astemkheb  was  the 
sister  or  the  niece  of  the  king.    The  coffins,  bronze 


Fig.  88.— Nesikhonsu  talilet. 
Edwards  Coll. 


B.C.  1025-1006.] 


PINEZEM  II 


vases,  and  canopicjars  of  Astemkheb  II.  were  found  at 
Deir  el  Bahri  (Ms.  M.  578,  589). 

Of  the  children,  the  two  coffins  and  the  mummy  of 
Nesi'ta'neb'asheru  were  at  Deir  el  Bahri.  On  the 
body  was  linen  marked  by  the  high  priestess  Astem- 
kheb in  year  XIII.  (of  Pasebkhanu),  presumably  by  her 
mother.  She  was  probably  born  about  1008,  by  the 
family  genealogy  ;  and  one  of  the  very  few  and  precious 
indications  of  age,  recorded  from  the  mummies,  gives 
her  35  to  40  years  of  life.  She  died,  therefore,  about 
970  B.C.  The  son  Zedkhonsuaufankh  was  high  priest, 
and  had  a  son  whose  coffin  has  been  noted  in  Rev. 
Arch,  xxviii.  298. 


XXI.  7. 

TaT'KHEPRU'RA, 
SOTEP -EN-RA 


OK^M  ! 


I   I.  ^ 


Pasebkhanu 


about 

1006 

952 

B.C. 


Abydos.    Chapel  of  Ptah,  hieratic  inscrip. 

,,        Jar  inscribed 
Karnak,  statuette  with  Sheshenq  I. 
Ivory  knob.    Saurma  Coll. 
Bandag-es  of  priests  of  Amen 


(Rec.  xxi.  10). 

(Rec.  xxi.  10). 

(Rec.  xxvii.  72). 

(A.Z.  XX.  88). 

(Rev.  Arch.,  see  below). 


The  inscription  in  hieratic  on  the  chapel  of  Ptah 
at  Abydos  gives  full  titles,  king  of  upper  and  lower 
Egypt,  and  high  priest  of  Amen,  which  fix  this  to  the 
son  of  Pinezem.  The  inscribed  jar  from  Um  el  Qaab 
has  the  same  first  cartouche  and  traces  of  the  second. 
The  ivory  knob  has  the  second  cartouche,  and  7ieh  taiii. 
The  bandages  Nos.  17,  43,  48,  65,  125,  132,  133,  148 
name  him  as  son  of  Pinezem  ;  and  No.  66  gives  the 
name  in  a  cartouche. 

The  last  trace  of  this  family  is  on  a  fragment  at 
Karnak  under  Usarkon,  naming  the  divine  father 
Nes'pa-raui'taui,  son  of  Hor-kheb,  son  of  son  of 
king  Pasebkhanu  (Rec.  xxii.  58). 


220 


TWENTY-FIRST  DYNASTY 


[DYN.  XXI.  I. 


TWENTY-FIRST  DYNASTY  OF  TANIS. 


Monuments. 

ANETHO . 

B  C 

about 

1 102 

Nesi'ba'dadu 

Smendes 

26 

1070 

Pa'seb'khanu 

Psousennes  I. 

41 

1035 

Neferkheres 

4 

Amen 'em  "apt 

1031 

Amenenofthis 

9 

1022 

Siamen 

Osokhor 

(2)6 

996 

Psinnakhes 

9 

Pa"seb"khanu 

Psousennes  II. 

35 

987 

952 

The  reasons  for  amending-  the  reign  of  Siamen  as  26 
years  instead  of  6  as  in  Manetho,  have  been  already 
stated,  p.  192. 


XXI.  I.  Hez*kheper-ra,  f  n\  A&i 

SOTEPENRA 


C  /.j  H  iN-     1  about 
02- 


.    1  ab^ 


Mervamen,     r  fv  ^  s.   /     ~      g  g  ^  1076 

Nesi-ba-     (    I        V  i^MH© 

DADUT         V     1  AAA^    \  >  y\ 


Gebelevn  stele  (Rec.  x.        5  R-P.  xvii.  21). 

Lazuli  bead  (Mac.  Coll.)  (S.B.A.  xxiv.  248). 

jQw^i'w— Thentamen  (Rec,  xxi.  74). 

The  one  important  monument  of  this  reign  is  the 
stele  at  the  Gebeleyn  quarries.  The  top  scene  is  in 
two  halves,  the  king  offering  to  Amen  and  Khonsu, 
and  the  king  offering  to  Amen  and  Mut.  The 
inscription  of  17  lines  is  more  than  half  destroyed 
at  the  ends  of  the  lines.  It  states  that  the  king  was 
living  in  his  palace  in  Memphis,  adoring  Ptah  and 
Mentu  ;  Tahuti  appeared  to  him  in  a  dream,  and 
warned  him  that  the  Nile  was  attacking  the  buildings 
of  Tahutmes  III.  at  Karnak.    The  king  gave  orders 


C.C.  1 102-1076]. 


NESIBA-DADUT 


221 


to  his  eng-ineers  to  take  three  thousand  men,  to  work 
at  Gebeleyn  for  stone  to  repair  the  temple.  This  shows 
that  so  far  from  this  king  belonging  to  Tanis  and  the 
Delta,  he  was  seated  at  Memphis,  attended  to  the  repair 
of  monuments  at  Thebes,  and  quarried  at  Gebeleyn. 

Clearly  at  this  time  the  high  priest  at  Thebes  was 
not  attempting-  civil  independence.  This  must  be 
later  than  the  Vth  year  (of  Herhor  ?),  when  Smendes 
appears  to  reside  only  in  Tanis,  and  to  be  subject  to  the 
Theban  ;  and  as  Herhor  probably  survived  Smendes, 
he  must  have  had  to  acknowledge  the  Tanite  authority 
in  later  life. 

By  the  papyrus  of  Unuamen  we  hear  of  the  queen 
Thentamen,  who  is  always  named  with  the  king.  She 
seems  to  be  the  same  as  Thentamen,  the  royal  mother 
of  Hent'taui,  and  probably  daug-hter  of  Ramessu  XII., 
as  we  have  noticed  before. 


XXI.  2. 

Aa'kheper-ra, 
sotep'en'amen 


Mery-amen* 
Pasebkhanu  (I.) 


AAAAAA  \ 


AAAAAA 


about 
076- 
1035 

B.C. 


Tani 


Inscriptions 
offerers 


on    sphinxes  and 


Ml 


Glazed  tablets  (C 
Coll.) 

Bricks,  great  temenos  wall 


F.P. 


Gizeh  Temple 

Karnak     Inscription  of  Ilnd  year 

Bronze  capital  (P.  Mus.) 

Rings        (Berlin,  4543?  ;  F.P.  Coll.). 

Daughter — Maat -ka 'ra  ]\Iut 'em 'hat 


(R.E.  XXXV. ;  Rec.  ix. 

II  ;  P.T.  i.  iv.  26, 

27,  29). 
(M.D.  103  A;  Fig.  89). 

(L.D.  iii.  255  d  ;  P.T. 
i.  19). 

(M.D.  102  c;  P.P.  65). 
(Rec.  xxii.  53). 
(P.L.  645). 
(Fig.  90). 

(Ms.  M.  577). 


This  king  did  important  work  at  Tanis,  as  many 
glazed  tablets  of  his  occur  there,  showings  that  he 
refounded  the  temple  ;  and  the  enormous  brick  wall 
which  encloses  the  whole  temple  area  seems  to  bear 


222 


TWENTY-FIRST  DYNASTY 


[dyn.  XXl.  2. 


his  name  on  every  brick.  This  wall  is  about  3600 
feet  long,  80  feet  thick,  and  was  probably  30  feet  high. 
Such  a  wall  implies  serious  defensive  necessities  ;  but 
it  is  not  clear  against  whom  such  a  work  was  needed. 
The  Syrians  were  not  likely  to  be  serious  enemies 

during  the  later  times  of  the 
Judges ;  and  Pinezem  Khe- 
per*kha"ra  would  not  have 
been  so  feared  at  the  extreme 
limits  of  Egypt,  unless  he 
were  master  of  much  more 
than  the  upper  country.  It 
is  possible  that  Pinezem  was 
a  powerful  enemy  early  in  the 
reign,  and  that  peace  was 
ensured  by  his  alliance  with 
Maat'ka'ra  the  daughter  of 
Pisebkhanu.  The  inscrip- 
tions on  the  Hyksos  sphinxes 
and  fish  offerers  of  Tanis  were 
ill  reappropria- 
'  ions  ;  but  they 
ire  very  boldly 
and  truly  cut. 

At  Gizeh  a 
temple  on  the 
hill  was  built, 
close  to  the  east 
of  the  small 
pyramids  of  Khufu's  family.  Of  this 
temple  there  is  a  slab  with  a  divine  father 
of  Isis  kneeling  before  cartouches  (M.D. 
T02  c)  ;  and  I  saw  another  block  of  this 
king,  which  I  was  not  allowed  to  copy, 
and  which  was  destroyed  for  stone  soon 
after  (P.P.  2nd  ed.  65).  An  inscription  of  a  divine  father 
of  Amen,  Paneferher,  is  at  Karnak  (Rec.  xxii.  53). 
The  inscribed  bronze  capital,  about  6  inches  high,  in 
Paris,  probably  came  from  Tanis  (P.L.  645).  A  glazed 
pottery  ring  is  known  (P.P.  Coll.),  and  there  is  said 


Fig.  89, — Glazed  plaque  of  Paseb- 
khanu  I.    F.  P.  Coll. 


Fig.  90.— Glazed 
ring  of  Paseb- 
khanu  I.  F.  P. 
Coll. 


B.C.  1076-1035.] 


PASEBKHANU  I 


223 


to  be  a  ring  at  Berlin,  not  in  catalog-iie.  The  daughter 
of  this  king  Mut'enrhat  has  been  noticed  under  the 
reign  of  Pinezem  I. 


XXI.  3.  Neferkara,  about  1035-103  i  b.c. 

Nothing  is  known  of  this  king  except  a  mention  of 
Nephercheres  in  Manetho.  Daressy  suggests  that 
Pinezem  Kheperkhara  took  possession  of  Tanis,  and 
Keferkara  became  Nefercheres  in  the  list.  But,  by 
the  long  reign  of  Menkheperra,  Pinezem  must  have 
died  at  least  by  1070  B.C.,  if  not  earlier,  and  it  is  not 
likely  that  the  dates  should  be  shifted  10  years  further 
back  still  in  the  Tanite  line,  so  that  he  could  be  Nefer- 
cheres (Rec.  xxi.  12). 


XXI.  4. 


User -MA  AT -RA, 

SOTEP'EN'AMEN 

Amen -EM -APT, 
Mery'amen 


Gizeh,  temple  (Berlin,  Cairo) 
Leather  tabs 

Bandages,  etc.,  of  priests  of  Amen 


(M.D.  102  b  ;  B.C.  7973). 

(A.Z.  XX.  86). 

(Rev.    Arch,    xxviii.  76, 

Nos.  38,  85,   121,  130, 

i34>  15^)- 


The  only  monument  of  this  king  is  the  temple  of 
Gizeh,  which  he  continued  ;  one  slab  had  figures  of 
the  king  offering  to  Isis  (M.D.  102  b),  and  another 
piece  of  this  Isis  temple  is  in  Berlin.  The  mummy 
trappings  bear  this  name  often,  showing  that  he  had 
authority  over  the  high  priests. 


224 


TWENTY-FIRST  DYNASTY  [dyn.  xxi.  5. 


Neter-kheper-ra,  (  olOf 

SOTEP-EN'AMEN     ^>  ^ 


Sl'AMEN,  MeRY'AMEN 


Tanis 


Khataanah 
Heliopolis 

Memphis 
Karnak 


Temple 

Plaques  (C.    Mus.  ;   P.   Mus.  ; 

Berl.  ;  P.P.  Coll.) 
On  sphinx 

Bronze  sphinx,  inlaid  (P.  Mus.) 
Block 

On  obelisk  Tahutmes  III.  (Alex.; 

New  York) 
Pillar  in  temple 
Inscription  XIV.  XVII.  yr. 


Gold  pectoral  (Cairo) 
Scarabs  (P.  Mus.  ;  P.P.,  G.,  H.  Colls.) 
Bandages  of  high  priests  of  Amen 


(P.T.  ii.  viii.). 
(M.D.  103  B). 

(Rec.  ix.  15). 
(M.P.E.  162). 
(N.G.  21,  ix.  E). 
(B.  x.  lii.). 

(B.  Rec.  i.  iv.  3). 
(Rec.  xxii.  53,  6j] 

(W.G.  533). 


(Rev.  Arch,  xxviii. 
77,  Nos.  133-4). 

The  principal  work  of  this  king  was  at  Tanis,  where 
he  built  in  the  temple,  as  is  shown  by  his  foundation 

tablets  of  gfold,  copper, 
and  g-lazed  pottery.  The 
granite  bases  of  columns 
have  also  been  inscribed 
by  him,  apparently  belong- 
ing to  the  colonnade  before 


the  sanctuary.  A  lintel, 
cornice,  ceiling  slab,  and 
other  pieces  there  bear 
his  name.  The  beautiful 
bronze  sphinx,  inlaid  with 
gold,  is  part  of  the  offer- 
ings of  this  temple  (P. 
Mus.). 

At  Khataanah  a  block 
has  the  bases  of  two  car- 
touches.   At  Heliopolis,  Siamen  cut  lines  of  his  names 
along  the  edges  of  the  obelisk  of  Tahutmes  III., 
removed  since  to  Alexandria,  and  then  to  New  York, 


Fig.  91. — Granite  cornice  of  Siamen. 
Tanis. 


B.C.  1022-996.] 


SIAMEN 


225 


In  the  temple  of  Memphis  a  piece  of  a  column  erected 
under  Siamen  has  an  inscription  of  a  priest  of  Astarte, 
Aah,  and  king-  Sahura. 

At  Karnak  is  an  inscription  of  Hora,  a  divine  father 
of  Amen,  in  the  XVI Ith  year  ;  the  grand- 
son of  Pa'nefer'her,  who  lived  a  century 
earlier  under  Pisebkhanu  (Rec.  xxii.  53). 
Another  inscription  of  the  5  Mesore  XIV. 
year,  mentions  Pinezem  II.  (Rec.  xxii.  61). 

The  g"old  pectoral  named  above  is  not 
in  the  catalogue  of  the  museum.    Scarabs  ^ofsiameif ^F^? 
are  not  uncommon,  about  a  dozen  being  Coll. 
known. 

Students  should  be  warned  that  this  king  has  been 
often  confused  with  Smendes,  the  first  of  the  dynasty, 
and  was  long  supposed  to  be  the  same  as  Herhor,  who 
is  called  Siamen. 

Of  the  name  Psinnakhes  in  Manetho  nothing  is  known 
on  the  monuments.  Osokhor  appears  to  be  a  trans- 
position of  name  fromx  the  XXI Ind  dynasty. 


XXI 


Mery'amex 
hor-pa-seb 

KHANX'  (II 

Thebes,  tomb.  (W.M.H.  v.  g-). 

Bead  F.P.  Coll. 

On  Hapi  statue  of  Sheshenq  R.  Mus.  (L.A.  xv.). 

Daughter — MaafkaTa  (  )• 

Scarcely  anything  of  this  king  is  known.  His 
cartouches  were  seen  by  Wilkinson  in  a  tomb  at 
Thebes  ;  and  the  name  is  best  known  by  the  statue 
mentioning  his  daughter,  who  was  married  to  Uasar- 
kon  I. 

Ill — 


226 


TWENTY-FIRST  DYNASTY  [dyn.  xxi.  6.] 


The  proposal  to  read  the  Hor  bird  as  being  only  a 
of  Pa  is  impossible,  as  shown  by  the  bead  which  puts 
Hor  before  Pa.  And  the  assertion  that  Aa'kheper'ra 
was  the  second  Pasebkhanu  (Rev.  Arch,  xxviii.  88)  is 


Fig.  93.— Bead  of  Pasebkhanu  II.    Y.  P.  Coll. 

impossible,  because  the  father-in-law  of  Uasarkon  is 
the  same  as  the  king  Hez'haq'ra.  Although  this  name 
occurs  at  Thebes,  yet  this  cannot  be  the  Pasebkhanu 
who  was  last  of  the  Theban  line,  as  his  throne  name 
was  Tat'khepru'ra. 


[DYN.  XXII.]         TWEXTY-SECOXD  DYXASTY 


227 


TWENTY-SECOND  DYNASTY 

This  dynasty  is  complex,  owing  to  the  system  of  co- 
regencies.  On  the  one  hand,  such  of  the  numbers  as 
survive  in  Manetho's  defective  statement  may  refer  to 
the  reigns  after  the  death  of  the  predecessor,  while 
the  regnal  years  on  monuments  count  from  the  be- 
ginning of  a  co-regency  ;  and  therefore  we  should  the 
rather  take  for  a  sum  the  years  from  the  beginning  of 
each  co-regency  until  the  beginning  of  the  next  co- 
regency.  The  minimum  length  for  the  reigns  will  thus 
be  reached  by  the  latest  dating  of  a  king  minus  the 
earliest  dating  of  his  successor.    These  are — 


Earliest. 

Latest. 

Latest- 

Sheshenq  I. 

2 

21 

(21) 

Uasarkon  I, 

12 

36 

29 

Takerat  I. 

7 

25 

22 

Uasarkon  II. 

3 

28 

23 

Sheshenq  II. 

0 

Takerat  II. 

5 

25 

19 

Sheshenq  III. 

6 

53 

51 

Pamay 

2 

4 

0 

Sheshenq  IV. 

4 

37 

37 

-NEXT  earliest. 


Uasarkon  I.  could  not  be  co-regent  before  XXIst  year 
of  Sheshenq  I.,  as  Aupat  was  not  yet  dead,  and  was 
acting  as  heir  and  captain  of  the  host  in  that  year. 

These,  then,  are  the  minima  for  each  reign  from  one 
co-regency  to  the  next.  The  sum  gives  202  years  ;  and 
this  from  the  earliest  date  possible  for  Sheshenq  I., 
952  B.C.,  reaches  to  750  B.C.  for  the  end  of  the  dynasty. 
As  it  is  unlikely  that  we   have   monuments  of  the 


228 


TWENTY-SECOND  DYNASTY 


[dyn.  XXII. 


earliest  independent  year,  and  also  of  the  latest  year 
of  each  king,  it  is  clear  that  this  period  should  be  ex- 
tended. On  the  other  hand,  the  XXIVth  dynasty 
cannot  be  later  than  721-715  B.C.  ;  and  the  XXIIIrd 
dynasty  of  44  years  must  be  reduced.  If  Psammos  is 
a  false  entry,  the  dynasty  may  be  only  34  years,  and  so 
have  begun  in  755  B.C.  Earlier  than  this  seems  im- 
possible, but  Petubast  may  have  been  co-regent.  We 
may  thus  take  as  probable  for  the  beginnings  of  the 
reigns,  within  two  or  three  years — 


Highest  Statement.    Up  to  Co-regency,    about  b.c. 


952 

Sheshenq  I. 

21 

22 

930 

Uasarkon  I. 

36 

29 

901 

Takerat  1. 

25 

22 

879 

Uasarkon  II. 

28 

23 

856 

Sheshenq  II. 

0 

0 

856 

Takerat  II. 

15 

837 

Sheshenq  III. 

53 

786 

Paniay 

4 

0 

786 

Sheshetiq  IV. 

37 

37 

749 

We  do  not  know  the  ages  of  the  family  at  any  point. 
And  the  descent  through  Karamaat  from  the  Tanites 
scarcely  helps,  as  we  can  only  say  that  Pasebkhanu  II. 
by  the  length  of  his  reign  was  probably  born  between 
1000  and  1020  B.C.  At  the  other  end,  in  the  genealogy 
of  Horpasen  we  see  him  acting  as  priest  of  Neith,  and 
therefore  an  adult,  and  yet  without  any  children  of 
importance  to  be  named  on  his  stele  ;  perhaps,  therefore, 
about  25  years  of  age,  within  5  years  either  way,  at 
the  date  of  the  stele  in  the  37th  year  of  Sheshenq  IV., 
765  B.C.  Thus  the  series  of  birth  dates  of  the  family 
would  arrange  themselves  as  follows  : — 


B.C.  952-749-] 


TWEXTY-SECOXD  DYNASTY 


229 


Pasebkhanu 

lOIO^ 

Karamaat 

990 

Uasarkon  I. 

970  h 

Takerat  I. 

Uasarkon  II. 

926j 

Uasarkon  II, 

922" 

Xemart 

900 

Ptah"hez"ankhf 

878 

Ptah-hon 

8^6  ► 

Horpasen 

834 

Ptah-hon 

812 

Horpasen 

790J 

within  5  years. 


And  as  these  birth  dates  would  make  the  co-regency 
of  each  king  begin  between  40  and  50,  the  adoption  of 
his  successor  between  60  and  70,  and  his  death  between 
70  and  80,  they  show  a  most  probable  state  of  things. 
Another  link  is  that  the  son  of  Uasarkon  II.  (Takerat 
II.)  would  be  born  at  900,  and  his  son  Uasarkon  at 
878,  who  was  high  priest  in  845,  the  Xlth  year  of 
Takerat  II.,  which  is  quite  reasonable  (L.D.  iii.  255  i). 

This  stele  of  Horpasen  (M.S.  xxxi.)  is  very  valuable 
for  the  royal  genealogy  ;  but  it  has  had  an  origin  of 
the  dynasty  deduced  from  it  baselessly,  by  the  supposi- 
titious insertion  of  a  descendive  ''son  of,"  which  does 
not  exist  on  the  original.  The  copy  of  the  genealogical 
part  here  given  has  letters  added  to  mark  out  each 
generation  :  capitals  A-Q  for  males,  and  small  letters 
a-m  for  females  ;  and  these  are  repeated  in  the  margin 
for  easy  reference.  It  cannot  be  absolutely  trusted,  as 
it  states  that  (G)  Uasarkon  II.  was  the  son  of  (H) 
Takerat  I.  and  (Ji)  Sheps,  at  seven  generations  before  it 
was  written,  while  the  contemporary  evidence  of  the 
quay  at  Karnak  states  that  the  mother  of  Uasarkon  II. 
was  Mufmery 'ka'ma'ma  (A.Z.  xxxiv.  iii). 

It  will  be  noticed  that  each  generation  begins  with 
the  formula  "son  of"  until  we  reach  L,  which  has  no 
conjunction  with  K  or  k.  Mariette  supposed  that  / 
was  Thentspeh,  daughter  of  Takerat  II.;  later  writers 
have  assumed  the  insertion  of  "son  of"  at  L,  and 
supposed  the  whole  genealogy  L-Q  to  be  of  the 
ancestors  of  Sheshenq  I.  continuously  throughout. 
But  this  is  not  what  we  find  in  the  text ;  and  the 


230 


TWENTY-SECOND  DYNASTY  [dyn.  xxn. 


supposed  ancestry  of  the  dynasty  from  Tahenbuyuaua 
— so  often  stated — all  rests  on  this  supposititious  inser- 
tion. Though  some  names  are  often  repeated,  yet  a 
double  conjunction  of  names  is  very  rare.  Hence 
when  we  see  that  F  and  /  are  Namareth  and  Thent- 
speh,  and  the  same  names  occur  for  the  couple  L  and 
/  who  are  introduced  without  any  formula,  we  may 
well  conclude  them  to  be  a  repetition  of  the  same 


do         fe-^  i      1  s 

A 

i-  B 

c 

A.  DC 

fe  E 

M  I  L 

0  Mtw 

1      I^IM^K  LmU^JLk^^i 

-  ^  P 

Fig.  94.— Genealogy  of  Horpasen.    M.S.  31. 


people.  In  fact,  the  writer  having  traced  the  family 
back  to  the  founder  of  the  dynasty  at  K,  k,  then  picks 
up  the  thread  again  and  goes  through  the  genealogy 
of  another  parent.  The  only  difficulty  is  that  (/) 
Thentspeh  is  followed  by  son  "  of  Uasarkon,  and  (L) 
Namareth  is  followed  by  "son"  of  Sheshenq.  We 
should  expect  one  of  these  to  refer  to  the  wife,  have 
the  t  added,  and  be  "  daughter  of"  ;  and  as  L  is  called 
son  of  a  man  of  the  same  titles,  it  seems  that  the 


B.C.  952-749-1 


TWEXTY-SECOXD  DYNASTY 


231 


corruption  must  be  at  where  it  should  read  sit 
neh  taui  Uasarkon."  Some  emendation  is  absolutely 
needed,  and  the  choice  lies  between  (i)  inserting*  "son 
of"  before  L,  supposing-  that  two  different  couples  F f 
and  L/  had  the  same  names,  and  having  a  "royal 
mother "  at  771  two  generations  before  the  dynasty 
begins  ;  or  else  (2)  altering  a  stroke  to  a  at  G,  equat- 
ing F /and  L  /  of  the  same  names,  and  taking  in  as 
royal  mother  of  Takerat  II.  The  latter  arrangement 
seems  far  the  more  likely  ;  and  it  is  corroborated  by 
thus  bringing  the  royal  mother  Mehtenusekht  to  the 
same  generation  as  queen  Mut'em'hat  Karama,  which 
agrees  with  the  fact  that  the  ushabtis  of  the  two  queens 
are  identical  in  colour  and  style.  Hence  we  should 
arrange  the  results  thus — 

Q.  Tahenbuvuaua 

I 

P.  Mauasa        K.  Sheshenq  I.  =  Karamat  >^ 

I  I 
O.  Xebnesha  J.  Uasarkon  I.  =  Tashedkhonsu  / 

I  I 
X.  Pathut  H.  Takerat  I.  =[Sheps] /z 

I  I 
M.  Sheshenq  =  Mehtenusekh  =  G.  Uasarkon  II.  =  Muthezankhs 
aki|ng  I 
F;  L.  X'amareth=  Thentspeh  fl 

E.  Ptah'hezankhf=  Thentspeh  e 

\ 

D.  Ptah"hon  =  Zaenkakemt 
I 

C.  Horpasen  =  Petpetdudus  c 

I 

B.  Ptah-hon  =  Mertiru  6 

I 

A.  Horpasen. 

Tahenbuyuaua  was  thus  a  chief  one  generation  earlier 
than  Sheshenq  I.,  and  not  a  remote  ancestor  of  the 
dynasty. 

Now  it  is  mainly  on  the  name  Tahen  here  that  the 
theory  of  the  Libyan  origin  of  the  dynasty  has  been 
based,  though  Renouf  long  ago  rendered  the  word  as 
"splendid"  or  "great"  (S.B.A.  xiii.  602),  rather  than 


232 


TWENTY-SECOND  DYNASTY         [dyn.  xxn.] 


as  referring*  to  the  Tahennu  Libyans.  If,  however, 
this  person,  as  we  have  seen,  was  not  the  ancestor  of 
the  dynasty,  but  only  the  remote  ancestor  of  a  man 
named  Sheshenq  (after  Sheshenq  I.),  the  meaning"  of 
his  name  is  of  no  importance  historically,  whichever 
way  it  is  interpreted.  The  dynastic  names  are  essen- 
tially eastern,  and  not  western.  Sheshenq  is  Shushanqu, 
a  man  of  Shushan  "  or  Susa,  a  name  known  on  Baby- 
lonian tablets.  Nemareth  may  well  be  taken  from  nhnr^ 
the  leopard  ;  Takerat  perhaps  from  Zend  tighri,  the 
tiger,  or  from  Tuklat,  "  help,"  a  word  which  was 
prominent  then  in  Tuklatpalisharra  of  Assyria  ;  and 
Uasarkon  from  the  great  Sargon  I.,  whose  name  was 
repeated  2700  years  later  by  Sargon  II.  A  main 
argument  for  a  Libyan  orig^in  was  that  the  chief  of 
the  Mashawash,"  or  Maxyes,  was  a  frequent  title  in 
this  age.  However,  not  only  may  the  name  of  a  people 
be  transferred  to  a  quality  of  troops,  but  the  title, 
''chief  of  Libyans,"  would  not  necessitate  a  Libyan 
origin  for  the  family,  any  more  than  the  title  "  Prince 
of  Wales"  implies  a  Welsh  origin  of  English  rulers. 
In  face  of  the  obvious  meaning  of  the  chief  name  of  the 
dynasty — "the  man  of  Susa" — we  must  look  to  some 
Babylonian  or  Persian  adventurer  in  the  service  of  the 
Tanite  kings  for  the  source  of  the  dynasty. 


XXIL  I.  Hez-kheper-ra, 

SOTEP'EN'RA 


Sheshenq  (I.)    I    ]£g  ^     J  ^'^^ 

Tanis  Sphinxes  usurped    P.  Mus.  (R.M.L.  ;    A.    23  ; 

P.T.  i.  pi.  ii.  14). 

Tell  el  Maskhuta    Block  (N.P.  12-13,  iii.  b). 

Bubastis  Block  (N.B.  46). 

Memphis  Albaster  base  of  Shedes-    (B.T.    817  ;  A.Z. 

nefertum  xvi.  38). 

Column  of  black  granite      (Rec.  xxii,  143). 


[B.C.  952-930.] 


SHESHEXQ  I 


233 


EI  Heybeh 
Karnak 


Temple  (A.S.  ii.  84,  154). 

S.  wall  of  temple  (L.D.  iii.  2S^2-^^  a). 

Forecourt  (L.D.  iii.  253  b,  c  ; 

254  a,  b;  255  a  b). 
Block  (L.D.    iii.    255  c  ; 

Br.  R.  i.  27,  2). 
Quartzite  stele  with  Auput  (A.S.  v.  38). 
Sekhet  statues.     Brux.  (S.B.A.  xi;  257)  ;  P. 

Mus.  (A.  7) ;  Turin  (L.T.  p.  21,  252) ;  Padua  ; 

Vienna. 


Oasis  Dakhel 
W.  Silsileh 

Glazed  tile 
Leather  tab 
Sistrum  top  ? 
Potter}-  box 
Blue  paste  ram 
Group,  private 
Plaque,  glazed 


Stele 
Stele 


Oxford 


F.  Mus. 
H.  Coll, 
C.  Mus. 
Berlin 
Venice 
B.  Mus. 


Plaque,  green  glaze,  with  figure. 


2681 1. 
Hoffman  Coll. 


(Rec.  xxi.  13). 
(L.D.  254  c  ;  B.H. 
ii.  210). 

(Ms.  A.  270). 

(2459)- 

(3878). 

(W.G.  550). 

(Bed.  Cat.  8060). 

(S.B.A.  viii.  go"!. 


Scarabs,  common 
Scarab  in  gold  ring 
Portrait 

Queen— K  A  •  r  A  •  ma  at  . 

Sons — 
Auput. 

Karnak  temple 


variant  name  (]\LA 
B.  Mus.  14345. 


Horpasen  stele 


Coffin,  Ramesseum 
Silsileh  stele 
Portrait 

Son  Xesikhonsu'pa'khred 
Uasarkon  L 


1392;. 
(L.D.  iii.  3C0,  76). 
(M.S.  xxxi.). 

(L.D.  iii.  253  b,  c  ; 

255  a,  b). 
(O.R.  XXX.  A,  2). 
(L.  D.  iii.  254  c). 
(L.D.  iii.  300.  77). 
(Q.R.  2i,xxx.A,3). 
(M.S.  xxxi.). 

The  legitimation  of  this  dynasty  is  not  certain,  as  we 
shall  see  in  the  discussion  of  the  queen  Karamat.  It 
is  possible  that  Sheshenq's  only  claim  was  that  of  the 
sword  ;  but  it  is  more  likely  that  the  legal  right  came 
in  with  the  marriage  of  the  Tanite  princess  to  Sheshenq, 
and  not  to  his  son. 

The  one  great  event  of  the  reign  was  the  Syrian 
campaign,  the  triumph  of  which  is  figured  on  the  south 
outside  wall  of  the  great  temple  of  Karnak.  Unfor- 
tunately the  figure  of  the  king  was  never  carved  ;  but 
only  his  heap  of  captives  of  Syrian  physiognomy,  and 


234 


HEZ-KHEPER-RA 


[DYN.  XXII.  T. 


the  giant  figure  of  Amen  and  the  lesser  figure  of 
Thebes,  holding  captive  more  than  150  places  (L.D.  iii. 
252-53).  The  names  do  not  extend  far  north,  and  the 
whole  expedition  seems  to  have  been  limited  to  Judaea 
and  Samaria.  It  is  of  little  use  to  study  the  lists 
as  seriously  as  we  have  done  those  of  the  XVIIIth 
dynasty.  The  ground  covered  is  but  small,  and  the 
form  of  the  lists  is  corrupt,  as  the  names  of  places 
have  been  divided  into  convenient  portions  to  fit  into 
the  town  ovals,  and  some  names  are  repeated.  Maspero 
supposes  that  the  lists  may  be  copied  from  the  frontier 

delimitation  of  the 
kingdom  of  Judah 
which  submitted  to 
Sheshenq  (A.Z. 
xviii.  48).  Probably 
the  names  are  those 
of  places  which 
were  tributary,  or 
the  bounds  of  the 
subject  land,  rather 
than  the  records  of 
actual  fights,  like 
the  lists  of  Tahut- 
mes  III.  The  ac- 
count of  this  cam- 
paign in  I  Kings 
xiv.  and  2  Chron. 
Putting  the  additions 
of  Chronicles  in  brackets,  we  read,  "In  the  Vth  year 
of  king  Rehoboam,  Shishak,  king  of  Egypt,  came  up 
against  Jerusalem  [  .  .  .  with  1200  chariots  and  60,000 
horsemen,  and  the  people  without  number  that  came 
with  him  out  of  Egypt,  the  Lubim,  the  Sukkim,  and 
the  Cushim.  And  he  took  the  fenced  cities  of  Judah 
and  came  to  Jerusalem].  And  he  took  away  the 
treasures  of  the  house  of  Yahveh,  and  the  treasures  of 
the  king's  house,  he  took  away  all  ;  and  he  took  away 
all  the  shields  of  gold  which  Solomon  had  made." 
This  accords  perfectly  with  the  contemporary  record  in 


Fig.  95. — Sheshenq  I.  L.D.  iii.  300. 
xii.  agrees  with  the  sculptures. 


B.C.  952-930.] 


SHESHEXQ  I 


235 


Egypt.    And  when  an  encyclopaedic  critic  states  that  , 
"it  is  difficult  to  doubt  that  Shishak  and  Shushakim  \ 
are  corruptions  of  Cushi  and  Cushim,"  and  they 
belong  to  well-ascertained  types  of  textual  corruption," 
it  is  evident  that  this  form  of  historical  criticism  belongs  j 
to  a  well-ascertained  type  of  critical  aberration. 

An  easy  mistake  at  first  was  the  assumption  that 
the  name  Yudhmalk,  No.  29  in  the  list,  represented 
the  king  [melek]  of  Judah.  But  as  this  is  a  place-name 
it  is  now  recognised  that  it  is  the  town  Yehudah, 
belonging  to  the  king.  A  question  has  been  raised 
about  the  peoples  said  to  serve  as  auxiliaries  to  the 
Egyptians  :  the  Lubim  are  Libyans  ;  the  Cushim, 
Southerners  ;  and  the  Sukkim  may  well  be  the  frontier 
tribes  of  the  Delta,  in  Thuku  which  the  Jews  rendered 
as  Succoth,  with  the  same  ^  and  k  (sad  and  koph)  as  in 
Sukkim.  Hitherto  they  have  not  been  identified,  but 
they  are  the  most  likely  of  all  people  to  join  forces  in  a 
Judaean  war.  This  campaign  is  not  dated  at  Karnak  ; 
but  it  seems  to  have  been  near  the  end  of  the  reign,  as 
at  Silsileh  is  a  stele  recording  in  the  XXIst  year  of  the 
reign  the  quarrying  of  stone  for  building  at  Karnak  a 
great  pylon  and  festival  hall.  This  is  doubtless  the 
forecourt  leading  to  the  Ramesside  great  hall,  the  sides 
of  which  are  of  this  reign.  Probably  the  work  having 
been  begun  so  late  in  the  reign  was  left  incomplete, 
and  so  it  fell  to  the  Ptolemies  to  finish  the  great 
pylon.  It  is  on  this  wall  of  Sheshenq  that  his  triumph 
is  figured  ;  and  this  sculpture  thus  cannot  have  been  - 
before  his  XXIst  year  ;  and  as  it  is  probable  that  the 
war  would  not  have  remained  long  unrecorded  before 
that,  the  campaign  may  be  put  to  about  the  XXth  year 
of  the  reign.  The  Jewish  chronology,  stiff'ened  by 
Assyrian  synchronisms,  would  best  place  Rehoboam  as 
beginning  his  reign  in  937  B.C.,  and  his  Vth  year  in 
933  (see  Diet.  Bib.,  1898,  art.  Chronology,  p.  401). 
Hence  the  year  i  of  Sheshenq  would  have  been  in  952 
B.C.,  which  we  have  therefore  adopted  here.  The 
work  was  directed  by  Auput,  the  eldest  son,  high 
priest  of  Amen,  and  commander-in-chief ;  and  carried 


236 


HEZ-KHEPER-RA 


[DYX.  XXII.  I. 


out  by  Horemsaf  the  chief  architect.  This  shows  that 
Auput  was  still  alive  then,  and  therefore  no  co-regency 
of  Uasarkon  I.  can  yet  have  beg^un. 

The  Delta  monuments  are  but  scanty  ;  a  few  usurpa- 
tions at  Tanis,  a  block  at  Tell  el  Maskhuta,  and  another 
at  Bubastis,  are  all  that  remain.  At  Memphis  there  is 
an  alabaster  base  (for  an  altar  ?)  set  up  by  the  high 
priest  Shedesnefertum  (B.T.  817)  ;  and  fragments  of 
granite  columns  carved  by  a  high  priest  (Rec.  xxii.  143). 
Neither  of  these  works  seem  to  be  due  to  the  king's 
orders. 

At  El  Heybeh  is  the  most  northern  work  of  import- 
ance, a  temple  of  limestone,  about  120  feet  long,  which 
has  been  nearly  all  destroyed  (A.S.  ii.  84,  154).  There 
are  remains  of  a  triumphal  scene  ;  but  the  only  names 
left  are  generalities  which  are  also  on  the  Karnak  list 
(3  and  5). 

The  only  great  work  of  the  reign  was  the  forecourt 
of  Karnak,  over  250  feet  long,  with  columns  along  the 
sides  ;  and  it  is  on  this  that  most  of  the  sculpture  of 
this  reign  is  preserved  (L.D.  iii.  252-255).  The  Sekhet 
figures  in  the  temple  of  Mut  received  many  added 
inscriptions  of  this  reign.  A  stele  concerning  water 
supply  in  the  Oasis  of  Dakhel  may  belong  to  this 
reign  ;  it  was  set  up  under  a  Sheshenq,  and  names  the 
Vth  and  XlXth  years,  but  these  might  equally  apply  to 
Sheshenq  III.  or  IV.  (Rec.  xxi.  13).  The  Silsileh  stele 
is  the  most  southern  monument.  It  shows  the  king, 
attended  by  Auput,  and  led  by  Mut  before  Amen  Horus 
and  Ptah  ;  and  below  the  formal  inscription  is  a  private 
one  of  the  architect  Horemsaf,  giving  the  date  and  other 
details  of  the  work  (L.D.  iii.  254  c). 

There  are  no  small  monuments  of  any  importance 
dated  to  this  reign. 

The  queen  of  Sheshenq  is  stated  on  the  stele  of 
Horpasen  as  being  named  Karam.at  (M.S.  xxxi.).  And 
in  the  Livre  des  Rois^  the  authority  for  the  position  of 
this  queen  is  stated  also  to  be  the  "  temple  of  Karnak." 
There  is,  however,  no  published  inscription  of  the 
queen  from  there  ;  and  the  titles  of  those  cartouches 


B.C.  952-930.] 


SHESHEXQ  I 


237 


stated  in  L.R.  are  exactly  what  occur  on  the  canopic 
jar  and  ushabti  in  L.D.  256,  so  that  the  statement  of 
source  is  probably  wrong".  There  is  no  evidence  of  the 
position  of  the  queen  to  whom  the  jar  and  ushabti 
belong-.  There  are  several  queens  of  similar  names,  as 
follow : — 

1.  Ka*ra"mat,   wife   Sheshenq   I.     Horpasen  stele 

(M.S.  xxxi). 

2.  Maat'ra'ka,  wife  or  mother  of  Uasarkon  I.  Hapi 

statue,  B.M.  (L.A.  xv.  ;  A.B.  xiii.). 
/Ka'ro'mama,  mother  Uasarkon  II.,  daughter  of 
H.  P.  of  Amen  Nemart.    Karnak  (L.D.  256  a, 
257  a). 

Ka-mama,  wife  Takerat  I.    Karnak  quay,  6,  7 

(A.Z.  xxxiv.  III). 
,Mufem*hat,  bronze  statue.    P.  Mus.  (P.R.  139). 
/  Ka*ra*ma,  mother  Sheshenq  II.,  wife  Uasarkon 

II.    Bubastis  (N.B.  52). 
J  Ka'ra'zat  (read  mat)^  wife  Uasarkon  II.  Karnak 
^'  \     (Rec.  xxii.  131). 

I  Ka'ra'ma,  mother  of  a  Sheshenq.  Lazuli  scarab 
\    (P.P.  Coll.). 

5.  Ka'ra'mat,  daughter  of  Uasarkon  II.  (N.B.  52). 

6.  Ankh  Ka'ra'mat,  daughter  of  Takeret  II.  (L.K. 

606) — and  the  following  unplaced  : — 

7.  Divine  wife  of  Amen  Ka'ra'ma.    Canopic  jars, 

Berlin  (L.D.  256  b,  c)  (with  double  cartouches) 
Ka'ra'm,  ushabtis  various  (L.D.  256  f,  g). 

8.  Ka'ra'm  .  .  .  mother  of  ^  Kneeling  figure.  Ber- 

9.  .  .  .  mama  /      lin  (L.D.  256  h). 
10.  Ka'ra'ma,  royal  daughter  (A.S.  iv.  183-6). 

Of  these,  i,  2,  3,  4  might  be  queens  of  the  first 
four  kings  of  the  dynasty  ;  7  having  double  cartouches 
and  full  royal  titles  is  probably  the  same  as  No.  2,  the 
heiress  who  brought  in  royal  rights  from  the  Tanite 
line  ;  9  is  the  same  as  3,  who  has  the  variant 
....  mama^  and  so  8  is  =  2  ;  10  died  in  the  25th 
year  of  a  Takerat,  which  must  be  the  second,  as 
Uasarkon  was  high  priest ;  and  being  not  married  to 


238 


HEZ-KHEPER-RA 


[DYN.  XXII.  1. 


a  king,  she  cannot  be  any  of  the  above  1-4,  but 
might  well  be  Nos.  5  or  6.  The  question  remains  if 
I  and  2  may  be  the  same.  It  would  be  possible  that 
Horpasen  may  have  made  a  mistake  about  the 
mother  of  Uasarkon  I.  as  he  did  about  the  mother  of 
Uasarkon  II.  But  it  is  more  probable  that  the  name 
No.  2  is  to  be  read  as  the  mother  of  Uasarkon  ;  for 
what  makes  some  unifying  of  Nos.  i  and  2  seem  likely 
is  that  2  is  written  like  the  name  of  Maat'ka'ra 
Hatshepsut   (from    whom    the    name   was  probably 


borrowed  by  the  Tanite  king  as  referring  to  her  heir- 
ship of  the  kingdom),  and  the  other  names  seem  to  be 
a  clumsy  variation  of  this  name.  That  the  bad  varia- 
tion should  come  in  at  No.  i,  before  the  true  form 
appears  as  No.  2,  is  very  unlikely.  So  this  suggests 
that  either  i  is  an  entire  mistake,  or  else  2  was  really 
the  same  as  i.  On  the  whole,  it  seems  most  likely 
that  the  Hapi  statue  must  be  read  as  giving  the  name 
of  the  mother  of  Uasarkon  I.  ;  and  so  2  is  really  =1, 
and  no  wife  of  Uasarkon  appears  in  this  series. 

The  queen  Ka*ra'maat  is  stated  to  have  been  the 


Fig.  96. — Auput.    L.D.  iii.  300. 


B.C.  952-^30.] 


SHESHEXQ  I 


239 


daughter  of  king  Pasebkhanu  II.  of  Tanis,  on  the 
statue  dedicated  by  her  grandson  prince  Sheshenq 
(A.B.  xiii.).  And  to  her  probably  belongs  the  tomb 
at  Qurneh  found  by  the  Arabs  before  1843,  and  now 
unknown.  The  canopic  jars  from  there  have  her  titles 
as  heiress,  "divine  wife,  lord  of  both  lands,  lord  of 
crowns,"  with  two  cartouches  as  "  divine  adorer  of 
Amen,  Loved  of  Mut,  Karama."  This  shows  her 
position  as  heiress  in  her  own  right.  The  jars  are  in 
Berlin  (L.D.  256  b,  c)  ;  and 
the  ushabtis,  doubtless  from 
the  same  tomb,  are  in  Berlin 
(256  f,g),  Paris  (S.  Hist.  221), 
and  Philadelphia  (Rec.  xxvi. 
33)- 

The  prince  Auput  was  the 
heir,  high  priest  of  Amen,  and 
commander-in-chief.  He  must 
have  died  after  the  XXIst  year 
(see  L.D.  iii.  254  c),  and  yet 
before  his  father,  as  Uasarkon 
succeeded.  The  arm  of  an 
elaborate  statue  of  his  was 
found  in  the  temple  of  Mut 
at  Karnak  (B.G.M.  350)  ;  and 
he  is  mentioned  on  two  frag- 
ments of  burials  of  his  des- 
cendants at  the  Ramesseum 

Nesikhonsupakhred  being  his  daughter,  and  Nekhtefmut 
her  son.  There  are  also  braces  stamped  bv  Auput 
(Ms.  Q.G.  429). 

The  dated  monuments  are  of  Vlth  year  at  Karnak 
quay  (A.Z.  xxxiv.  iii),  and  XXIst  year  on  the  Silsileh 
stele  (L.D.  254c);  and  perhaps  of  Vth  year  on  the 
Oasis  stele  (Rec.  xxi.  13). 


Fig.  97. — Scarab  of  Sheshenq  I. 
and  Uasarkon  I.    F.  P.  Coll. 


(Q.R. 


A-  2,  3), 


240 


SEKHEMKHEPERRA 


[DYN.  X'XII.  2. 


XXII.  2. 

SeKHEM -KHEPER-RA 
SOTEP'EN'RA 

Uasarkon  (I.) 


o 


0 


930-894 

B.C. 


Bubastis 

Shibin 
lUahun 

El  Heybeh 

Abydos 

Karnak 


Luqsor 
Q urn eh 
Ramesseuni 


Larg"e  building"  in  temple 
Smaller  temple 
Bronze  statuette 
Building- 
Door 
Temple 

Stele,  XXXVIth  yr.    F.  P.  Coll. 
Great  hall  forecourt 
Quay,  year  XII. 

Statue  of  Zedkhonsuaufankh 

Leather  tabs 

Leather  meiiai  and  tab 


(N.B.  47). 
(N.B.  60). 
(S.B.A.  vi.  205). 
(A.Z.  X.  90). 
(P. I.  25). 
(A.S.  ii.  88). 

(L.D.  257  b,  c). 
(A.Z.    xxxiv.  Ill, 

No.  2). 
(Rec.  xvi.  56). 
(A.S.  ii.  145). 
(Q.R.  xvii,  xviii.). 


Sphinx,  Vienna  (W.G.  553). 

Statue,  fragments.    Meuricoffre  Coll.  (Rec.  xvii.  14). 

Bronze  plate,  Osiris  Anarrudf.     Ivanovitsch    (S.B.A.  xiii.  36). 
Coll. 

Leather  tabs  (Cairo),  P.  Mus.  (S.H.  453);  B.  M.  (7871  a),  P.P. 
Coll.,  Darmstadt  (S.B.A.  xiii.  34);  L.  Mus.  (L.  Mon.  ii.  xxix. 
4,  5,  7,  8). 

Wooden  menat  of  Xesiamen  H.  Coll.  (P.  Cat.  1740). 

Agate  cylinder  Bruxelles  (W.G.  553). 

Scarabs,  with  Sheshenq  I.    B.  iVIus.  (P.  Sc.  1763). 

P.P.  Coll.  (Fig.  97). 

Mus.  ;  2  P.P.  Coll. 


Scarabs,  not  common. 
Portrait 

Queens — Thent-sa  Karnak  quay,  4 

Tashedkhonsu  Horpasen 

Sons — 

Sheshenq,  co-regent 
Takerat  (I.),  co-regent  and  successor 


(L.D.  iii.  300,  78). 


(A.Z.  xxxiv. 
(M.S.  xxxi.). 

(A.B.  xiii.). 
(M.S.  xxxi.). 


11). 


Nemart,  high  priest  and  captain  of  the  host  (L.D.  iii.  257). 

Very  little  is  known  about  this  reign,  the  only  im- 
portant works  of  which  were  at  Bubastis  and  Illahun. 
At  Bubastis,  the  dynastic  capital,  a  large  amount  of 
temple  building  was  done,  adorned  with  scenes  of  the 
king  offering  to  various  gods.    And  a  smaller  temple 


B.C.  930-894.] 


UASARKON  I 


241 


seems  to  be  entirely  due  to  this  reign,  and  records  vast 
offerings  to  the  gods.  From  Shibin  comes  a  bronze 
statuette  inlaid  with  cartouches  in  gold.  At  Illahun 
a  fort  was  built,  mentioned  by  Piankhy  (stele,  4  and 
77)  ;  and  a  large  wooden  door  of  this  reign  was  found 
in  the  ruins  of  the  Xllth  dynasty 
town.  The  temple  at  El  Heybeh 
was  further  decorated,  as  also 
the  forecourt  at  Karnak.  From 
Luqsor,  Qurneh,  and  the  Rames- 
seumcome  private  remains  dated 
to  this  reign. 

The  most  interesting  inscrip- 
tion of  this  reign  is  one  which 
I  bought  at  Abydos.  The  scene 
at  the  top  of  the  stele  is  lost ; 
but  the  text  is  entire.  Year 
XXXVI.  under  the  majesty  of 
the  king  of  Upper  and  Lower 
Egypt,  lord  of  both  plains 
Ra'sekhem'kheper  sotep'en'ra. 
Son  of  the  Sun,  Lord  of  diadems, 
Mery  Amen  Uasarkon,  living 
eternally.  The  4th  prophet  of 
Amenra,  king  of  the  gods,  royal 
son  of  Rameses,  chief  of  the 
Mahasa,  prince,  Pashedbast, 
maakheru,  was  walking  about 
on  the  desert ;  behold  he  found 
a  stele  of  Rosta  (necropolis)  near 
the  hill  of  That,  which  conceals 
its  Lord  (Osiris)  as  if  (?)  brought 
from  Resta,  near  Ankhtaui  (in 
the  Memphite  necropolis).  He 
fenced  it,  and  surrounded  it 
with  steles,  and  gave  to  it  land 
for  it  daily  offerings  from  the  divine  endowments,  wine, 
incense,  libations  of  water  ...  to  the  pleasure  of  [its] 
lord  Osiris  Khentamenti,  Lord  of  Abydos,  as  an  ever- 
lasting possession." 
Ill— 16 


Fig.  98.— Bronze  statuette 
of  Uasarkon  I.  Shibin  el 
Qanatir.  Lehmann  Coll. 

.  .  and  established 


242 


SEKHEM-KHEPER  RA  [dyn.  xxir.  1. 


The  date  is  by  far  the  latest  known  in  this  reign. 
The  subject  of  the  chance  finding  of  an  old  stele,  and 
placing  it  in  an  honourable  condition,  is  unusual  ;  and 
it  may  well  refer  to  some  of  the  large  tomb  steles  of  the 
early  kings  at  Abydos.  The  personage,  Pashedbast,  is 
described  as  a  royal  son  of  Rameses  ;  and  this  class 
of  nobles,  descended  from  the  last  great  rulers,  are 
known  on  several  other  monuments,  which  we  may  here 
summarise. 

1.  Zed'hor'auf'ankh^  blue  glazed  plaque  made  by 

Sheshenq  I.    B.  Mus.  2681 1  (M.D.  63  a). 

2.  Pa'shed'basty    stele,   XXXVI.  yr.,   Uasarkon  I. 

(above). 

3.  Zed'ptah'aiif'ankh^   2  coffins    re-used,   2  boxes, 

ushabtis,  papyrus  Brocklehurst  (Ms.  M.  573)  ; 
and  on  bands  of  Nesitanebasheru  (Ms.  M.  718). 

4.  Uapuat^  piece  of  alabaster  vase,  Cairo  (Ms.  M. 

5.  Nemart^  granite  statue,  Miramar  (A.Z.  xxviii.  36  ; 

B.H.I,  iii.  iv.). 

6.  X,  stele  of  XXVIII.  yr.,  Sheshenq  III.  (A.Z.  xxi. 

19). 

These  scions  of  the  old  stock  were  by  no  means  pro- 
scribed ;  and  they  held  important  offices  as  chiefs  of 
the  army  (i,  2,  4,  5),  high  priest  of  Amen  (6),  3rd 
priest  of  Amen  (3),  and  also  married  to  a  king's 
daughter  (i).  That  such  boasted  descent  was  not 
considered  to  be  a  political  danger,  proves  that  the 
dynasty  had  an  ancestry  as  important,  or  more  so. 
The  enormous  family  of  Ramessu  II.  had  doubtless  a 
very  widespread  posterity,  and  seem  to  have  largely 
filled  the  official  berths  of  the  country. 

The  invasion  of  Zerakh  (2  Chron.  xiv.  9,  xvi.  8) 
was  formerly  (R.  S.  Poole,  Smith's  Diet.  Bib.)  be- 
lieved to  refer  to  an  Uasarkon,  Zerakh  representing 
(U)Serak(on)  ;  but  latterly  this  has  been  dropped  in 
favour  of  some  unrecorded  person  of  a  dubious  Cush 
in  N.  Arabia.  There  are,  however,  solid  grounds  for 
taking  this  as  an  Egyptian  invasion:    (i)  After  the 


B.C.  930-894.] 


UASARKOX  I 


243 


defeat  they  fled  towards  Eg-ypt,  not  eastward  toward 
Arabia,  and  the  cities  round  Gerar  belonging  to  the 
invaders  were  plundered.  Gerar  was  on  the  road  to 
Egypt,  south  of  Gaza,  and  it  is  highly  probable  that 
after  Shishak's  victory  the  Egyptians  had  kept  frontier 
towns  in  Palestine.  This  would  not  accord  with  an 
Arabian  invasion.  (2)  The  invaders  were  Cushim  and 
Lubim  or  Libyans  (2  Chron.  xvi.  8),  and  this  could  only 
be  the  case  in  an  Egyptian  army.  So  we  must  look  to 
Egypt  when  we  read,  "There  came  out  against  them 
(the  army  of  Asa)  Zerakh  the  Ethiopian  with  an  host  of 
a  thousand  thousand  and  300  chariots,  and  came  unto 
Mareshah.  Then  Asa  went  out  against  him.  ...  So 
Yahveh  smote  the  Ethiopians  before  Asa  and  before 
Judah  ;  and  the  Ethiopians  fled,  and  Asa  and  the 
people  that  were  with  him  pursued  them  unto  Gerar  ; 
.  .  .  and  they  smote  all  the  cities  round  about  Gerar." 
This  was  about  the  XlVth  year  of  Asa  (2  Chron.  xv. 
10),  904  B.C.,  so  it  would  fall  into  the  later  part  of  the 
reign  of  Uasarkon  I. 

The  earliest  date  of  the  king  is  of  the  Xllth  year, 
but  his  co-regency  with  his  father  (which  one  scarab 
records  by  double  cartouches)  may  not  have  been  long, 
as  Auput  was  living  to  the  XXIst  year  of  Sheshenq  I. 

The  queen,  mother  of  Takerat  I.,  is  stated  on  the 
Karnak  quay  to  have  been  Thentsa  ;  and  this  cannot 
refer  to  Takerat  II.,  as  his  name  is  distinguished  in  No. 
3  by  the  throne  name,  and  his  mother  must  have  been 
the  "royal  mother  Mehtienusekht. "  Yet  Horpasen 
names  the  mother  of  Takerat  I.  as  Ta'shed-khonsu, 
which  may  be  an  error.  The  eldest  son  and  heir  was 
Sheshenq,  who  was  associated  as  co-regent,  took  a 
cartouche,  was  high  priest  of  Amen,  and  commander-in- 
chief.  He  dedicated  the  statue  of  Hapi  off"ering,  on 
which  he  is  figured  (B.  Mus. ;  A.B.  xiii.)  ;  also  a  green 
breccia  statuette  at  Karnak  ;  and  another  for  his  wife 
Apiai  (Rec.  xxvii.  72).  His  wife  was  Nesta'uza'akhet, 
and  they  had  a  son  Uasarkon,  whose  papyri  are  at 
Petersburg  (Lb.  P.  56-59),  and  whose  coflin  lid  is  at 
Stockholm  (8th  Or.  Cong.  p.  9).    Sheshenq,  however, 


244 


UASARKOX  I 


[DYN.  XXII.  2.] 


died  before  his  father,  as  he  did  not  reign,  but  the 
throne  passed  to  another  son  Takerat.  Nemart, 
another  son,  was  high  priest,  and  commander  of  the 
army  in  Henensuten  ;  his  daughter  Karomama  was 
queen  of  Takerat  I.  (L.D.  iii.  357). 


XXII.   3.  USER-.MAAT-RA 


Abydos 
Karnak 
>> 

Steles 
Queen — 


Takerat  (I.) 


Statuette 

Stele  Cairo  Mus. 

Temple  of  Osiris 

Temple  of  Khonsu,  yr.  VII. 


Flor.  Mus.,  vr.  XXIII. 
Grant  Coll.  '  Takerat  I.  ? 


(A.  A.  42,  52,  xxiv.). 
(Rec.  XV.  173). 
(Rec.  xxii.  128,  130- 
132). 

(Rec.  xviii.  51-2). 

(S.  Cat.  F.  1806). 
(S.B.A.  xiii.  36). 


MuT'EM'HAT  Karomama. 

Karnak  quay,  6,  7  (A.Z.  xxxiv.  iii). 

,,      temple  (L.  D.  256  a,  257  a). 

Bronze  statue  P.  Mus.       (P.R.  i.  39). 

On  kneeling- fig-ure  Bed,  Mus.   (L.D.  25611). 
Ta-shep  or  Sheps    Tur.  Mus.  ;  Horpasen  (Lb.   D.   1014;  M.S. 

xxxi.). 

Henttaui  (Lb.  D.  loio). 


Sons — 

Uasarkon  II. 

Xamart 
Da  lighter! — Shepensopdet 


Horpasen    (M.S.  xxxi.  ;  L.D.  iii. 

255~57)- 
(Lb.  D.  1014). 

(Q.R.  xxvii.  7,  p.  20). 

This  king  was  formerly  not  recognised,  and  a  misread 
version  of  the  name  of  Takerat  II.,  on  a  half  illegible 
leather  tab,  was  attributed  to  Takerat  I.  There  can, 
however,  be  no  doubt  of  the  position  of  User*maat*ra, 
as  in  a  scene  at  Karnak  he  has  associated  as  co-regent 
with  him  his  son  Uasarkon  II.,  back  to  back,  with  one 
throne  name  in  common  (Rec.  xxii.  132). 

From  Abydos  comes  a  portion  of  a  statuette  of  the 


[B.C.  901-876.] 


TAKERAT  I 


24s 


king  in  pale  green  stoneware  (B.  Mus.  37,326),  with 

his  cartouches   and  titles   on  the  back  ;  ^  

also  a  stele  on  which  the  king  and  Osiris 
are  adored  by  a  prophet  of  Anubis,  Nesi- 
urthekau,  and  his  wife  Shepensopdet.  The 
temple  of  Osiris  at  Karnak  was  mainly 
built  during  the  co-regency  of  this  king 
and  his  son  Uasarkon,  whose  daughter 
Shepenapt  also  appears  with  them  as  great 
heiress  of  the  kingdom.  We  have  already 
seen  that  Uasarkon  was  probably  over 
40  at  his  co-regency,  and  hence  would  prob- 
ably have  a  full-grown  daughter  at  that 
time. 

The  long  genealogies  engraved  in  the 
Vllth  year  of  this  reign,  upon  the  roof  of 
the  temple  of  Khonsu,  are  not  very  clear, 
both  from  their  construction  and  condition. 
The  series  of  12  generations  of  fanbearers 
have  no  historic  connection.  But  there 
seems  to  be  traceable  a  line  of  Zedkhonsu- 
aufankh  married  to  Xesipanub.  His  father 
Pakhredenast,  son  of  Ryurhana,  his  father 
Rythisa.  Then  "his  mother  Takhredenast, 
daughter  of  Ryurhana,"  is  probably  sister 
of  Pakhredenast  of  the  same  father.  Then 
pa'nekhti'mut'ef^  that  is  his  grandmother, 
"  Ta-shaenkheper,  the  royal  wife  of  Pharaoh 
Uasarkon,  the  child  of  Mehtienusekh." 
Hence  we  trace  the  following  genealogy, 
with  approximate  birth  dates  :  — 

Mehtienusekh  (990) 

Uasarkon  I.  (970)    =     Tashaenkheper  (965)    =  Ryurhana 


Fig,  99.— 
Takerat  I. 
statuette; 
Abvdos.  A. 
Ab!  iii. 


Pakhredenast  (945)  =  Takhredenast 

I  I 

Zedkhonsuaufankh  (925), 
the  last  being  then  about  21  in  904,  the  date  of  the  stele. 


246 


USER-MAAT-RA 


[dyn.  xxii.  3. 


The  rest  of  a  genealogy  back  to  Menkheperra  is  too 
broken  to  be  followed  ;  but  by  the  dates  it  could  not 
contain  more  than  seven  or  eight  generations. 

The  Florence  stele  in  the  XXI Ind  year  concerns  a 
grant  of  land  to  the  superintendent  of  offerings  of 
Bast,  Horkhebt. 

The  contemporary  inscription  on  the  quay  at  Karnak 
gives  the  queen's  name  as  Karomama,  and  she  also 
appears  as  daughter  of  Nemart,  the  high  priest  of 


Fig.  100.  —  Mufenrhat, 
bronze  statuette,  Sera- 
peum.    M.  P.E.  117. 


Amen,  and  mother  of  Uasarkon  II.  at  Karnak  (L.D. 
iii.  256  a,  257  a).  She  was  the  great  heiress  of 
the  kingdom,  as  appears  by  her  double  cartouche, 
Amen'mery,  Mut*em*hat,  Mufmery  Karomama  on  her 
beautiful  bronze  statue  inlaid  with  gold,  dedicated  by 
Aah'duf "nekht  (Paris,  P.R.  i.  40).  She  also  appears 
on  a  kneeling  figure  as  making  offerings  (L.D.  256  h). 
Horpasen  is  in  error  in  stating  that  Sheps  was  the 
mother  of  Uasarkon  II.  ;  she  is  probably  the  same  as 
Tashep,  the  mother  of  Nemart  (Lb.  D.  1014  ;  L.  cat. 


B.C.  901-876.] 


TAKE RAT  I 


247 


T.  1468  is  incomplete).  Another  queen  Hent'taui  is 
named,  who  was  the  mother  of  Uasarkon,  the  high 
priest  of  Amen  and  g-reat  captain,  who  is  apparently 
the  successor. 


Fig.  ioi.— Mutemhat  adoring  Amen.    Berlin  Museum. 
L.D.  iii.  256  h. 


The  heir  was  Uasarkon  II.  ;  and  according  to  monu- 
ments (yet  unpublished)  a  king  Horsiast  was  associated 
with  him  till  his  XXIIIrd  year  (Rec.  xxvii.  76  ;  and  see 
pp.  265-6).  A  princess  Shepensopdet  probably  belongs 
to  Takerat  I.  ;  she  married  Zed'khonsu'auf-ankh,  and 
had  a  daughter  named  Nehem'bastet  (Q.R.  xxvii.). 


248 


USER-MAAT-RA 


[DYN,  XXII.  4. 


XXII.  4. 

USER'MAAT'RA, 
SOTEP-EN-AMEN 

MeRY'AMEN, 

Uasarkon  (Il.)i 

Si -BAST 


Tanis 


Tell  el  Maskhuta 
Bubastis 


Karnak 


Luqsor 


Statue 
Block 

Figure  of  Ankhrcnpnefer 
Festival  hall 
Red  granite  naos 

Cairo  Mus. 
Door  jamb  from  chapel 

Berl.  Mus. 
Graffiti,  temple  of  Khonsu 
quay,  yrs.  III.- 
XXIX. 
Temple  of  Osiris 
Graffito  of  inundation 


(P.T.  i.  vi.  41  ;  xiv. 

3  ;  P.T.  ii.  21). 
(Rec.  xviii.  49). 
(N.P.  12,  iv.  A). 
(N.B.  50;  N.F.H.). 
(Rec.  xxiii.  132). 

(Berl.  Cat.  2101-2). 

(C.N.  ii.  241,  242). 
(A.Z.  xxxiv.  III). 

(Rec.  xxii.  128-34). 
(Rec.  xviii.  181). 


Stele,  yr.  XXII.                     Stroganoff  Coll.  (W.G.  555). 
Basalt  base  of  statuette          F.P.  Coll. 

Clay  cylinder  (sistrum  handle?)  (A.Z.  xxi.  23). 

Aegis,  bronze                        Petersburg  (G.E.  492). 

Gold  ring  of  Hormes              P.  Mus.  (P.L. ;  S.H.  488). 

Alabaster  vase  of  Nebneteru    P.  Mus.  D.  34  (P.R.  ii.  86). 

Nes  pa-ra     F.P.  Coll. 

Scarabs,  several    Ends  of  braces     C.  Mus.  (Ms.  Q.G.  298,  486). 

Queens — 

(1)  Karama  (mother  Sheshenq  II.). 

Bubastis  (N.F.H.). 

Karnak,  Osiris  temple  (Rec.  xxii.  131). 

Ushabtis.    F.P.  Coll.  ;  Berl.  (L.D.  iii.  2566). 

(2)  Mehtienusekht  (mother  Takerat  II.). 

Royal  mother  (M.S.  xxxi.). 

Ushabtis.    F.P.  Coll.  ;  Berl.  (L.D.  256  d). 

(3)  AsT'EM'KHEBT  (m.  Thesbast-peru). 

Canopic  jars  (Vienna)  (L.D.  iii.  255  e-h). 

(4)  MuT"HEZ*ANKHS  (m.  Thentspeh). 

Horpasen  stele  (M.S.  xxxi.). 

Sons — 

Sheshenq  II.  by  Karama.    Lazuli  scarab  (F.P.  Coll.). 
Takerat  II.  by  Mehtienusekht. 

Nemart,  black  granite  seated  figure,  Karnak  (C.  Mus.). 


B.C.  879-851.] 


UASARKOX  II 


249 


Daughters — 

(of  i)  AmeiTem'khnum'ab,  Mufmery  Shap'ben'apt. 


Karnak,  temple  of  Osiris 
Ta*sha"kheper 
Ka'ra'mat 

Stele,  land  grant 
.  .  .  armer 
(of  3)  Thesbastperu 
(of  4)  Thentspeh 


(Rec.  xxn 
(X.B.  52). 
(X.B.  52). 
(A.S.  iv.  1S3-86). 
(X.B.  52). 
(L.D.  iii.  255  e-h). 
(]M.S.  xxxi.). 


Dated  viomuneiits. 


Inundation,  Thebes 
Ouav,  X'o.  5 
~^  „'  6. 


(Rec.  xviii.  181). 
(A.Z.  xxxiv.  Ill 


8,  9. 

[O. 


Graffito,  temple  Khonsu  (C.  X'.  ii.  241). 


YEAR 

III.  Tvbi  12 
III.  Karnak 
V. 
VI. 
XII. 
XIII. 

XIII.  Mesore  1 
XX.  Quay  1 1, 
XXII.       „  '  12. 
XXII.         festival,  Bubastis  (N.F.H.  6). 

XXII.  Stroganoff  stele  (W.G.  555). 

XXIII.  Apis  Stele,  P.  Mus.    S.H.  275  (M.S.  Ms.  1^8). 

XXVni.  Quay  i3  =  Vth  year  of  Takerat  II. 
XXIX.  14. 

The  statue  from  Tanis  is  an  original  work  of  this 
reign,  and  shows  how  well  sculpture  was  maintained 
in  the  school  of  grey  granite.  The  inscription  on  a 
block  there  belongs  to  the  latter  part  of  the  reign,  as 
it  refers  to  the  amity  of  his  children  in  various  positions 
which  they  occupied,  and  to  the  leading  position  of  the 
sons  of  Karama. 

The  squatting  figure  of  Ankhrenpnefer  holding  a 
shrine,  states  that  he  was  a  beneficent  official  of  the 
temple  at  Pithom  in  this  reign. 

The  principal  monument  of  this  reign  is  the  great 
pylon  of  red  granite,  of  which  the  blocks  were  found 
at  Bubastis.  The  whole  doorway  was  35  feet  (20 
cubits)  high,  and  31  feet  deep  through.  Both  sides 
were  covered  with  sculptures  representing  the  sed  heb 
festival  in  his  XXIInd  year.  The  processions  of  priests 
and  officials  which  led  up  to  the  festival,  the  musicians 
and  dancers,  and  the  ceremonies  before  the  shrines  of 


250 


USER-MAAT.RA 


[DYN.  XXII.  4. 


the  g-ods  were  portrayed  ;  but  more  than  half  has  been 
destroyed,  and  the  remainder  is  very  fragmentary, 
though  it  gives  the  most  complete  view  that  we  have 
of  one  of  these  g"reat  festivals  (N.F.H.). 

Near  the  ruins  of  the  temple  lay  the  upper  half  of  a 
naos  of  red  granite  about  4  feet  square  (C.  Mus;  674). 

At  Karnak  were  some  door  jambs  from  a  chapel,  now 


Fig.  102. — Pylon  of  Uasaikon  II.;  Bubaslis.    N.F.H.  xxxii. 

in  Berlin,  found  at  200  ft.  south  of  the  east  end  of  the 
sacred  lake  (L.D.T.  ii.  42). 

At  the  temple  of  Osiris  are  many  inscriptions  of  this 
king  with  his  father  and  his  daughter  the  great  heiress 
Shapbenapt.  At  Luqsor  is  a  long  poem  written  on  the 
temple  walls,  concerning  a  great  inundation  in  the 
third  year.  From  none  of  the  monuments  do  we  learn 
anything  of  the  history  of  the  reign,  beyond  a  vague 


B.C.  879-851.] 


UASARKON  II 


251 


statement  that  the  Upper  and  Lower  Retennu  of  Syria 
were  subdued  (N.B.  51).  This  seems  to  show  that  the 
wars  of  Sheshenq  and  Uasarkon  I.  were  imitated  later 
on  ;  but  probably  a  nominal  tribute  satisfied  the  feel- 
ings of  the  Egyptians.  The  great  inundation  on  Tybi 
12  would  be  loth  August  in  876  ;  extraordinarily  early, 
as  the  earliest  high  Nile  known  about  Thebes  is  25th 
August  in  modern  times. 

Of  the  minor  objects  those  of  interest  are  the  base  of 
a  royal  figure  naming  feasts  of  12  years  ;  the  aegis  of 
bronze  with  Isis  suckling  the  king  ;  the  gold  ring  with 
revolving  beryl  of  green  felspar,  of  Hormes  a  scribe  of 
the  palace  library  ;  and  an  alabaster  vase  with  the 
king's  name,  given  by  the  wakil  of  the  palace  gate, 
Nebneteru  ;  later  it  was  used  as  a  sepulchral  urn  for 
Claudius  a  Roman.  There  is  also  part  of  another 
alabaster  vase  naming  Uasarkon  loved  of  Tahuti  of 
Hermopolis,  by  the  3rd  prophet  Nes'pa'ra. 

The  main  interest  of  the  reign  centres  in  the  large 
family.  The  queen  Karama  constantly  appears  with 
the  king  in  the  scenes  of  the  festival  at  Bubastis 
(N.F.H.);  and  she  is  named  in  the  Osiris  temple  at 
Karnak  (misread  there  as  Ka'ro'za).  A  lazuli  scarab 
appears  to  have  been  a  new  year  gift  to  her  son 
Sheshenq  (P.P.  Coll.).  Her  ushabtis  were  sold  at 
Thebes  as  early  as  1843  to  Lepsius,  and  as  late  as  1887. 

Mehtiexusekht  is  stated  by  Horpasen  to  be  a  royal 
mother,  and  therefore  presumably  a  royal  wife  ;  also 
to  have  married  a  great  chief  named  Sheshenq.  Now, 
as  her  son  Namareth  married  a  daughter  of  Uasarkon 
II.,  her  generation  would  be  that  of  Uasarkon,  and  it 
is  presumable  that  she  miarried  Uasarkon,  and  was 
thus  the  royal  mother  of  his  second  son  Takerat  II. 
The  mothers  of  Uasarkon  II.  and  Sheshenq  II.  are 
known  elsewhere.  The  ushabtis  of  this  queen  are 
found  at  Thebes,  and  have  been  bought  there  by 
Lepsius  in  1843  by  me  in  1887,  so  her  tomb  also 

remains  open.  They  are  of  precisely  the  same  work, 
style,  and  colour  as  those  of  Karama,  her  fellow- 
queen.    This  would  be  quite  inexplicable  on  the  view' 


252 


UASARKON  II 


[dYN.  XXII.  4.] 


of  the  single  line  of  the  Horpasen  genealogy,  by  which 
this  queen  would  figure  as  the  grandmother  of  Sheshenq 
I.,  more  than  a  century  earlier  ;  but  it  exactly  agrees 
with  the  double  line  of  that  genealogy  which  we  have 
adopted. 

This  chief  Sheshenq  whom  Mehtienusekht  married 
had  a  son  Nemert  who  succeeded  him,  according  to 
the  genealogy  of  Horpasen,  and  married  the  daughter 
of  Uasarkon  II.  A  granite  stele  at  Abydos  gives  a 
long  inscription  of  this  family  (M.A.  ii.  36;  R.P.  xii. 
95  ;  B.H.  ii.  199).  It  records  the  great  funeral  endow- 
ments for  Nemert  made  by  his  father  Sheshenq,  with 
the  assent  of  Osiris.  A  seated  figure  in  red  granite, 
of  a  great  chief  Sheshenq,  probably  this  person,  is 
in  Florence  Mus.  (S.  Cat.  F.  219,  1521).  Brugsch's 
interpretation  of  these  monuments  as  referring  to 
Assyrian  kings  rested  (i)  on  supposing  Ma  (which  is 
short  for  Mashawash  Libyans,  see  Rec.  xxii.  10,  11) 
to  be  matu^  'Mand,"  in  Assyrian,  and  also  (2)  on  the 
misreading  of  the  Horpasen  genealogy. 

AsT'EM'KHEBT  appears  to  have  been  a  later  wife  of 
Uasarkon  II.,  by  the  canopic  jars  of  their  daughter 
Thesbastperu.  This  daughter  married  her  nephew, 
a  great  chief  Takeret,  who  was  the  son  of  prince 
Sheshenq  who  died  young,  and  did  not  succeed  his 
father  Uasarkon.  And  their  son  was  Peduast,  who 
made  Apis  steles  in  26th  yr.  of  Shashenq  III.  and  2nd 
yr.  of  Pimay  (Rec.  xxii.  10). 

MuT'HEZ'ANKHS  is  the  wife  of  Uasarkon  named  in 
the  genealogy  of  Horpasen  as  the  mother  of  Thent- 
speh,  who  was  a  royal  daughter,  prophetess  of  Hathor 
at  Henen'suten,  and  divine  mother. 

Of  the  children  of  this  reign,  the  sons  are  noticed 
in  the  following  reigns :  the  daughter  of  Karama 
named  Amen*em*khnum'ab,  Shap'ben'apt  was  the 
great  heiress  of  the  kingdom,  and  started  the  name 
which  appears  later  in  the  XXVth  dynasty.  The  other 
daughters  of  Karama  only  occur  in  the  festival  at 
Bubastis.  The  daughters  of  the  other  queens  have 
just  been  noted  above. 


[B.C.  856.] 


SHESHENQ  II 


253 


XXII.  5. 

Sheshes'kheper-ra? 
Sotep-en'Amen 


Mery'amen 
Sheshenq  ( 


Tell  el  Yehudiyeh,  black  granite 
Serapeum  stele  of  Peduast 
Stele  F.  Mus. 


? before 


Bes  figure 
Gold  ring 
Lazuli  scarab 
Scarab 


Alnwick  Coll. 
B.  Mus.  2928 
F.P.  Coll. 
Migliarini  Coll. 


B.  Mus. 
P.  Mus. 


Flc 


Queen — Nesi  neb'ASHERU. 


Bes 

Sons — 
Horsiast. 

Bes 
Takerat. 

Apis  stele 
Uasarkon 

Papyrus 


Alnwick 


Alnwick 


(A.Z.  X.  122). 
(Rec.  xxii.  10). 
(Berend,  Cat.  Flor. 
^  P-  77,  2577). 
(B.  A.  Cat.  33). 
(W.G.  556). 

(L.  22  Dyn.  274). 
(B.  A.  Cat.  33). 

(B.  A.  Cat.  33). 
(Rec.  xxii.  10). 
(Denon,  Voy.  137). 


There  is  nothing  to  show  that  this  prince  ever  ruled 
alone,  and  his  throne  name  is  only  said  to  occur  on  the 
Migliarini  scarab,  and  faintly  on  the  Florence  stele. 
The  scarab  is  perhaps  like  two  others  bearing  the 
names  of  Sheshenq  I.  and  Ua- 
sarkon I.  joined,  during  their 
co-regency :  the  stele  also  may 
have  been  of  Uasarkon  I.  ;  and 
thus  there  would  be  no  evidence 
left  for  a  throne  name.  The 
Tell  el  Yehudiyeh  fragment  is  Fig.  103.— Scarabs  of  She- 
only  a  ka  name  User'pehti,  and  shenqjL^and  Takerat  II. 
it  was  supposed  to  be  of  this 

king,  because  a  piece  with  the  name  Sheshenq  was 
found  near  it  ;  but  it  might  be  equally  of  S.  III.  or 
IV.,  or  perhaps  of  anyone  else.  The  only  objects 
that  are  certainly  fixed,  call  him  the  great  chief  heir 


254 


SHESHENQ  II 


[dyn.  xxii.  5.] 


of  his  majesty,  the  high  priest  of  Amen.  He  was 
the  son  of  Ka'ra'mat,  as  shown  by  the  lazuh  scarab. 
His  son  Takerat  was  great  chief  of  the  Mashawash, 
and  married  the  half-sister  of  Sheshenq  II.,  named 
Thesbastperu  (Rec.  xxii.  10).  His  son  Horsiast  is 
named  with  the  wife  Nesi'neb'asheru ;  and  his  son 
Uasarkon  is  known  by  a  funeral  papyrus  (Denon, 
Voy.  137). 


XXII.  6. 

Hez'kheper-ra, 
sotep-en-ra 

Mervamen, 
Si-AST, 
Takerat  (II. 

Bubastis  Block 


11 


D 


856- 
831 

B.C. 


Berlin 


Memphis      Slab  with  Apis  steles 
Karnak        Forecourt.    Xlth  yr.  Tybi  i 

Xllth  yr.  Thoth  9 
,,  Great  hall,  architrave.  Xlthyr. 

Pakhons  II. 
Temple  of  Ptah,  restored  gate 
„  Stele  of  Takerat.    XXVth  yr. 

,,  Quay.    Vth  yr. 


Stele.    IXth  yr.  about  land  Cairo  Mus. 

Stele  with  Hathor  Posno  Coll. 

Great  favourite — Kakat 

Daughters — 

Ar'basfuza'nef 

Thent  ....     Miramar  statue 


(B.T.    808  ;  Berl. 

Cat.  8437). 
(M.S.  p.  18). 
(L.D.  iii.  257  a). 
(L.D.  256  a). 
(L.D.  255  i). 

(A.S.  iii.  66). 
(A.S.  iv.  183). 
(A.Z.    xxxiv.  Ill, 
Nos.  3,  13). 

(Rec.  xviii.  53). 
(W.G.  556). 

(Rev.  A.,  N.S.  viii. 
9)- 

(M.D.  76,  77  ;  Rev. 

A.,  N.S.  viii.  9). 
(B.H.I,  iv.). 


This  king  became  co-regent  in  his  father's  XXOIrd 
year,  as  we  learn  from  a  Karnak  quay  inscription  (13), 
which  states  that  the  XXVI I Ith  year  of  Uasarkon  was 
the  Vth  year  of  Takerat. 

No  historical  facts  of  this  reign  are  recorded  beyond 


[B.C.  856-831.] 


TAKERAT  II 


255 


some  frontier  troubles  before  the  XVth  year  (L.  D.  256  a). 
The  same  inscription  has  often  been  asserted  to  contain 
a  reference  to  an  eclipse  of  the  moon  ;  but  this  is  very 
doubtful.  The  passage  of  the  text  begins  with  XVth 
yr.  Mesore  25,  but  that  may  not  refer  to  the  day  of  the 
eclipse,  if  there  were  one.  The  passage  is  altogether 
so  doubtful  that  nothing  can  be  built  upon  it  (see 
Mahler,  Kais.  Acad.  Wien.  Denksch.  liv.  1888). 

The  slab  from  Bubastis  might  as  well  be  of  Takerat  I. 
At  the  Serapeum  a  slab  with  the  cartouches  of  this 
reign  is  stated  to  have  been  found  along  with  some 
steles  dated  in  the  year  XIV.  There  is  no  proved 
connection  between  these  ;  and  we  cannot  judge  what 
their  connection  may  have  been  worth,  in  the  lament- 
able absence  of  all  systematic  planning,  reporting,  or 
publication  of  the  Serapeum  work. 

At  Karnak  are  some  much  effaced  inscriptions,  one 
of  which  deals  with  the  restoration  of  the  offerings  of 
Amen,  and  others  with  endowments  and  property.  The 
small  tablet  of  a  land  endowment  (A.S.  iv.  183)  made 
for  a  deceased  princess  Karama,  is  dated  in  the  XXVth 
year  of  Takerat  ;  and  that  it  refers  to  Takerat  II.  is 
shown  by  the  high  priest  being  Uasarkon,  who  is 
known  as  high  priest  in  the  XIth-X\^th  years  (L.D. 
255-57)- 

The  great  queen  is  not  recorded  ;  but  a  great 
favourite  concubine  named  Kakat  or  Katkat  was  the 
daughter  of  a  religious  official  at  Thebes,  Amenhotep, 
son  of  Bumather  (Rev.  A.,  N.S.  viii.  9).  The  coffin  of 
her  royal  daughter  Ar*basfuza*nef  is  in  Paris  ;  she 
had  a  son  Pama  who  became  vizier,  and  was  succeeded 
by  his  son  Pakharu,  also  vizier,  who  had  a  son  Pa 'ma 
(Rev.  A.  p.  10).    We  have  thus — 

B.C.  about 
Bumather  940-880 
Amenhotep  920-860 
Takerat  II.  =  Katkat  900-840 
Pama,  vizier  880-820 
Pakharu,  vizier  860-800 
Pama  835-775 


256 


TAKERAT  II 


[dyn.  XXII.  6.] 


This  Ar-bast*uza*nef  must  not  be  confused  with 
another  who  was  daug-hter  of  Rudamen  (L.D.  284  a). 
There  was  also  a  royal  daug-hter  Thent  .  .  .  .,  who 
married  Pedumut,  and  had  a  son  Takerat  (B.H.I,  iv.). 


iXlL  7.  J{R   e  ~^ 

USER'MAAT-RA,  SOTEP'EN'RA  (      O       )   n 


XXII.  7. 

Mery-amen,    —  N?'^^ 


Si'BAST, 

Sheshenq  (III.) 


B.C. 


Kom  el  Hisn  Block  (A.S.  iv.  284). 

Tanis  Pylon  (P.T.  ii.  12,  pi.  ix.). 

Usurped  granite  columns. 
Tukh  el  Qarmus    Stele,  yr.  XX.  (Rec.  xx.  85). 

Serapeum  Stele,  Peduast,  yr.  XXVIII.  (M.S.  xxiv.  ;  Rec. 

xxii.  10). 

Karnak  Forecourt,    yrs.    XXII.-    (L.  D.  258  a,  b). 

XXIX 

Quay,  yrs.  VI.,  XXXIX.     (A.Z.   xxxiv.  113- 

14). 

Fragments,    yrs.    XIV.,    (Rec.  xxii.  54-63). 
XXIII.,  XXXIX. 


Stele,  Cairo,  yr.  XXXII.  Tybi  i  (Rec.  xxv.  196). 

,,     Strassburg,  yr.  XXX.  Mesore  28  (Rec.  xxv,  197). 

,,     hieratic,  Berlin,  yr.  XXVIII.  (Bed.  Cat.  7344). 

Lazuli  scarab  in  gold  ring  P.  Mus.  (P-L-,  S.H.  456). 

Blue  scarab  Stroganoff  (S.B.A.  xiii.  35). 

Dishes  Marseille  (W.G.  558). 

Stone  Turin  (W.G.  558). 

i^?^^^;z—Thent 'AMEN -APT  Base  F.P.  Coll. 

The  principal  work  of  this  king-  was  at  Tanis  ;  he 
cut  to  pieces  the  red  granite  colossus  of  Ramessu  II., 
and  built  a  pylon,  part  of  which  is  still  standing-.  He 
also  built  a  lesser  temple  on  the  N.E.  of  the  great 
temple  ;  the  granite  columns  of  it  have  been  engraved 
by  Ramessu  II.;  but  the  cartouches  are  all  altered  to 
Sheshenq  si  Bast. 


[B.C.  837-786.] 


SHESHENQ  III 


257 


At  Tukh  el  Qarmus  was  a  stele,  now  in  Cairo,  with 
donations  of  lands  in  the  XXth  year.  From  the  Sera- 
peum  the  stele  of  Peduast  in  yr.  XXVIII.  has  been 
already  used  for  the  genealogy  in  previous  pages.  At 
Karnak  are  long  statements  of  endowments  in  the 
forecourt,  with  dates  of  yrs.  XXII.,  XXV.,  XXVI., 
XXVIII.,  and  XXIX.  And  on  the  quay  are  three 
inscriptions  of  yr.  VI.;  one  (23)  naming  the  high  priest 
Horsiast  w^hose  statue  was  recently  found  at  Karnak 
(C.  Mus.),  another  (24)  stating  that  the  Xllth  year  of 
Horsiast  was  the  Vlth  of  Sheshenq,  and  a  third  (25) 
naming  the  high  priest  Takerat.  It  seems  that  23  was 
put  up  normally  ;  then,  at  the  high  Nile  Horsiast  died, 
so  24  was  placed  to  show  his  pontificate  ;  and  25  states 
the  new  pontiff.  There  is  also  No.  22  of  yr.  XXXIX. 
with  high  priest  Uasarkon,  who  appears  by  a  block  at 
Karnak  to  have  been  a  son  of  Takerat  II.  (Rec.  xxii.  55). 

The  steles  and  small  objects  are  not  of  any  historic 
importance. 

The  base  of  a  diorite  statuette  gives  the  name  of 
Thent'amen'apt  as  the  queen  of  a  Sheshenq  mery  Amen  ; 
as  the  queens  of  S.  I.  and  II.  are  known,  and  S.  IV. 
is  not  called  mery  Amefi,  this  is  more  probably  of 
Sheshenq  III.  The  inscription  is  by  "the  divine 
father  of  Amen'ra,  the  keeper  of  the  ...  of  Pharaoh 
(Amen'merySheshenq),  over  the  house  of  the  queen, 
Amen-em'hat.  Doing  the  things  of  the  great  chief 
queen  of  his  majesty  (Amen-apt'thent)  "  (F.P.  Coll.). 


XXII.  8.  User-? 

SOTEP 


MeRY'AMEN, 

Pamay 


•MAAT-RA,  ( 

•EP  -EN  -AMEN  \^  ^      Y  ^wwvs  1  /vwwv      J  786- 

782 


Serapeum    Stele  of  Peduast 
,,  Horsiast 

III — ^17 


P.  Mus.        (M.S.    xxvi.  Rec. 
xxil.  11). 
,,  (M.S.  xxvii.;  M.S. 

Ms.  165). 


258  PAMAY  [DYN.  XXII.  8.] 

Serapeum    Stele  of  Horkhebt         P.  Mus.     (M.S.  xxviii.). 

Khenem-Khonsu  (Rec.  xxi.  58). 

(All  of  the  same  Apis  in  yr.  II.) 

Son—Sheshenq  (IV.)  (M.S.   xxx.  ;  M.S. 

Ms.  168). 

This  reign  is  only  known  from  the  Serapeum  steles. 
The  first  stele  is  important  as  stating  that  an  Apis  born 
in  the  yr.  XXVIII.  of  Sheshenq  III.  lived  26  years  and 


Fig.  104. — I'anuiy,  scene  froni  side  of  Serapeum.    M.S.  26. 


died  in  the  yr.  II.  of  Pamay,  thus  proving  that  Sheshenq 
III.  reigned  till  his  Lllird  year,  and  that  the  co-regency 
of  Pamay  cannot  exceed  one  year.  The  important 
genealogies  of  these  steles  we  have  used  in  previous 
reigns.  The  figures  of  the  great  chief  of  the  Masha- 
wash,  Peduast,  in  the  first  two  steles,  both  have  the 
Libyan  feather  laid  over  the  head,  as  we  shall  see  later 
under  Piankhy.  The  scarabs  that  have  been  attributed 
to  Pamay  really  read  Hez  Hor  ma  ten^  which  is  yet 
unexplained. 


[B.C.  782-749-] 


SHESHENQ  IV 


259 


XXII.  9.  Aa-kheper*ra 


Co 


782- 

749 


Serapei 


Sheshen-q  (IV.)  QiMMT'^ 

Steles,  yr.  IV.,  of  Horuza  (M.S.  xxix.  d). 

„  Stele,  yr.  XI.  Paophi  28,  of  Ilor  (M.S.  xxx.  a). 

XXXVII.,  of  Horpasen  (M.S.  xxxi.). 

,,  ,,  ,,        of  Pasenhor  (B.T.  999). 

,,  ,,         of  Xavmart  (Rec.  xxii.  16). 

Thoth  (W.G.  559). 

Cairo  Mus. 

Athyr  27  (W.G.  559). 

P.  Mus. 

Payni  18  (W.G. 
P.  Mus. 

,,  ,,  ,,        three  others  (W.G. 

P.  Mus. 

Stele  of  yr.  XIX.,  chief  Hat  henker  (Rec.  xv.  84). 
Scarabs,  common. 


559). 
559). 


That  this  king  was  the  son  of  Pamay  appears  from 
his  stele  of  the  Xlth  year  (M.S. 
xxx.  a).  But  nothing  whatever  is 
known  of  his  history,  and  the  only 
light  about  the  reign  is  that  a 
chief  of  the  Mashawash  still  kept 
caravan  routes  open,  as  shown 
by  a  caravan  leader  Uashtihatau, 
who  dedicated  5  aroiiras  of  land  to 
Hathor  in  the  name  of  his  master, 
the  great  chief  Hat  henker.  The 
king  must  have  reigned  at  least  34 
years,  even  if  he  began  a  co-regency 
in  the  Ilnd  year  of  Pamay.  Many 
objects  of  Amenhotep  II.  have  been 
misattributed  to  this  reign,  as  the  cartouches  are  almost 
the  same.    The  reason  for  the  close  of  the  dynasty 


—  Scarab  of 
Sheshenq  IV.  F.P. 
Coll. 


26o 


TWENTY-SECOND  DYNASTY       [dyn.  xxn.  9.] 


is  entirely  lost ;  though  we  may  conjecture  that  the 
Ethiopian  conquest  of  Egypt,  which  took  place  some 
time  before  728  B.C.,  may  well  have  occurred  at  749  B.C., 
and  so  have  closed  the  continuity  of  the  dynasty.  There 
seems  to  be  a  revival  of  activities  under  the  coming- 
dynasty,  for  there  is  not  one  record  of  Nile  level  in 
this  reign,  while  there  are  four  records  in  about  two- 
thirds  of  the  time  in  the  next  reign.  A  stagnant 
feebleness  seems  to  have  overcome  all  effort. 

The  numerous  monuments  of  this  age  found  at 
Karnak  will  need  to  be  taken  into  account ;  but  as  it 
is  not  safe  to  adopt  statements  of  results  without  com- 
paring the  actual  texts  with  other  documents,  I  have 
not  used  more  than  I  could  verify  of  the  summary  just 
published  (Rec.  xxvii.  61-82).  Some  statements  there 
may  possibly  need  to  be  modified  by  the  facts  which 
we  have  considered. 


[DY.v.  XXIII.]         TWEXTV-THIRD  DVXASTY 


261 


TWENTY-THIRD  DYNASTY 

Monuments. 

Pedubast 
Uasarkon  (III. ) 


We  here  again  find  a  very  close  fit  of  the  data  within 
the  possible  limits  of  time.  The  previous  dynasty  must 
come  down  to  749  B.C.  (unless  we  abandon  the  Assyrian 
eponym  canon),  and  the  6  years  of  the  next  dynasty 
cannot  be  later  than  721-715  B.C.  The  king  Psammus 
is  without  any  monumental  support,  and  therefore  may 
have  been  introduced  by  some  confusion  with  the  later 
Psamtek.  The  two  other  reigns  have  several  monu- 
mental dates.  Of  Uasarkon  there  are  the  years  V. 
and  XIV.,  which  would  show  at  least  9  of  independent 
reign,  agreeing  with  Manetho  ;  and  his  dates  would 
then  be — co-regent,  735  ;  sole  reign,  730-721.  Then 
Pedubast  must  end  at  730  ;  and  the  25  years  (proved 
by  inscriptions  up  to  year  XXIII.)  would  begin  at  755. 
Thus  he  would  overlap  the  last  dynasty  by  6  years  ; 
and  as  his  earliest  date  is  in  year  \^1I.,  this  would 
be  quite  a  possible  reckoning. 


Manetho.  Yrs.  b.c. 

about 

755 

Petubastes  25 

730 

Osorkho  9 

721 

Psanimos  10 


262 


SEHER-ABRA 


[dyn.  XXIII.  I, 


XXIII.  I.  Seher'ab-ra 


Amen'Mery, 
Pedu-bast 


n 


755- 
730 

B.C. 


Kaniak  Inscriptions  of  yr.     VII.  (Rec.  xxii.  51). 

VIII,  (Rec.  xxii.  51,  52). 

Quay,  No.  26  XVI.  (A.Z.  xxxiv.  114). 

„     No.  27    „      XIX.  (  „  ). 

No.  28  XIX.     .  .  .  ast  (  ). 

„     No.  29         XXIII.    Takerat  {  ). 

Jamb  of  door  of  naos  P.  Mus.  (M.P.E.  165). 

Panel  of  naos  Bol.  Mus. 


That  there  were  two  kings  named  Pedubast  is 
certain  ;  one  appears  in  Manetho  as  the  founder  of 
the  XXIIIrd  dynasty,  about  760  B.C.,  the  other  is  in 
the  list  of  Ashurbanipal,  nearly  a  century  later.  There 
are  two  throne  names  associated  with  the  name  Pedu- 
bast— 


SeHER'AB'RA* 

Naos.   Paris  and  Bologna. 


User-maat'ra. 
Bronze  statue.  Tanis. 
Figure  of  Hor.  Cairo. 


We  can  only  infer  which  is  the  earlier  of  these.  It 
was  the  first  Pedubast  certainly  who  ruled  at  Thebes, 
as  his  wall  and  quay  inscriptions  are  exactly  like  those 
of  the  close  of  the  XXIInd  dynasty.  The  second  Pedu- 
bast certainly  reigned  at  Tanis,  by  Ashurbanipal's 
inscription.  As  the  woodwork  of  Seherabra  must  have 
been  preserved  in  Upper  Egypt,  while  the  figure  of 
Usermaatra  was  found  at  Tanis,  it  seems  fairly  certain 
that  Seherabra  is  the  Theban  Pedubast,  and  User- 
maatra is  the  Tanite.  To  the  latter  belong  also 
squatting  figure  of  prince  Hor  (C.  Mus.),  the  story 
of  the  Papyrus  Rainer  which  refers  to  Tanis,  and,  it  is 
said,  a  stele  at  Copenhagen  (S.B.A.  xxi.  265).  There 


'•c.  755-730.] 


PEDUBAST 


263 


is  also  perhaps  a 

(L-T.  1575). 

From  the  Karnak  inscriptions 
the  inspections  by  divine  fathers 
quay  we  meet  the  name 
of  apparently  a  co- 
regent,  and  intended 
successor,  of  Pedubast, 
a  level  being  dated  in 
the  ''year  XVI.  of  king 
Pedubast,  which  is  year 
II.  of  king  Amen  mery 
Uautr  In  the  XlXth 
year  the  high  priest  of 

Amen  is  named  ast  ; 

and  in  the  year  XXIII. 
his  successor  Takerat 
appears.  It  is  probably 
this  Takerat  who  is 
named  on  a  donative 
of  lands  from  Gurob. 
The  high  priest  Nesi- 
horsiast  is  named  in 
the  Vlllth  year  (Rec. 
xxii.  52)  ;  and  is  prob- 
ably the  same  as  that  of 
the  XlXth  year. 


stele  of  a  king  Pedubast  at  Turin 


we  only 
of  Amen. 


learn  of 
On  the 


Fig.  106. — Pedubast,  wooden  naos. 
Bologna. 


XXIII.  2. 

AA'KHEPER-RA, 

sotep'en'amen 
Amen'mery, 
Uasarkon 
(HI.) 


(      ClJ  (1  ^        []  j  B.C. 


730- 
721 


Memphis  Bronze  decorations 
Karnak    Stele  yr.  X. 

Karnak    Quay,  No.  16,,  V. 

17  „  VIII. 
 18  „  XIV. 


C.  Mus. 

H.P.  Ua  arath 
Nesibanebdadu 


(Ms.  Q.G.  338). 
(A.Z.  XXXV.  13). 
(A.Z.  xxxiv.  1 13). 

(  M  ). 

(  „  ). 


264 


AA-KHEPERRA 


[dYN.  XXIII.  2. 


Karnak    Quay,  No.  19-21 
Aegis,  silver  gilt  P.  Mus. 

Glazed  ring  L.  Mus. 

Leather  tab  B.M.  7871  e 

Mother — Ta  DU  bast.    Aegis.    P.  Mus. 

Sons — High  priest  Ua  arath.    Kamak  quay 
J,  Nesibanebdadu 
,,  ,,  Lazuli  bead 

Daughter — Shepenapt,  mar.  Kashta. 

Statuette.  E.  Mus. 
Stele.    Turin,  1632 


(A.Z.  xxxiv.  113). 
(P.C.E.  fig.  569, 

Engl.  p.  314). 
(L.  Mon.  i.  330, 

pi.  xcvii.). 
(W.G.  562). 

(P.C.E.  fig.  569, 
p.  314  Engl.). 
(A.Z.  xxxiv.  113). 

(  „  ). 

(Hoffman  Cat. 

58). 

(G.E.  p.  26). 
(L.T.,  No.  1632). 


The  cartouches  of  this  king  are  known  together  only 
on  the  Leyden  ring.  From  the  quay  inscriptions  it 
seems  that  his  elder  son,  who  was  high 
priest,  died  between  the  Vth  and  Vlllth 
years,  and  another  son  succeeded.  The 
mother's  name  is  on  a  silver  gilt  aegis 
of  Bast,  found  at  Bubastis,  on  which 
Uasarkon  is  called  the  son  of  Tadubast  ; 
and  as  the  mothers  of  Uasarkon  L  and 
IL  are  known,  it  shows  that  this  is  of 
Uasarkon  IIL  The  high  priest  and 
captain  of  the  host,  Ua'arath,  had  a  son, 
Uasakuasa,  who  was  high  priest  after 
Nesibanebdadu.  An  electrum  pectoral 
of  Uasakuasa,  adoring  Tahuti,  names 
his  father  Ua'arath  (F.P.  Coll.).  A 
lazuli  bead  of  Nesibanebdadu  was  in 
the  Hoffman  Collection,  No.  53.  A  long 
stele  of  the  high  priest  Ua'arath,  dated 
in  the  Xth  yr.  of  Uasarkon,  concerns 
land  property,  like  most  of  the  other 
documents  of  this  age.  The  main 
family  group  in  it  is  Aken  and  his 
seven  sons.  The  statement  in  Manetho  that  Uasarkon 
was  called  Herakles  is  probably  due  to  some  confusion 
of  his  being  high  priest  of  Hershefi.    That  god  was 


Fig.  107. — Glazed 
ring  of  Uasarkon 
III.;  Leyden.  L, 
Cat.  xcvii.  330. 


B.C.  730-721.] 


USARKOX  III 


worshipped  at  Herakleopolis,  showing  his  identity  with 
Herakles  ;  and  that  city  was  a  titular  place  of  the 
greatest  importance  at  that  time. 

Of  PsAMMOS,  whom  Manetho  places  at  the  end  of 
this  dynasty,  no  trace  has  been  found,  and  it  seems 
that  the  name  may  be  a  transposal  of  Psamtek. 

In  Manetho,  according  to  Africanus,  there  is  yet 
another  king,  Zet.  No  explanation  of  this  name  has 
been  given,  except  a  guess  that  it  may  represent 
Kashta,  though  the  Ethiopian  could  hardly  be  counted 
into  this  dynasty.  If  we  venture  on  emendation,  it 
may  be  supposed  that  a  copyist  of  Africanus  has  mis- 
understood a  summation  of  years  at  the  end  of  this 
period.  The  rise  of  Saite  power  by  the  XXI\'th  dynasty 
would  be  a  new  order  of 
things,  like  the  close  of 
the  Ramessides  before, 
and  so  a  likelv  place  for  a 
total.  NowZHT  might 
well  be  a  corruption  of 
Z  n  T  =  387  years  ;  and 
from  721  B.C.  this  would 
lead  back  to  1108  B.C., 
while  the  end  of  the  Ra- 
messides is  here  reckoned 
at  1 102  B.C.    The  inverse 

order  of  the  numerals  is  ^.^^  ^.^^ 
the  main  objection  to  this  u.uakauaia.   1.  Coli. 

interpretation,  while  the 

coincidence  of  the  period  is  certainly  attractive. 

Before  passing  from  this  age  we  should  note  some 
unplaced  local  kings. 

UsER'MAAT'RA  AMEX'RUD.  Rock  Crystal  vase,  with 
cartouches,  in  the  Louvre  (P.R.  ii.  80),  said  to  be  a 
son  of  a  king  Uasarkon,  probably  the  Ilird  (Rec.  xix. 
20),  and  to  be  the  father  of  king  Pef-dudu-bast  of 
Henensuten  (L.D.  iii.  284  a). 

Amex  mery  hor  siast.  Coffin  of  a  daughter,  at 
Abydos  (R.M.A.  xli.).  A  daughter  Asturt  married 
Horsiast,  a  son  of  the  third  prophet  of  Amen  Nekh- 


266 


TWENTY-THIRD  DYNASTY       [dyn.  xxm.  2.] 


tefmut,  and  had  a  daughter  Takhenemsuart  (Q.R. 
xxiv.  4,  XXV.  3).  This  was  probably  a  Theban  ruler, 
and  not  the  same  as  Horsiast  of  Sebennytos  under 
Esarhaddon.  The  Karnak  discoveries  place  him  as 
co-regent  with  Uasarkon  II.,  see  Rec.  xxvii.,  table,  p. 
76,  and  here,  p.  247. 

.  .  .  MERY'TAUi,  Pen 'AMEN,  is  on  a  slab  at  Terraneh 
(N.Y.  XX.  13),  probably,  therefore,  a  western  Delta 
king. 


[B.C.  75<^64.]       THE  ETHIOPIAX  DOMIXIOX 


267 


THE  ETHIOPIAN  DOxMINION. 

Ix  dealing  with  the  age  of  the  control  of  Egypt  by  the 
Ethiopian  kings  of  Napata,  it  is  best  to  regard  their 
power  as  a  whole  ;  overlapping  at  first  the  age  of  the 
Bubastites  that  we  have  already  noticed,  and  over- 
lapping at  last  the  rise  of  the  Saite  princes  who  formed 
the  XX\^Ith  dynasty.  The  XXI\'th  dynasty,  of  onl\' 
6  years  of  Bakenranf,  was  a  brief  rebellion  in  the  midst 
of  three  generations  of  the  Ethiopian  Dominion. 

Before  going  further  it  is  necessary  to  disentangle 
the  various  kings  named  Pankhy.  It  has  been  supposed 
with  some  reason  that  this  name  among  the  kings  who 
worshipped  Amen  at  Napata  was  derived  from  the 
earlier  Piankh,  the  second  of  the  priest-king  dynasty 
at  Thebes.  He  was  not,  however,  at  all  prominent 
in  the  series,  no  one  was  named  after  him  in  that 
dynasty,  and  his  name  is  written  Piankh,  whereas  the 
Ethiopians  are  all  Pankhy.  These  points  show  that 
the  descent  of  the  name,  and  therefore  of  the  family, 
is  not  certain. 

Those  kings  historically  known  are — 

(1)  Pankhy  Mery  Amen,  of  the  conquest  stele  (M.D. 

1-6). 

(2)  Pankhy,  mar.  Amenardus.    Statue.  Petersburg 

(G.E.  220). 

,,  Statue.     Med.  Habu  (G.F.  viii.). 

(3)  Pankhy  (?),  at  Thebes  under  Esarhaddon.  Assyrian 

Annals. 


268 


THE  ETHIOPIAN  DOMIXION 


[eTH.  DOM. 


Those  whose  other  names  are  known  are — 

(4)  Usermaatra  Pankhy  MeryAmen  Si 'Bast.  Archi- 

traves.   Barkal  (L.D.  v.  14  a-f). 
with  wife  Kenensat.    Bronze  statu- 
ette of  Bast.    P.  Mus.  (P.R.  i.  44). 

(5)  Hor  Sehotep-taui  Pankhy.    Altar.    Barkal  (L.D. 

V.  14  h). 

(6)  Snefer-ra  Pankhy.    Altar  to  Mut.  Meraueh(L.D. 

V.  14  1). 

,,  bandage,  yr.   XX.  or  more. 

B.  Mus.  (G.F.  viii.). 

(7)  Pankh  Aruro  (about  570  B.C.)  on  Nastosenen  stele 

(S.A.K.  26;  L.D.  V.  16). 

The  supposed  Men'kheper'ra  Pankhy  (Pr.  M.  iv.  ; 
M.K.  45  d),  whose  name  has  been  erased  all  but  y,  is, 
lastly,  read  as  Ra'meny  by  Maspero  (Ms.  M.  762). 

The  connection  of  the  historical  kings  with  the  throne 
names  is  curiously  unfixed.  All  we  can  say  is  that 
Pankhy  I.  is  most  likely  to  have  made  great  works  at 
Napata  (Barkal),  and  so  is  probably  the  same  as  4. 
But  the  connection  of  2  and  3  with  5  and  6  seems 
entirely  unsettled  :  5  may  be  the  same  as  either  4 
or  6  ;  7  is  later  than  the  connection  with  the  Egyptian 
kingdom. 


User'Maat'ra 


V  ^1  725 


Pankhy  (I.),     /  rr^r— ^1  b.c. 


Barkal.    Stele.  C.  xMus.  (M.D.  1-6). 

Lintels  (L.D.  v.  14  a-f). 

Bronze  figure  of  Bast.  P.  Mus.  (P.R.  i.  44)- 

Bronze-door  hinge  C.  Mus.  (Ms.  Q.G.  263). 

Ouee?i—KE^E^s\T  (P.R.  i.  44). 

The  first  and  most  important  monument  of  this  age 
is  the  great  triumphal  stele  of  grey  granite  erected  by 


i.e.  748-725-] 


PAXKHY  I 


269 


Pankhy  at  Napata,  now  Gebel  Barkal,  the  capital  of 
the  Ethiopians;  this  block  (in  Cairo  Mus.)  is  6  feet 
in  heig-ht  and  in  width,  and  is  inscribed  on  both  faces 
and  edges  with  159  lines  of  text.  The  text  is  published 
in  Mon.  Div.  1-6;  and  translated  in  Rec.  Past,  ii.  81  ; 
Brugsch,  Hist.  ii.  231  ;  and  Griffith,  Egyptian  Litera- 
ture, p.  5275.  We  shall  use  it  for  three  subjects:  (i) 
the  divisions  and  political  state  of  Egypt  ;  (2)  the  vari- 
ous rulers  ;  (3)  the  events  it  records. 

In  the  XXIst  year  of  Pankhy  he  was  summoned  by 
the  rulers  of  Middle  and  Upper  Egypt  to  repel  the 
advances  of  the  westerners  under  Tafnekht ;  and 
allegiance  to  Pankhy  had  been  thrown  off  at  least  as 
far  south  as  Hermopolis,  in  Mid  Egypt.    It  is  clear. 


Fig.  109. — Top  of  Granite  stele  of  Pankhy.    M.D.  i. 


then,  that  Pankhy  had  in  some  former  campaign  over- 
run the  upper  country,  probably  as  far  as  Memphis, 
as  Oxyrhynkhos  appears  to  have  sided  with  him  ;  but 
there  is  no  sign  of  his  power  over  the  Delta.  As  this 
stele  is  of  the  XXIst  year  of  Pankhy,  and  is  of  the  time 
of  Uasarkon  III.,  the  earlier  conquest  may  well  have 
resulted  in  Pankhy  overthrowing  the  XXI Ind  dynasty 
at  the  beginning  of  his  reign. 

The  Divisions  of  the  Delta  were  many.  We  find 
two  kings,  one  at  Bubastis  and  the  other  perhaps  at 
the  Bitter  Lakes  ;  four  Libyan  chiefs  who  wear  feathers, 
at  Mendes,  Sebennytos,  Pa'sopd,  and  Busiris  ;  two  of 
whom  had  split  off  Hermopolis  and  Xois  for  their 
sons  ;  a  royal  heir  at  Athribis  ;  and  chiefs  at  Busiris, 


THE  ETHIOPIAN  DOMINION  [eth.  dom. 


Leontopolis,  Letopolis,  and  Sais  ;  also  two  others 
without  districts  named.  Beside  all  these,  the  latest 
branch  of  the  westerners  who  came  in  held  all  the 
Libyan  desert  side  under  a  chief.  Thus  there  were 
sixteen  rulers  in  the  Delta.  In  Upper  Egypt  there 
was  a  king  at  Hermopolis,  a  haq  prince  at  Herakleo- 
polis,  and  a  prince  ruling  from  the  Fayum  down  to 
Cairo.  The  country,  thus  divided,  was  at  the  mercy 
of  any  vigorous  outsider,  either  western  or  Ethiopian. 

The  Rulers  of  Egypt  in  this  record,  of  whom  actual 
remains  are  known,  are  as  follow  :  — 

Uasarkon  of  Bubastis  [see  Uasarkon  III.,  before). 


UsER'MAAT'RA  AMEN-MERY  \  of  ThentTcmu  and 
Amen'MERy  si-bast  uapeth  /  Ta-ain-ta. 

This  king  certainly  ruled  at  Tell  el  Yehudiyeh,  where 
a  granite  base  was  found,  with  the  double  cartouches, 
and  figures  of  the  king  offering  (N.Y.  lo,  pi.  i).  A 
peculiarity  of  his  first  cartouche  is  in  placing  the  A 
of  Amen  symmetrical  with  the  feather  of  Maat ;  hence 
we  may  attribute  some  scarabs  to  him  (3  P.P.  Coll.). 
The  cities  of  his  have  not  been  identified.  It  has  been 
suggested  that  Ta'ain'ta  was  the  port  of  Daneon  at  the 
Red  Sea  end  of  the  canal,  and  so  close  to  Suez  (Pliny, 
vi.  33).  Or  it  might  be  read  as  ''the  land  of  Ain  "  or 
Heroopolis-Pithom. 


NeFER'KA'RA  1       r  u 

-,1  \  or  Henen'suten. 

Pef'dudu'BASt  si -bast  j 

The  full  names  of  this  king  have  lately  been  found  on 
the  inscribed  base  of  a  gold  statuette  of  Hershefi,  from 
the  temple  of  Henen'suten  (Ehnasya)  (P.E.  pi.  i). 
He  was  son  of  king  Rudamen  (L.D.  iii.  284  a),  who 
took  the  name  Usermaatra  (vase,  P.  Mus.  ;  P.R.  ii. 
80),  and  who  was  son  of  king  Uasarkon  (Rec.  xix.  20). 
Possibly  Uasarkon  III.  was  born  790  b.c.',  Rudamen 


B.C.  748-7250  RULERS  OF  EGYPT  271 

770,  Pefdudubast  750  B.C.,  and  so  reigned  by  725  in 
the  reign  of  his  grandfather. 


Fig.  1 10. — Gold  statuette  made  b}'  Pefdudubast.    P.  E.  i. 


of  B 


usiris. 


Uas*xeter-ra  sotep* 

EN-RA 

Shesh(en-q)  amex-l'as- 
neter'an  (?)  j 

A  double  cartouche  pendant  of 
bronze  bears  these  names  (F.P. 
Coll.)  ;  and  probably  of  the  same 
king  is  the  piece  of  bronze  scale 
armour,  with  scales  inscribed  Ra* 

NETER    AMEX-.MERY     SHESHEXQ  (Pr. 

M.  xlvi.  3;  W.M.C.  i.  221).  As 

this  name  cannot  be  that  of  anv    Fig.  iii.-Bionze  car- 

„,      ,  ^         ,  ,^         touches  of  Sheshenq 

Sheshenq  from  I.  to  I  v.,  it  is  prob-      v.   F.P.  Coll. 


272 


THE  ETHIOPIAN  DOMINION 


[eTH.  DOM. 


able  that  the  ruler  who  made  these  objects  was  this 
prince  of  Busiris.  We  cannot  distinguish  which  Busiris 
this  is.  Possibly  to  the  same  prince  may  belong  the 
base  of  a  statuette  from  Bubastis  (A.Z.  xxii.  93). 


Maat-neb'ra" 
Ankh'hor 


of  Hermopolis  Parva. 


Fig.  112. — Scarab 
of  Ankh  •  hor. 
F.P.  Coll. 


These  two  names  are  found  conjoined 
on  a  scarab  of  this  period  (F.P.  Coll.), 
and  probably  belong  to  Ankh'hor,  the 
ruler  of  Hermopolis,  after  he  succeeded 
his  father  as  prince  of  Mendes. 


Pa-ma  of  Busiris. 

Scarabs  of  this  ruler  are  well  known, 
with  the  inscription,  "The  hereditary 
prince,  prophet  of  Osiris,  Lord  of  Dadu, 
great  chief,  Pa*ma,"  agreeing  with  his 
titles,  "  Hereditary  chief  of  the  Masha- 
wash  Pa*ma  in  the  temple  of  Osiris 
lord  of  Dadu,"  on  the  stele. 


Fig.  113. — Scarab 
of  Pa-ma.  F.P. 
Coll. 


The  remaining  rulers  are- 


Zed  •amen  "auf  "ankh 
Aakanesh 


Libyan  prince  of  Mendes. 
Libyan    prince    of    Sebennytos,  Iseum, 
Diospolis  (statue  of  Osiris  dedicated  by 
him.    C.  Mus.    Rec.  xvi.  126). 
Pathenef  Libyan  prince  of  Pasopd,   El  'Awasgeh, 

near  Faqus  (Rec.  x.  142). 
Bakennefi,  his  son  Nesna'sekhem 'aa,  Xois. 
Nekht'hor'na'shenu    of  Leontopolis. 


Pentaur 
Penth 

Pedu  "hor 'sam  "taui 

Hurobasa 

Peduast 

Zedzedau 

Pabasa 

Nemart 


Bekent  (near  Mit  Ghamr). 
Letopolis. 

Sais  and  Rohessaui  (near  Letopolis). 

Athribis. 

Khentnefer. 

Babylon,  Nilopolis  (opp.  Fayum). 
Hermopolis  (Eshmuneyn). 


The  EVENTS  recorded  by  Pankhy  are  that,  at  the 
beginning  of  a  year,  messengers  came  from  the  tribal 


B.C.  748-725-] 


PAXKHY  I 


273 


chiefs,  the  provincial  nomarchs,  and  the  generals  of 
Upper  Egypt,  repeatedly  appealing  to  him  to  come  and 
defend  them  from  Tafnekht,  the  chief  of  the  West,  who 
owned  the  nomes  of  the  western  Delta  up  to  Memphis. 
Both  banks  of  the  Nile  [taiii)  were  united  in  following 
him.  The  Upper  Egyptian  nomes  of  Medum  and 
Illahun,  the  Fayum,  Oxyrhynkhos,  Diknash,  and  all 
the  western  towns  had  then  submitted  to  him.  From 
there  he  had  crossed  to  the  east,  and  Hipponon, 
Tayuzayt,  Hat'suten  and  Aphroditopolis  also  sub- 
mitted. Secure  in  these  towns,  he  had  then  attacked 
Henen'suten,  which  held  out  against  him,  not  probably 
from  any  special  loyalty  to  Pankhy,  but  because 
Pefdudubast  might  well  hope  to  be  himself  a  leader  of 
that  region.  Even  Xemart  of  Hermopolis  (Eshmuneyn) 
had  joined  the  movement. 

Pankhy  himself  ruled  Thebes,  and  he  sent  down  an 
army,  with  special  orders  to  reverence  Thebes,  and  to 
proceed  from  that  as  a  base.  Below  Thebes  they 
found  troops  from  the  north  coming  up  the  river. 
These  were  defeated,  and  they  pressed  on  to  Henen* 
suten,  which  was  besieged.  There  the  Ethiopian  army 
defeated  the  northern  alliance,  and  Xemart  fled  up  to 
Eshmuneyn,  where  they  besieged  him.  Pankhy  was, 
however,  enraged  at  the  escape  of  the  rebels,  and 
vowed  to  destroy  them  himself.  His  army  pushed 
their  successes,  took  Oxyrhynkhos,  Tatehen  (Tehneh  ?), 
where  the  son  of  Tafnekht  was  slain,  and  Hipponon 
(El  Heybeh). 

On  the  ninth  day  of  the  new  year,  Pankhy  arrived  at 
Thebes,  and  kept  the  great  feast  of  Amen.  Thence 
he  went  to  Eshmuneyn,  and  pitched  S.W.  of  it.  An 
active  siege  was  pushed  on,  and  in  three  days  it 
capitulated.  All  kinds  of  valuables  were  offered. 
Xemart's  wife,  who  was  a  royal  daughter,  Xestentmeh, 
went  to  beseech  the  harim  of  Pankhy  to  intercede. 
Xemart  himself  came  out  with  valuable  offerings,  then 
Pankhy  entered  Hermopolis,  offered  sacrifices  in  the 
temple  of  Thoth,  and  took  possession  of  the  whole 
palace  of  Xemart,  women,  horses,  and  treasures,  while 
III— 18 


274 


THE  ETHIOPIAN  DOMINION 


[eTH.  DOM. 


the  grain  stores  were  sent  to  Amen  at  Thebes.  His 
main  indignation  was  about  the  starving  of  the  horses. 

Then  Pefdudubast  of  Henen'suten,  who  had  been 
holding  out  for  Pankhy,  came  to  offer  treasures  and 
horses,  and  thank  the  king  for  saving  him  ;  and  the 
city  appears  to  have  been  left  in  peace.  Passing-  there, 
Pankhy  found  a  strong  fort  at  Illahun,  and  appealed  to 
the  garrison  to  save  their  lives  by  submission.  Another 
son  of  Tafnekht  was  among  them  ;  but  they  opened  the 
gates,  their  lives  were  spared,  and  all  the  stores  and 
treasures  were  systematically  taken  for  Pankhy  and 
Amen.  The  same  treatment  was  given  to  Medum  and 
Lisht. 

Memphis  refused  all  the  offers  of  Pankhy,  and  his 
appeal  to  the  examples  of  his  clemency  to  other  rebels. 
The  gates  were  closed,  and  Tafnekht  threw  himself 
into  the  city  at  night,  to  encourage  the  defence,  the 
army  amounting  to  eight  thousand  men.  He  then  left 
to  bribe  the  chiefs  of  the  Delta  to  come  up  and  join  the 
war.  Pankhy  sailed  past  Memphis,  and  examined  the 
g-reat  limestone  fortifications  on  the  northern  side.  It 
was  in  April,  and  the  Nile  would  have  been  low  ;  but  it 
is  said  that  the  w'ater  came  up  to  the  road  below  the 
walls,  and  the  ships  were  moored  there.  This  sug-gests 
that  they  had  a  system  of  dams  to  keep  the  Nile  high 
at  Memphis  for  the  shipping.  The  city  being"  closed, 
Pankhy  made  a  raid  on  all  the  ships  and  boats  ;  this 
prevented  the  enemy  reaching  him,  and  provided  plenty 
of  material.  He  then  made  a  great  attack  by  scaling" 
along-  the  river  face,  which  suggests  that  the  ships 
captured  were  worked  up  into  landing  bridges  to  top 
the  river  walls.  Memphis  was  taken  at  once,  many 
were  slain,  and  others  made  prisoners.  Pankhy  next 
sacrificed  in  the  temple  of  Ptah,  and  went  to  the  palace. 
The  neighbourhood  submitted,  and  some  of  the  chiefs 
of  the  eastern  Delta  came  in  with  tribute. 

Pankhy  then  went  to  Babylon  (Old  Cairo)  and  made 
offerings,  and  next  to  Heliopolis,  where  he  made 
a  great  sacrifice  ;  and,  entering  the  temple,  went 
to   the    shrine   and    saw    Ra   alone.      Uasarkon  of 


B.C.  748-725-] 


PANKHY  I 


275 


Bubastis  then  came  "to  see  the  beauties  of  his 
majesty." 

Athribis  was  next  visited,  and  a  great  durbar  was 
held  there  of  all  the  Delta  rulers,  "kings,  nomarchs  of 
the  Delta,  all  chiefs  wearing  the  feather,  every  vizier, 
all  chiefs,  and  every  royal  acquaintance,"  in  the  west 
and  in  the  east,  and  in  the  central  districts  between 
the  arms  of  Nile.  The  hereditary  chief  Peduast  wel- 
comed the  king,  and  placed  all  his  treasures  and  stores 
at  his  disposal.  After  Pankhy  had  made  offerings  in 
the  temple,  he  then  went  to  the  palace  and  received 
the  presents  ;  and  Peduast  swore  that  none  of  the 
chiefs  should  conceal  property  from  the  king.  Thus 
all  the  Delta  princes  submitted  and  gave  tribute.  One 
place  was  yet  rebellious,  but  was  soon  subdued  and 
given  to  Peduast. 

Tafnekht,  hearing  of  this  collapse  of  all  his  plans, 
sent  after  a  year  a  message  of  submission,  and  an  offer 
to  give  up  whatever  was  demanded.  So  the  chief 
lector  and  commander  were  sent  to  receive  the  goods, 
and  to  administer  the  oath  of  allegiance.  The  whole 
land  being  pacified,  Pankhy  loaded  his  spoils  on  board 
and  returned  to  Thebes  in  triumph. 

This  document  is  as  valuable  for  the  view  of  mind  as 
for  its  material  facts.  The  rage  at  opposition,  which 
the  earlier  conquerors  showed  as  their  single  emotion, 
is  here  more  a  literary  phrase  than  a  moving  power. 
Of  course  war  was  war,  as  it  is  to  this  day  ;  but  the 
terms  which  Pankhy  offered  and  acted  upon  to  those 
cities  which  were  in  opposition  were  personal  pardon 
with  heavy  fines  in  goods,  confiscating  all  the  stores. 
To  those  who  fought  against  him,  capture  was  the 
penalty  of  defeat.  Those  who  submitted  freely  were 
pardoned  on  giving  a  voluntary  tribute.  Even  the 
ringleader  Tafnekht  was  accepted  after  a  time,  on  his 
swearing  allegiance  and  giving  tribute.  All  this  is 
very  diff"erent  to  the  rage  of  a  Rameses.  Pankhy 
appeals  to  his  enemies,  "  If  a  moment  passeth  without 
opening  to  me,  behold  ye  are  reckoned  as  conquered, 
and  that  is  painful  to  the  king.    Close  not  the  gates 


276 


THE  ETHIOPIAN  DOMINIOX  [eth.  dom. 


of  your  life,  so  as  to  come  to  the  execution  block  of 
this  day.  .  .  .  Behold  ye,  there  are  two  ways  before 
you,  choose  ye  as  ye  will  ;  open,  and  ye  live  ;  close,  and 
ye  die.  .  .  .  His  majesty  loveth  that  Memphis  be  safe 
and  sound,  and  that  even  the  children  weep  not." 
The  clemency  and  good-feeling  shown  throughout 
marks  a  very  different  state  to  that  of  many  earlier  and 
later  times.  This  was  not  isolated  ;  there  was  a 
general  wave  of  moral  sense  and  individual  responsi- 
bility in  lands  around  ;  in  Isaiah  and  Ezekiel  on  the 
east,  and  in  Hesiod  on  the  west,  with,  his  preaching  of 
the  moral  government  of  the  world,  and  his  pure  and 
practical  ethics.  This  phase  is  quite  independent  of 
other  points  of  excellence.  Moral  sense,  knowledge, 
art,  and  luxurious  wealth  may  each  stand  isolated  from 
the  other  three,  as  in  the  instances  of  the  Puritans, 
the  Jesuits,  early  Greece,  and  decadent  Rome.  The 
Puritan  phase  of  these  Ethiopians  is  seen  also  in  the 
sentences,  "  none  were  slain  therein  except  the  rebels 
who  had  blasphemed  God,"  the  kings  "entered  not  the 
king's  house  for  that  they  were  impure  and  eaters  of 
fishes,  which  is  an  abomination  to  the  king's  house." 
And  rather  later  a  king  "  w^ent  in  state  to  the  temple 
of  his  father  Amen  of  Napata,  residing  in  Du-uab  to 
expel  that  sect  hateful  unto  God,  which  they  call,  '  Do 
not  cook,  let  violence  kill,'  saying,  '  Let  not  them  enter 
the  temple  of  Amen  of  Napata  because  of  that  word,  a 
sin  it  is  to  tell  it '  "  (R.P.  iv.  95). 

This  Pankhy  is  probably  identical  with  User'maat'ra 
Pankhy  who  built  largely  at  Napata  (Mt.  Barkal, 
N.).  A  bronze  figure  of  Bast  (P.  Mus.)  has  on  the 
back  pillar  the  two  names  of  the  king,  and  on  the  base 
the  name  of  the  "  Heiress,  great  favourite,  royal  wife, 
Kenensat  "  (Pr.  R.  i.  44). 

The  next  king  of  Ethiopia  that  we  hear  of  is  Kashta, 
and  the  dates  w^ould  well  agree  to  his  being  of  a  likely 
age  for  a  son  of  Pankhy.  Before  going  further,  we 
should  lay  down  the  table  of  family  ages,  starting  from 
known  data,  and  showing  how  far  such  will  fit  together 
into  a  consistent  family  history.     We  have  no  personal 


B.C.  748-725-] 


PANKHY  I 


277 


dates  for  Pedubast  ;  but  as  he  started  a  new  line  he 
must  have  had  some  proved  abiHty  and  character,  and 
can  hardly  be  put  at  less  than  about  35  years  old, 
implying-  that  he  was  born  not  later  than  790  ;  and  he 
is  not  likely  to  have  been  over  about  80  at  death, 
implying-  that  he  was  not  born  before  800.  So  800 
would  be  a  fair  date  for  his  birth. 

Shabaka  was  acting-  regent  in  725,  and  is  not  likely 
to  have  been  born  later  than,  say,  748  ;  Kashta  there- 
fore w^ould  be  born  770,  and  Pankhy — if  his  father — born 
792.  This  would  make  him  about  40  to  50  at  succession, 
60  to  70  at  his  Egyptian  war.  He  is  not  likely  to  have 
been  older,  nor  is  Shabaka  likely  to  have  been  young-er. 
So  this  fairly  ties  the  family  ages.  The  latest  summing 
up  of  the  relationships  is  by  Erman  (A.Z.  xxxv.  29),  and 
this  seems  fully  satisfactory  ;  only  that  there  is  no  need 
to  assume  so  many  adoptions,  as  natural  descent  is 
more  probable  at  the  ages  in  question,  as  we  shall  see. 
The  references  for  the  relationships  are  here  given 
under  each  reign. 


278  THE  ETHIOPIAN  DOMINION 

Kashta  =  Pebathma 
I 

Pankhy  =  Paksather 
(See  Rec.  xxii.  142.) 


800    Pedubast  born  792    Pankhy  I.  born 

778^2  birth  of     Uasarkon  770--  birth  of  Kashta 

755^5  succeeded 

756--  birth  of  Shapenapt  I. 

748^2  Shabaka  born 
748^^  succeeded  744-^  Pankhy  II.  born 
737'^  mar.  Kashta  737^"'  niar.  Shapenapt 

736  Amenardus  b.  Pankhy  II. 

730"*^  died  succeeded 

728^4  in  Egypt 

721^''  died  722^-  Taharqa  bom 


married 
702'*-  Amenardus 


THE  ETHIOPIAX  DOMIXIOX  279 

Pankhv  I.  Uasarkon  III, 

I  ^  i 
71    =    Kashta      =      Shapcnapl  I. 


I  I  I 

Shabaka  =  -\  .  .  .  rqa  =  Pankliv  II,  =  Amenardus 

I  I  "  I 


I  I  I  I 

Shabatoka        Tanutamen       Taharqa  =  Shepenapt  II.   =  Psamtek  I, 

!  I 

(See  A.Z.  xxxv.  29.)    Amenardvis  II.  Xeitaqert 


748  Shabaka 


736  Amenardus 

726"  birth  of       Shabatoka    Pankhv  22  at 
725-^  acting-  regent  722    Taharqa  born 

720'^  m,  Shabaka  married 

718^  Tanutamen  born  71S  Tanutamen 

715'^  succeeded  born 
707^^  died  succeeded 

702''^  mar.  Pankliy  701-'^  general 

700^  Shapenapt  II.  born 

693^^  died  succeeded 
680-''  Shapenapt  mar.  680^-  mar.  Shapenapt  II, 

679-^  Amenardus  II.  born 

667^^  died  succeeded 


28o 


KASHTA 


[B.C.  725-715-] 


Kashta 


1 


Abydos,  as  father  of  Peksather 
Hammamat,  as  father  of  Amenardus 
Scarab,  with  Amenardus. 


Queens — 
Pebathma 
Shapenapt  I. 


Abydos  lintel 
Petersburg-  fig-. 


Sons — 

Shabaka,  bro.  Amenardus 
Pankhy,  bro.  Amenardus 

Daughters — 

Amenardus  Hammamat 
Peksather  Abydos  lintel 


about  725  to  715  B.C. 


(Rec.  xxii.  142). 
(L.D.  V.  I  e). 


(Rec.  xxii.  142). 
(G.E.  p.  26). 

(M.K.  45  d). 
(A.Z.  XXXV.  28). 

(L.D.  V.  I  e). 
(Rec.  xxii.  142). 


Nothing  is  known  of  the  reig-n  of  this  king,  who 
seems  to  have  been  a  co-regent  of  Pankhy,  and  his 
relationship  to  Pankhy  I.  is  only  conjectural.  As 
Shabaka  must  have  been  born  by  about  748  (for  he 
was  regent  in  725,  and  father  of  Shabatoka),  Kashta 
was  probably  born  by  770.  And  as  Pankhy  I.  invaded 
Egypt  about  728,  in  his  XXIst  year,  he  must  have 
succeeded  about  748  ;  so  though  it  is 
possible  that  Pankhy  I.  was  an  elder 
brother,  he  is  more  likely  to  have  been 
the  father  of  Kashta.  No  independent 
monuments  of  his  are  found  ;  so  that  it 
seems  likely  that  he  was  co-regent,  or 
only  came  to  the  throne  shortly  before 
his  death.  That  he  actually  reigned  as 
king  of  Egypt  is  implied  by  Amenardus  often  coupling 
his  name  with  hers  as  her  father,  which  implies  an  in- 
heritance of  his  rights  over  the  land.  And  that  Egypt 
did  submit  to  the  Ethiopians  at  this  period  is  seen 
by  the  embassy  of  Hoshea,  which  was  some  years 
before  the  accession  of  Shabaka,  and  when  he  was 
only  general  or  regent.  For  remains  of  Shapenapt  see 
under  Uasarkon  III. 


Fig.  114. — Scarab 
of  Kashta.  F.P. 
Coll. 


[B.C.  71^-707.] 


SHABAKA 


281 


NOFER-KA'RA 

Shabaka 


G 


Kouyunjik    Impression  of  seal    B.  Mus. 

Bubastis       Sistrum  handle        Berl.  8182 
Athribis        Limestone  frieze      Cairo  Mus, 
Memphis       Ptah  temple,  Mvtholog-ical  text, 

B.  Mus. 
Scarab  Cairo 
Avenue,  in  demotic  papyrus 

Serapeum     Apis,  year  II.  stele 
Hammamat  Inscrip.,  year  XII. 
Karnak        Temple  of  Ptah.  door 


Chapel  b,  X.  of  temple  of  Ptah 
Jambs  (Ptah?) 

Great  temple,  added  to  Tahut- 
mes  IV. 

Quay,  year  II.,  etc.   Xos.  30-32 
Pylon,  added  inscription 
Small  temple,  inner  pylon 


(Lavard,     Xin.  and 

Bab.  156). 
A.Z.  xxi.  23). 
Ms.  G.  381). 
A.Z.  xxxix.  40). 

M.D.  29  d). 

Rev.  E.  i.  126,  note, 

1.  27). 
M.S.  p.  26). 
L.D.  V.  I  e). 
L.D.v.  I  a;  L.D.T.  ii. 

6  ;  Berl  Cat.  2103  ; 

A.S.  iii.  43,  59). 
M.K.  45  c,  d). 
L.D.  v.^  I  b). 
L.D.  iii.  69  dK 


Luqsor 
Medinet 
Habu 

Esneh 


,,  both  pylons 

Black  granite  shrine.    C.  Mus. 


Portrait 

Statuette,  white  limestone.    Anastasy  Coll. 
Beryl  fig-ure,  Osiris.      Villa  Albani 
Xaos,  black  g-ranite.  Cairo. 
Papyri  demotic,  VII.  yr.    P.  Mus. 

,,  X.  }  r.     Pharmuthi  30 

Gold  amulet.      P.  Mus.,  stolen. 

Queens — Amenardus,  Karnak 

And  a  daughter  of  Pankhy 


114). 


A.Z.  xxxiv 
CM.  337). 
L.D.    V.     I  c 


d  ; 


L.D.T.  ii.  ISO,  152). 


L.D.T. 


150- 


Ms.  Q.G.  170). 

L.  D.  iii.  301,  79). 
R.S.  151,  4). 
Rec.  ii.  29). 

D.M.E.  xi.  ID  c). 
R.O.T.D.  p.  221). 
ChampoU.  Xot.  Mus. , 

Charles,  x.  59). 
M.K.  4S  c,  d). 
R.P.  i.  64;  Ms.  P.E. 
362  i). 


Son  by  .r,  Shabatoka  (?) 

The  facts  of  this  reign  are  only  put  in  any  order  by 
the  eastern  connections.    On  the  one  hand,  the  acces- 


282 


THE  ETHIOPIAN  DOMINION  [eth.  dom. 


sion  of  Shabaka  to  the  throne  must  have  been  about 
715  B.C.  ;  yet  he  was  acting-  as  regent,  and  is  entitled 
king-  of  Egypt  as  early  as  725  B.C.,  acting  for  either 
Pankhy  I.  or  Kashta.  This  connection  of  Shabaka  with 
Sua,  king  of  Mizraim  (2  Kings  xvii.  4),  has  been  dis- 
puted of  late  years  ;  and  it  will  be  needful  to  briefly 
state  the  case.  Various  references  that  have  been 
found  connecting  Mizraim  or  Muzri  with  N.  rVrabia 
have  been  set  apart  as  constituting  evidence  for  a  land 
of  Muzri  (in  Sinai)  coterminous  with  Mizraim  (Egypt). 
This  would  be  at  least  a  unique  occurrence  of  two 
names  side  by  side  and  coterminous,  and  yet  supposed 
to  be  intrinsically  different  (Map  in  Encyc.  Bib.  pi. 
4844-5).  Several  of  the  passages  supposed  to  refer  to 
a  new  Muzri  may  just  as  well  apply  to  Egypt,  the 
frontier  of  which  stretched  across  the  desert  into  South 
Palestine  at  many  periods,  and  certainly  in  the  XXth, 
XXI Ind,  and  XXVIth  dynasties.  Some  few  passages 
may  require  to  be  referred  to  Sinai ;  but  we  must 
remember  that  Sinai  was  part  of  the  Egyptian  kingdom 
in  the  1st  dynasty,  and  contains  monuments  down  to 
the  XXth  dynasty.  It  would  be  quite  likely  that  such 
a  portion  of  the  Egyptian  kingdom  should  be  called 
"Egypt" — Mizraim  or  Mizri  ;  much  as  Bohemia  is 
Austria,  or  Brittany  is  France.  There  is  no  ground 
for  assigning  an  important  kingdom  with  conquering 
rulers  to  the  almost  uninhabitable  desert.  The  recent 
defence  of  the  view  of  an  independent  Musri  [Hibbert 
Journal^  April  1904)  does  not  contain  a  single  instance 
of  the  name  which  is  incompatible  with  the  frontier 
district  of  the  Egyptian  kingdom  in  Sinai.  The 
strongest  instance,  that  of  Tiglath  Pileser  III. 
appointing  a  resident  over  Musri,  comes  just  when 
the  XXI  Ind  dynasty  had  been  shattered  by  the 
Ethiopians,  and  amid  the  host  of  chiefs  who  shared 
the  provinces  of  Egypt,  one  or  two  on  the  eastern  side, 
in  Sinai  or  the  isthmus,  may  well  have  submitted  to 
their  eastern  neighbour.  The  phrase,  the  borders 
of  Musur  which  lies  beside  Melukhkha,"  is  quite 
natural ;  the  frontier  of  the  Egyptian  power  in  Sinai 


i.e.  715-707-] 


SHABAKA 


which  joined  on  to  Arabia  is  a  perfectly  sound  ex- 
pression. We  are  told  that  Egypt  is  Egypt  ...  as 
England  is  England " ;  but  this  declamation  ignores 
that  Egypt  included  Sinai,  and  "England"  usually 
includes  Wales,  and  often  Scotland  as  well. 

Facts  are  what  we  alone  consider  in  this  History, 
without  giving  weight  to  the  opinions  that  may  have 
been  based  on  those  facts.  But  if  any  may  hesitate  at 
setting  aside  the  bold  assertions  of  the  Jerahmeelite 
writers  of  the  Encyc.  Bihlica^  they  may  refer  in  that 
work  to  the  conjectural  emendations  on  Shishak,  where 
the  contemporary  records 
are  entirely  ignored,  and 
the  treatment  is  uncritical 
and  unhistorical. 

That  Shabaka  asserted 
his  authority  over  the  whole 
Delta  is  shown  by  the  Greek 
account  of  his  bringing  a 
large  army  and  overthrow- 
ing the  Delta  prince  Ba- 
kenranf,  who  had  arisen 
to  dispute  the  Ethiopian 
supremacy.  There  is  no 
evidence  that  the  posses- 
sion of  Egypt  by  Pankhy  I.      Fir;,  n  ;.  — >ha'i;.ika.    L.l).  300. 

had  ever  been  resigned,  or 

interrupted,  except  by  the7  semi-independent  Libyan 
princes  of  the  Western  Delta,  Tafnekht^and  Bakenranf  ; 
and  we  can  only  suppose  that  Shabaka  acted  as  enforc- 
ing the  old  rights  of  his  family.  His  power  was  so 
evident  that  Hoshea  in  725  B.C.  "had  sent  messengers 
to  Sua,  king  of  Egypt,  and  brought  no  present  to  the 
king  of  Assyria  as  year  by  year "  (2  Kings  xvii.  4). 
This  led  to  the  three  years'  siege  of  Samaria,  which  fell 
in  722  B.C.  Shabaka  must  have  been  acting  as  regent 
for  Kashta  or  Pankhy  ;  much  as  in  earlier  times  regents 
had  ruled  Ethiopia  for  the  Theban  kings. 

The  next  movement  of  Sargon  the  Assyrian  after  the 
capture  of  Samaria  was  to  push  onward  to  the  west  in 


284 


THE  ETHIOPIAN  DOMINION  [eth.  dom. 


720  B.C.,  and  attack  Hanun  of  Gaza  and  Sibe  the  Tartan 
of  Muzri.  Here  Shabaka  is  correctly  accounted  as 
commander-in-chief  in  Egypt,  but  not  king.  The 
result  was  the  capture  of  Gaza,  and  the  flight  of 
Hanun  and  Shabaka  to  Rapiku,  or  Raphia  on  the  road 
to  Egypt,  where  they  were  defeated.  Thus  Egypt  lost 
all  hold  in  Palestine.  The  question  of  whether  Sua  or 
Seva  of  2  Kings  is  the  Sibe  of  Sargon's  annals,  is  not 
doubted  on  any  side.  And  after  the  ineffectual  attempts 
to  prove  the  existence  of  two  different  Mizri  lands  side 
by  side,  we  must  agree  that  Sua  or  Sibe  named  as  king 
of  Mizraim,  or  more  accurately,  commander-in-chief  of 
Muzri,  is  exactly  in  the  position  of  Shabaka,  so  that 
we  cannot  reasonably  doubt  their  identity.  The  only 
serious  objection  is  that  though  the  Hebrew  Sua  or  the 
Assyrian  Sibe  are  easily  equivalent,  yet  Shabaka  has 
Sk  in  place  of  S  and  a  radical  ending  in  hi.  When 
we  look  at  the  origin  of  the  name  (according  to  Brugsch) 
this  difference  is  immaterial.  The  present  Nubian  for 
the  male  wild  cat  is  Sab,  and  ki  is  the  article  post-fixed. 
Hence  in  popular  talk  it  is  very  likely  that  the  king 
was  known  as  Sab  or  Shab,  just  as  the  hieroglyphic 
name  Pilak  lost  its  article  in  the  common  mouth  and 
became  Philae  (B.H.  ii.  274). 

After  this,  Shabaka  succeeded  to  the  Ethiopian 
throne,  and  died  after  eight  years'  reign,  according  to 
Africanus.  Of  this  period  we  have  no  historical  con- 
nection, and  Egypt  seems  to  have  abandoned  all  hopes 
in  Asia. 

The  most  northern  remains  of  Shabaka  are  a  clay 
impress  of  a  seal  found  at  Nineveh,  a  sistrum  handle 
from  Bubastis,  and  the  frieze  of  a  shrine  from  Athribis. 
On  both  of  these  latter  his  cartouche  is  side  by  side 
with  that  of  Ra-uah-ah,  which  has  been  accepted  as 
that  of  Psamtek  I.,  though  no  reason  can  be  given  for 
associating  the  name  of  a  dead  king  of  another  line 
with  that  of  a  new  ruler.  As  there  were  certainly  two 
kings  with  this  cartouche,  Psamtek  I.  and  Haa-ab'ra, 
it  is  not  surprising  if  an  ancestor  of  Psamtek  had  used 
it  also  before  them,  for  double  cartouches  were  taken 


B.C.  715-707-] 


SHABAKA 


by  this  family  even  further  back,  by  Tafnekht.  We 
should  therefore  take  these  as  contemporary  remains 
of  Shabaka  and  his  vassal  Uah'ab'ra,  a  descendant  of 
Tafnekht  who  ruled  over  the  Delta. 

At  Memphis  there  was  probably  serious  work  after 
the  siege  by  Pankhy.  The  recopying  of  a  long  mytho- 
logical text  shows  that  there  was  wealth  and  leisure 
for  religious  alfairs.  At  the  Serapeum  was  an  Apis 
burial  in  year  II.,  recorded  by  one  small  stele  roughly 
written  in  ink,  and  not  published  in  facsimile.  At 
Hammamat  is  a  quarry  record  by  a  chief  of  Kush  named 
Psenkhonsu,  dated  in  the  Xllth  year  ;  but  as  we  do 
not  know  how  early 
Shabaka  was  as- 
sociated as  viceroy 
in  Egypt,  this  date 
is  uncertain.  As 
Amenardus  is  named 
as  high  priestess,  it 
is  probably  as  late 
as  720-715  ;  and  as 
Kashta  is  not  named 
7?iaa'kheru  he  was 
probably  alive,  and 
so  this  is  not  within 
the  8  years  of  sole 
reign  of  Shabaka. 
If  he  were  co-regent  at  the  age  of  21  in  727,  his  Xllth 
year  would  be  in  716,  before  Kashta's  death,  and  when 
Amenardus  was  20. 

At  Karnak  this  Amen-worshipping  king  is  mainly 
known  by  his  work  on  the  temple  of  Ptah,  where 
Shabaka  built  a  court,  the  gate  of  which  is  inscribed  by 
him  (M.K.  plan  i.).  The  small  chapel  just  north  of 
this  temple,  built  in  this  reign  (M.K.  45  c,  d),  contained 
the  beautiful  alabaster  statue  of  Amenardus.  The  only 
dated  high  Nile  record  is  of  the  second  year.  At 
Luqsor,  Shabaka  added  some  figures  of  himself  and  the 
gods  on  the  doorway  of  the  pylon.  At  Medinet  Habu 
he  built  a  pylon  in  front  of  the  temple  of  Tahutmes  III. 


Fig.  116.— Scarab  of  Shabaka.    F.P.  Coll. 


286 


SHABAKA 


[B.C.  715-707-] 


to  which  the  side  walls  of  the  court  were  added  later 
(D.M.  H.  10).  The  minor  objects  are  not  of  importance. 
Many  large  coarse  pottery  beads  are  known  with  his 
name  ;  also  a  large  ram-headed  scarab  and  various 
other  scarabs  and  cartouches. 

Although  there  is  no  absolute  proof  that  Amenardus 
was  married  to  Shabaka,  yet  as  she  was  his  sister  (and 
sister  marriages  were  the  rule  in  this  dynasty)  and  as 
her  name  appears  side  by  side  with  his  (L.D.  v.  i  e  ; 
M.K.  45  c),  it  is  almost  certain  that  the  heir  of  the 
kingdom  secured  the  "great  heiress."  We  deal  more 
fully  with  her  below.  That  Shabatoka  was  a  son  of 
Shabaka  is  indicated  by  his  name,  the  syllable  to  or  ato 
meaning  "son,"  and  being  inserted  in  its  grammatical 
place  before  the  article  ka  or  ki.  He  cannot  have 
been  a  son  of  Amenardus,  by  his  age  in  the  family 
history.  Another  son  of  Shabaka  was  Tanutamen, 
whose  descent  is  stated  on  a  cylinder  of  Ashurbanipal  ; 
and  as  Tanutamen  was  son  of  Taharqa's  wife,  accord- 
mg  to  another  cylinder,  it  is  clear  that  Taharqa 
married  the  widow  of  Shabaka  ;  not,  however,  Sha- 
penapt  II.,  as  she  was  not  even  born  at  the  death  of 
Shabaka. 

A  stele  of  the  reign  records  a  priestess  Mentkhu- 
nefertu,  and  her  son  Ameny  (C.  Mus.). 


707-693  B.C. 


Shabataka 


Memphis      Green  basalt  statue 


(M.D.  29  e  ;  A.Z. 


Serapeum     End  of  cartouche  pahited 
Karnak        Temple  of  Osiris 

Chapel  S.E.  of  sacred  lake 


xxxvi,  15). 
(M.S.  p.  27). 


(Rec.  xxii.  125). 
(L.D.v.3,4;L.D.T. 


ii.  40  .  .). 


[B.C.  707-693.] 


SHABATAKA 


287 


Karnak        Quay,  No.  33,  yr.  III.  (A.Z.    xxxiv.  115; 

xl.  124). 

Portrait  (L.D.  iii.  301). 

Bronze  shrine  B.  Mus.,  No.  26  a  (W.G.  585). 

Limestone  bowl,  fragment  F.  P.  Coll. 
Glass  heart,  pottery  bead  F.P.  Coll. 
Plaques  with  feathers,  scarabs. 

Confusion  has  been  brought  into  the  study  of  this 
age  by  a  forged  stele  at  Turin  ;  the  relation  between 
the  personages  shown  there  has  no  foundation.  The 
only  facts  known  about 
Shabataka  are  that  he 
reigned  12  years,  and 
that  the  family  history 
shows  that  he  must  have 
acceded  to  the  throne  at 
about  20,  and  died  at 
rather  over  30.  Not  a 
single  fact  of  his  history 
is  recorded.  It  seems 
not  improbable  that  he 
was  only  the  viceroy 
of  Lower  and  Middle 
Egypt,  which  he  may 
have  ruled  while  his  aunt 
Amenardus  held  Thebes, 
and  his  uncle  Pankhy  II. 
reigned  at  Napata. 

The  statue  found  at 
Memphis  has  a  resem- 
blance to  some  of  the  statues  of  Khafra  :  this  suggests 
that  it  is  one  of  the  statues  of  Khafra  reworked  on  the 
sides  of  the  throne,  though  the  opposite  conclusion  has 
been  drawn,  that  such  statues  of  Khafra  are  all  of  late 
date.  At  the  Serapeum,  in  the  Apis  chamber  of  Shabaka, 
there  remained  the  end  of  a  cartouche  ....  kau,  prob- 
ably of  this  reign. 

At  Karnak  the  facade  of  the  temple  of  Osiris  was 
carved  by  Shabatoka  with  the  usual  scene  of  Amen 
giving  a  sword  to  the  king  (Rec.  xxii.  125).    A  small 


Fig.  117. — Shabataka.    L.D.  iii.  300. 


288 


SHABATAKA 


[B.C.  707-693.] 


sing-le-chamber  chapel  existed  at  nearly  200  ft.  south 
of  the  east  side  of  the  sacred  lake  ;  part  of  it  is  now  in 
Berlin.  It  seems  to  have  been  rebuilt  upon  the  remains 
of  a  chapel  of  Ramessu  III.,  and  contained  most  that 
is  known  of  the  work  of  this  reign.  The  quay  inscrip- 
tion, No.  33,  records  a  high  Nile  of  20  cubits  2  palms, 
on  the  coronation  day  in  the  Ilird  year  ;  this  is  dated 
to  Pakhons  5  ;  and  in  704  B.C.  this  fell  on  October  17 
(A.Z.  xl.  125).  This  is  a  very  possible  date,  as  the 
maxima  of  1859  and  1862  were  even  later. 

Of  small  objects  the  small  bronze  shrine  with  figure 
of  Amen  is  the  best  (B.  Mus.),  and  there  are  several 
plaques,  scarabs,  and  beads  with  this  name. 


MUT'KHA'NEFERU 


AmEN'ARDUS 


^1 11  m  1 1 1 1^ 

AAAAAA 

Memphis 

Hammamat 

Karnak 


Bronze  plaques  (A.S.  iii.  142). 

Inscription  (L.D.  v.  i  e). 

Chapel  b,  N.  of  temple  of  Ptah  (M.K.  45  c,  d). 


Alabaster  statue,  chapel  b 

smaller 
Piece  of  alabaster  vase 

A.  Mus.  35 
Temple  of  Osiris 


Medinet  Habu  Chapel 


Thebes 
Aswan 


Cone  of  official 
Rock  inscription 


Statue,  grey  granite        B.  Mus.  36440. 
Altar  of  offering-  C.  Mus. 

Bronze  door  pivot  B.  Mus.  36301. 

Serpentine  vase  B.  Mus.  4701. 

Stone  fragment  Berl.  Mus.  2107. 

Ushabtis,  brown  serpentine 

F.P.  Coll.;  P.  Mus. 


(M.K.  45e;M.A.B. 
35)- 

(Allemant  Cat.  176). 
(W.  G.  589). 

(Rec.  xxii.  126,  127  ; 

xxiv.  209,  210). 
(Rec.      xxiii.      4  ; 

D.M.H.  29). 
(M.A.F.  viii.  297). 
(P.S.  ix.  263). 


(W.G.  589). 


(P.L.  223). 


[B.C.  72o-€7o?] 


AMENARDUS 


289 


Osiris,  granite 
Alabaster  vase 
Glazed  roll 
Scarabs,  many. 


Sabatier  Coll. 
B.  Mus.  24709. 
B.  Mus.  29212. 


(Rec.  xiv.  55). 


Arnenani  Coffins  B.  ]M us.  6688,  6689. 

Amenrua  (Same  as  previous  ?)  diorite    (G.F.  ii.  ix.). 

statue  P.  Mus.  A.  85 

Getn'ast'pen'hor  W\.2lV  Berl.  Mus.        (Berl.  Cat.  7497). 

Horua  Prince,  tomb,  Thebes 

,,  Pendant 
,,  ("iranite  fig"ure       C.  Mus. 

Three  statuettes  Karnak 
,,    .  Seated  fig-ure    B.  Mus.  32555. 

•  ,,  .  Dioritestatue   P.  Mus.  A.  84   (G.F.  ii.  x.  xi. ;  Rec. 

iii.  67). 

,,  Inscription       Aswan  (P.S.  ix.  263). 


(C.N.  i.  551). 
(W.G.  589). 

(Rec.  xxvii.  80). 


The  importance  of  this 
queen  leads  us  to  place  her 
monuments  together  as  a 
whole  ;  the  more  so  as  she 
always  appears  as  the  main 
personage  where  she  is 
named.  She  does  not  seem 
to  have  had  political  power, 
except  in  the  Theban  princi- 
pality of  the  priesthood  of 
Amen.  But  she  was  the 
great  heiress  of  the  legal 
rights  of  the  kingdom,  and 
descent  from  her  conferred 
the  highest  authority.  As 
she  is  usually  designated 
as  daughter  of  Kashta, 
it  is  clear  that  her  rights 
came  rather  through  her 
father's  dominion  over  Egypt 
than  from  her  mother,  who 
is  never  named.  As  a  mere 
appendage  to  her  power  ap- 
pears that  of  her  husband 
Pankhy  II. 

Ill — 19 


Fig.  118. — Alabaster  statue 
ofAmenardus.  Karnak. 


THE  ETHIOPIAN  DOMINION 


[eTH.  DOM. 


Snefer-ra 


Pankhy  (IL 


G 


1 


"id 


Abydos        Sandstone  jambs        C.  Mus. 
Thebes?      Bandage,  yr.  20 4  .r    B.  Mus. 
Meraueh       Granite  altar  of  Mut 
Scarab  with  Taharqa  Ward  Coll. 

Queens — 

Pekesather,  dau.  of  Kashta 
Amenardus, 

 RQA 

Son  (by  .  .  .  rqa),  Taharqa 

Daughter^  by  Amenardus,  Shepenapt  II. 


(Rec.  xxii.  142) 
(G.F.  viii.). 
(L.D.  V.  14  1). 
(S.B.A.  xxii., 
vii.). 


pi. 


(Rec.  xxii.  142). 
(G.E.    220  ;  G.F. 

viii,  b). 
(L.D.  V.  7  c). 
(A.Z.  XXXV.  28,  29  ; 

L.D.  V.  7  c). 
(G.E.    220  ;  Rec. 

xxiv.  212). 


That  Pankhy  was  the  brother  and  husband  of  Amen- 
ardus is  proved  by  the  position  of  Shepenapt,  who  was 
''born  of  the  sister  of  her  father"  (A.Z.  xxxv.  i6,  28). 
As  the  bandage  in  the  British  Museum  gives  over  20 
years,  perhaps  40,  for  the  reign  of  Snefer-ra  Pankhy,^ 
it  is  clear  that  it  cannot  refer  to  a  brief  rule  of  the  local 
king  of  Thebes  under  the  Assyrians,  No.  3  at  the 
beginning  of  this  chapter  ;  and  therefore  we  are  led  to 
connect  Snefer'ra  with  the  husband  of  Amenardus, 
It  is  uncertain  whether  he  was  restricted  to  a  Theban 
frontier  for  his  kingdom,  and  thus  regarded  as  the 
ruler  of  Thebes  under  the  Assyrians  :  as  also  whether 
it  is  he  who  had  the  Horus  name  Sehoteptaui  on  the 
altar  at  Barkal.  In  short,  in  our  previous  list  of 
Pankhy  kings,  Nos.  2,  3,  5,  6  may  be  all  one  per- 
sonage. That  Pankhy  continued  to  rule  along  with 
Taharqa  is  shown  by  the  scarab  on  which  the  one  is 
"son  of  the  sun"  and  the  other  "king  of  Upper  and 
Lower  Egypt." 


B.C.  702-670?] 


PANKHY  II 


291 


The  name  of  the  ruler  of  Nia,  Thebes,  in  the  annals 
of  the  first  expedition  of  Ashurbanipal,  668  B.C.,  is 
Manti'me'ankhe  or  Manti'pi-ankhi.  It  has  been  sup- 
posed to  be  Mentuemhat,  but  the  ending-  ankhi  cannot 
be  intended  for  hat ;  the  uncertain  middle  sig-n  is  there- 
fore probably  j2^z,  and  the  reading-  is  "  Mer  nuti  Piankhi." 
If  this  is  Pankhy  II.,  and  the  bandage  is  accepted  as 
reading  40  years  or  more,  it  would  imply  his  ruling 
at  708  B.C.  or  earlier.  This  would  not  be  at  all  im- 
possible for  his  Ethiopian 
rule.  Taharqa  appears  as 
general  in  Palestine  as  early 
as  701,  and  so  was  born  in  / 
or  before  722  B.C.  ;  so  his  i 
father  Pankhy  II.  must  have  ^ 
been  born  by  744.  Thus  he 
would  be  ruling  in  Ethiopia 

at  ^6  years  of  agfe,  and  still  ^     u         n  tt 

%  ^   °  r  Fig.  119.— Scarab  of  Pankhv  II. 

at  Thebes  at  76  years  of  age.        and  Taharqa.    Ward  Coll. 

These  dates  and  ages  do  not 

prove  that  the  vassal  of  Ashurbanipal  in  668  was 
Pankhy  II.,  but  that  there  is  no  impossibility  in  the 
identity.  The  only  sign  that  Pankhy  did  not  live  so 
long  is  that  the  temple  of  Osiris  neh'zetta  at  Karnak 
was  built  in  the  joint  reign  of  Taharqa  and  Shepenapt, 
whose  parents  were  Pankhy  maa-kheru  and  Amenardus. 
Though  maa-kheru  is  often  applied  to  a  living  person, 
yet  if  it  were  so  here  it  would  probably  also  be  applied 
to  the  other  rulers  named.  On  the  whole,  therefore,  it 
seems  more  likely  that  the  Piankhy  of  the  Assyrians  in 
668  B.C.  is  not  the  same  as  Pankhy  II.  husband  of 
Amenardus.  That  Taharqa  was  his  son  is  proved  by 
Shepenapt  the  daughter  of  Pankhy  being  the  sister  of 
Taharqa. 


292  THE  ETHIOPIAN  DOMINION  [eth.  dom. 


Men'kheper-ra  i""^ 


V  (erased)        (  Q^M 


Kaniak,  piece  of  alabaster  \  ase  (M.K.  4:;  d). 

Stele  P.  Mils.  C.  100    (Pr.  M.  4  ;  A.  Z. 

xvii.  53). 

vScaratis,  common. 

DauirJifei- — Mutardus,  on  stele  above. 

,,  Carnelian  Horus  E.  Mus.  (G.E.  309). 

This  king"  was  formerly  supposed  to  have  the  per- 
sonal name  Pankhy,  and  to  be  identical  with  the 
husband  of  Amenardus.  But,  on  the  one 
hand,  a  king"  Sneferra  Pankhy  reigned  over 
20  years  at  Thebes,  who  can  hardly  be  other 
tlian  the  husband  of  Amenardus  ;  and,  on  the 
other  hand,  the  erased  cartouche  of  Men- 
kheperra  cannot  be  read  as  Pankhy.  The 
traces  under  the  erasure  were  read  by  Prisse 
'   Kh^'^^  beginning  with  a  disc  sign,  ra  or  kh  ;  and 

"  F.p"^CoU.  t^'^'^s  excludes  both  Set  and  p,  p,  which  have 
f      ;  been  otherwise  proposed.    Lastly,  Maspero 

on  examining  the  stone  proposes  Ra'men-y  as  the 
erased  name,  assisted  by  the  scarabs  bearing  Ra'men- 
kheper  Ra*men*y,  which  he  supposes  to  be  the  same 
king.  That  the  stele  is  of  the  Ethiopian  period  is 
obvious,  from  the  style,  and  from  the  name  Mutardus. 

The  difficulty  remains  that  there  is  no  room  for  such 
a  king  among  the  chief  rulers  of  this  age  ;  nor,  indeed, 
did  he  assume  the  double  uraei  of  the  royal  Ethiopians. 
As,  however,  the  vassal  kings  took  double  cartouches, 
there  would  be  no  reason  against  his  being  the  ruler 
of  a  division  of  the  country.  He  worships  Mut,  and 
his  daughter  is  priestess  of  Mut  and  Hathor ;  these 
facts  point  to  Upper  Egypt,  and  the  piece  of  his 
vase  being  dedicated  at  Karnak  agrees  to  this.  The 
southern  principalities  next  to  Thebes  are  Hermopolis 


B.C.  700?] 


MEX-KHEPER-RA 


293 


and  Abydos.  A  difficulty  is  the  supposition  of  a  per- 
sonal name  beginning  with  Ra,  as  Ra'meny.  But  is 
this  Ra?  It  is  only  a  disc,  and  the  name  might  read 
Khmeny.  Now,  Hermopolis  was  called  Khimuni  at 
that  time,  as  we  see  in  the  list  of  Ashurbanipal  :  and 
so  Khmenv  would  mean  an  inhabitant  of  Khmen  or 


Fig.  121. — Men'kheper'ra  and  princess.    P.  Mus.    Fr.  M.  4. 


Hermopolis.  If  this  king  was  called  "the  Hermo- 
polite,"  it  would  not  be  surprising,  and  it  would  be  far 
more  likely  than  his  having  a  personal  name  beginning 
with  Ra. 

The  stele  bears  a  poetical  description  of  his  daughter — 

A  sweet  of  love,  the  prophetess  of  Hathor,  Mutardus  ; 
A  sweet  of  love  unto  the  king-,  Menkheperra  ; 


294 


THE  ETHIOPIAN  DOMINION 


[eTH.  DOM.l 


A  sweet  of  love  unto  all  men, 
A  lovely  one  to  all  women, 

Is  this  royal  daughter. 
A  sweet  of  love,  the  beautiful  of  women  ; 
A  damsel  of  whom  thou  hast  not  seen  the  like  ; 
Black  is  her  hair  more  than  the  blackness  of  night, 

More  than  the  fruit  of  the  sloe  ; 
Red  is  her  cheek  more  than  the  pebble  of  jasper. 

More  than  the  crushing  of  henna  ; 
Her  bosom  is  more  captivating  than  her  arms, 


Here  the  stele  is  broken,  and  the  glow  of  the  court 
poet's  imagination  is  left  to  our  fancy.  Of  this  paragon 
of  princesses  we  know  nothing  more. 


Nefer-atmu-khu-ra 


r 


0  V=°^ 


Taharqa 


Palmyra 
Tanis 


Memphis 
Serapeum 


Ham  mamat 
Karnak 


13 1: 


I- 

693- 
667 


Clay  impress  of  seal  B.  Mus.  (T.S.B.A.  vii.  208). 
Granite  stele  (P.T.    ii.    29,    ix.  ; 

A.Z.  xxxviii.  51). 
On  statue  of  Usertesen  III.     (B.X.  xl.). 
Granite  weight    C.  Mus.        (Ms.  Q.G.  327). 
Yr.  X.,  Apis  I. A,  ink  stele,    (P.L.  S.  h.  303). 

Hotep'her'amen 
Yr.  XXIV.,  Apis  II.,  Senbf     (M.S.  35  ;  Rec.  xxii. 

18). 

Cartouche  (G.H.  iv.  2). 

Columns  in  forecourt  (L.D.T.iii.  10 ;  C.N. 

ii.  7—). 

List  of  captured  cities,  forecourt. 
Near  E.  gate,  5  bases  (C.N.  ii.  261). 

Chapel  of  Osiris,  neb  anhh  (Rec.  xxiv.  209-10). 
Buildings,  of  temple  of  Amen  (M.K.  ii.;    Pr.  M. 

31-4)- 

Temple  of  Osiris  Ptah,  S.E.     (M.D.  79-87). 

of  pylon  X. 
Temple  of  Ptah,  2nd  court    (M.K.  p.  10). 

and  door 

On  door  of  2nd  chapel,  by    (M.K,  p.  10). 

Mentu 

On  entrance  pylon,  great  hall  (M.K.  p.  22). 


[B.C.  701-667.] 


TAHAROA 


29s 


Karnak 


Medinet  Habu 


Deir  el  Bahri 
Thebes 
I  brim 
Barkai 


Quay,  Nos.  34-7 
Base  of  statuette,  list  of  cities 
Temple  of  Mut,  jNIentu  emhat 
Lintel,  back  of  Shabaka's 
pylon 

Stele  of  restorations,  vr.  III. 

C.'Mus. 

Restorations 

Cone  of  Rames 

Re-used  block 

Pedestal  in  the  great  temple 

Smaller  temple  B 


(A.Z.  xxxiv.  1 15). 
(M.K.  45  a). 
(M.K.  42-4). 
(L.D.T.  iii.  153). 

(AS.  iv.  180). 

(E.  Ob.  237). 
(M.  A.F.  viii.  273,  2). 
(My.  E.  540). 
(L.D.       V.       13  ; 

C.M.F.B.  Ixii.). 
(L.D.     V.     5-12  ; 

C.M.F.B.  Iviii. 

Ixvii.-viii. ). 


Head  of  statue  bought  at  Luqsor  C.  Mus. 

,,  ,,      red  granite  C.  Mus. 

Statuette,  bronze  Mac.  Coll. 

Portraits 

Sphinx,  bronze  P.  Mus. 

Two  bronze  plates  B,  Mus.  5310-11 

Hieratic  fragment  C.  Mus.  6337. 

Papyri,  demotic,  vrs.  HL-XV'L 

C.Mus.;  P.  Mus. 

Scarabs,  rather  rare. 


(A.Z.  xxxiii.,  vii.). 
(Ms.  Q.G.  183). 
(A.Z.  xxxiii,  1 14). 
(A.Z.    xxxiii.,  pis. 

vi.  vii.). 
(P.L.  S.  h.  266). 
(T.S.B.A.  vii.  203). 

(R.O.T.D.  230-55; 
D.M.E.  xi.  10). 


Quee7i  a 7id  sister — 

Amendukeiiat,  Duk-hat-amen 

Shepenapt  n. 
Daughter — Amenardus  H. 


(L.D.  V.  5). 
(A.Z.  XXXV.  I' 

( 


28). 
). 


Mentuemhat 

governor  of  Thebes 


Xesishutefnut 
Peduamenapt 


Thes'ra'perau 


Tomb  (INLA.F.  v.  613-23). 

Karnak,  statue  (Rec.  xxvii.  80). 

Cones  (]\LA.F.   viii.  290- 

gi). 

3  statues    B.  Mus.        (B.G.AL  350,  357). 
L'shabtis    Benson  and  Gourlay  Colls. 
Inscrip.  of  restorations  (]\LK.  42-4  ;  Mel.  i. 

]8). 

(Rec.  xxvii.  80). 
(D.G.P.  ;  L.D.  iii. 
282f-h;  A.Z.  xxi., 
pis.  i,  ii.). 
(L.D.  iii.  282  b,  c). 
(Rec.  xxvii.  80). 
(W.G.  597). 


Karnak,  statue 
Assasif  tomb 


Med.  Habu  door 
Karnak,  statue 
Nurse   of  daughter, 
coffins       F.  Mus. 


296 


THE  ETHIOPIAN  DOMINION  [eth.  dom. 


From  the  statement  in  the  stele  of  Psamtek  I.  (A.Z. 
XXXV.  16)  that  Shepenapt  II.  was  the  sister  of  Taharqa 
(1.  3),  while  we  know  that  she  was  the  daughter  of 
Pankhy  II.  (G.E.  220),  it  follows  that  Taharqa  was  a 
son  of  Pankhy  II.  His  mother's  name  is  partly  lost, 
it  ended  in  ...  .  rqa  (L.D.  v.  7  c).  His  account  of  his 
rise  is  on  the  stele  of  Tanis  ;  he  states  that  he  had  the 
crops  from  estates  given  by  his  father,  and  was  loved 
by  him  more  than  the  other  royal  children.  After  that 
Amen  placed  all  lands  under  his  feet.  There  lived  in 
Napata  the  sister  of  Pankhy,  sweet  of  love,  royal 
mother,  from  whom  Taharqa  had  parted  when  a  youth 
of  twenty  years,  when  he  went  down  to  the  north. 
She  then  went  down  the  river,  and  found  her  son 
crowned  ;  she  rejoiced  exceedingly,  and  all  lands  bowed 
to  this  royal  mother.  The  stele  thus  commemorates 
the  visit  of  the  royal  mother  to  Tanis  :  and  the  valuable 
item  to  us  is  that  Taharqa  was  sent  from  Napata  to 
Egypt  when  he  was  twenty,  and  some  time  after  that 
he  came  to  the  throne.  We  know  that  he  reigned  at 
least  26  years  (Rec.  xxii.  19),  and  died  in  667  B.C. 
(S.E.C.  202;  K.P.  i.  64);  so  his  years  of  rule  began 
in  693  B.C. 

Now,  in  701  B.C.,  the  year  of  Sennacherib's  Judaean 
campaign,  Taharqa  is  named  as  being  king  of  Ethiopia 
(2  Kings  xix.  9),  and  being  ready  to  fight  in  Palestine. 
This  is  quite  consistent  with  the  previous  case  of 
Shabaka  acting  as  king  before  his  sole  reign,  and 
there  is  no  need  whatever  to  resort  to  a  theory  of  two 
campaigns.  The  Ethiopian  rulers,  even  if  they  com- 
bined the  government  of  Napata  and  Thebes,  were 
ready  enough  to  make  their  sons  viceroys  to  manage 
the  affairs  of  the  distant  north.  This  viceroyalty  in 
701  shows  that  Taharqa  was  probably  at  least  21  ;  and 
he  could  not  be  much  older,  considering  the  general 
ages  of  the  family.  This  would  accord  with  his 
statement  that  he  was  sent  north  at  the  age  of  20. 
It  was  not  till  the  death  of  Shabatoka  in  693  that 
Taharqa  became  sole  king,  at  about  the  age  of  29.  A 
late  Greek  statement,  which  may  have  some  w^eight, 


B.C.  731-667.] 


TAHAROA 


297 


makes  Taharqa  the  conqueror  of  Shabatoka  (U.M. 
251)  ;  and  as  he  had  control  of  the  Delta  troops,  and 
was  a  vigorous  man,  he  may  well  have  upset  his 
cousin,  who  has  left  no  trace  of  action.  He  secured 
twenty  years  of  peaceful  possession  of  Egypt  and 
Ethiopia,  and  became  a  great  builder  at  Napata,  where 
he  founded  a  new  temple  only  second  to  the  great 
temple. 

Of  the  extent  of  Taharqa's  power  in  Palestine  we 
cannot  judge.  On  his  list  of  conquered  towns,  found 
in  the  great  court  of  Karnak,  he  claims  much  of  Pales- 
tine ;  but  this  list  is  a  mere  copy  of  that  of  Sety.  Again, 
on  his  statuette  is  a  long  list  of  captured  cities  (M.K. 
45  a)  ;  but  this  is  only  a  copy — with  a  few  blunders — of 
the  list  on  the  colossus  of  Ramessu  II.  (M.K.  38  f),  and 
Taharqa  was  as  much  ruler  of  Qedesh  and  Naharaina 
as  George  II.  was  king  of  France,  though  officially  so 
called.  Also  when  Esarhaddon  moved  against  Syria  in 
673  B.C.,  and  struck  at  Baal,  king  of  Tyre,  he  only 
accused  him  of  submitting  to  Taharqa.  And  he  cleared 
the  coast  from  Aphek  near  Jaffa  down  to  Raphia  beyond 
Gaza  (S.E.C.  142)  without  apparently  meeting  any 
Egyptian  army.  It  does  not  seem,  then,  that  Taharqa 
had  more  than  a  sphere  of  influence  in  Palestine,  with- 
out actual  military  occupation. 

Troubles  in  Assyria  detained  Esarhaddon  from  further 
action  till  670  B.C.  Then  after  clearing  the  desert, 
during  the  spring  months,  of  disaffected  tribes,  who 
might  have  cut  off  his  retreat,  he  struck  for  the  Wady 
Tumilat,  and  in  less  than  three  weeks  Memphis  was 
taken,  about  midsummer.  Taharqa  fled  to  Ethiopia, 
and  the  queen  and  harun,  the  crown  prince  Ushanahoru, 
and  other  royal  children  were  captured  by  the  Assyrians 
(Ms.  P.  E.  373).  Esarhaddon  took  all  he  could,  and 
imposed  tribute  on  the  wealthy  Delta,  without  spending 
his  strength  on  a  long  pursuit  up  the  narrow  valley  of 
the  Nile:  calling  himself  king  of  Egypt,  he  boasted  on 
the  stele  of  Sinjirli  of  leading  captive  Taharqa  and  Baal 
of  Tyre. 

So  soon  as  the  Assyrians  had  retired,  Taharqa  re- 


298 


THE  ETHIOPIAN  DOMINION 


[eTH.  DOM. 


turned  with  a  fresh  army  to  claim  his  northern  frontier, 
669  B.C.,  and  captured  Memphis  (R.P.  i.  59).  But 
the  Delta  chiefs  preferred  a  distant  suzerainty  of 
Assyria  to  the  nearer  mastery  of  the  Ethiopian.  A 
fresh  expedition  was  needed,  and  Esarhaddon  set  out 


Fig.  122.— Mount  Baikal.    L.D.  i.  126. 


with  his  co-regent  son  Ashurbanipal,  668  B.C.  ;  he  died 
on  the  way,  and  the  son  continued  the  campaign  alone. 
The  Assyrians  went  on  to  Karbanit,  and  there  halted 
to  organise  the  army  ;  this  cannot  be  the  same  place 
as  Karbana  of  the  Harris  papyrus,  for  that  was  near 
Alexandria.  Taharqa  gathered  his  army  and  sent 
them  out,  only  to  be  wrecked 
by  the  Assyrians  as  before. 
On  hearing  of  the  defeat  he  fled 
from  Memphis  to  Thebes.  The 
Assyrian  followed  him  and  took 
Thebes,  and  Taharqa  disap- 
peared into  Ethiopia. 

The  country  was  divided 
among  twenty  petty  rulers, 
who  had  been  established  by  Esarhaddon  ;  these 
so  closely  parallel  the  chiefs  subject  to  Pankhy  I. 
that  it  seems  the  country  had  continued  to  be  divided 
in  the  same  way  throughout  the  couple  of  genera- 
tions of  the  Ethiopian  rule.  Their  names  are  given 
in  Assyrian  as  follow,  with  the  probable  forms  in 
Egyptian:  — 


Fig.   123. — Scarab-. 
Taharqa.  F.P.  Coll. 


B.C.  701-667.] 


TAHARQA 


299 


Niku  of  Mempi 

Sharuludari 

Pisankhuru 

Pakruru 

Bukkunanii'pi 

Xakhke 

Butubisti 

Unamunu 

Kharsiyeshu 

Buama 

Shushinqu 

Tapnakhti 

Bukkunanilpi 

Iptikhardisu 

Xakhtikhuruan 

Bukurninip 

Sikha 

Lamentu 

Ispimatu 

Mantipeankhe 


and  Sa'a 
of  Siinu 
Natkhu 
Pisaptu 
Khatkhiribi 
Khininsi 
Za'anu 
Xatkhu 
Zabnuti 
Pindidi 
Busiru 
Bunubu 
Akhni 
Pikhattikhu 
Pisapdia 
Pakhnuti 
Sia'utu 
Khimuni 
Tani 

XiA 


shini 


runp 


ki 


Nekau  of  Memphis 
Sharuludari  of 
Pasenhor 
Pakrer 
Bakennefi 

Pedubast 

Unamen 

Horsiast 

Pama 

Shesheiiq 

Tafnekht 

Bakennefi 

Auput  ? 

Xekhthornashenu 
Bakenranef 

Ar'mentu  ? 
? 

Mernuti  Piankhi 


and  Sais 

Pelusium 

Xeaut 

Pasopd 

Athribis 

Shensha 

Tanis 

Buto 

Sebennytos 
Mcndes 
Busiris 
Panub 
Ehnasya 
o 

Shbenti  ? 
p 

Siut 

HermopoHs 

Thinis 

Thebes 


Most  of  these  names  have  sufficiently  obvious  equi- 
valents, but  some  need  notice.  Sharuludari  was  an 
Assyrian  put  into  the  frontier  fortress  of  Sinu  ;  Heb. 
Sin,  Arab.  Tineh.  Natkhu  is  Natho,  Na-adhu^  ''the 
papyrus  lake,"  a  frequent  name  in  the  Delta  marshes  ; 
being-  next  to  Pelusium,  it  is  probably  Neout  of  Ptolemy 
in  Lake  Menzaleh,  north  of  Tanis.  Khininsi  is  not 
Ehnasya,  as  that  occurs  in  its  right  order  as  Akhni  ; 
but  it  may  be  Shensha,  S.E.  of  Samanud  (see  D.E.; 
Pshanasho  Coptic).  Natkhu,  the  second  of  the  name, 
is  probably  Buto  (B.G.  92).  Pindidi  is  Pa'ba'neb'dadu, 
Mendes.  Bunubu  or  Panub  seems  to  be  furthest  up 
the  Delta,  and  may  be  Benub,  north  of  Athribis. 
Pikhatti  is  the  "  nome  "  of  Khurunpiki,  perhaps  Hor* 
en-pa'kha;  Horus  of  Kha  is  known,  and  by  the  position 
it  might  be  Hierakonpolis  of  the  XVIth  nome.  Pisapdia 
is  otherwise  read  as  Eshabdinuti,  possibly  Shbenti, 
Coptic,  in  mid.  Egypt  (A.G.  425),  which  may  be 
Eshment,  10  miles  N.W.  of  Eshmuneyn.  We  shall 
return  to  some  of  these  princes  when  considering  the 
rise  of  the  Libyan  power.  It  is  doubtless  one  of  these 
princes  who  took  the  name  Nefer-nub-ra,  which  appears 
on  some  well-made  scarabs. 


300 


THE  ETHIOPIAN  DOMINION 


tETH.  DOM. 


While  Ashurbanipal  was  up  the  Nile,  there  seems 
to  have  been  a  ferment  in  the  north,  with  a  view  to 
cutting  off  his  retreat.  This  is  put  after  the  campaign 
in  the  annals  ;  but  what  are  con- 
sidered the  more  contemporary  ac- 
counts place  this  movement  during 
the  campaign  (Ms.  P.E.  385).  Sais, 
Mendes,  Tanis,  and  other  cities  con- 
spired (R.P.  i.  63),  but  were  crushed. 
Nekau  and  Sharuludari  were  taken 
to  Nineveh  ;  but  the  former  cannot 
have  been  deeply 
involved,  and 
Memphis,  his 

capital,  seems  to 
Fig.  124.  — Scarab  of  r  --i 

Nefer-nub-ra.  F.P.  f?^^^  ta.lin- 
CoU.  ful  ;     so,  after 

being  impressed 
with  the  power  of  Nineveh,  he  was 
sent  back  as  satrap  to  rule  the 
Delta,  Athribis  being  put  in  his 
power.  Tirhaka  did  not  survive 
this  reverse,  but  died  at  Napata, 
and  was  succeeded  by  Tanutamen, 
the  son  of  Shabaka. 

The  monuments  of  Taharqa  are 
numerous.  The  impress  of  his  seal, 
found  at  Palmyra,  probably  came 
from  some  letter  sent  to  Assyria. 
At  Tanis  is  the  stele  of  his  mother's 
visit,  and  his  name  is  added  in  the 
XXth  year  on  the  back  of  a  statue 
of  Usertesen  III.  At  the  Serapeum 
were  two  Apis  burials  in  this  reign, 
one  in  year  X.,  of  which  there  is  only  an  ink-written 
stele  by  a  man  Hotep "her -amen  ;  the  other  the  burial  ot 
year  XXIV.,  of  which  there  is  a  dated  stele  by  Senbf, 
and  other  steles  undated. 

Most  of  his  monuments  are  at  Karnak.  There  the 
king  seems  to  have  built,  or  begun,  a  colonnade  of 


Fig.  125.  — Column  of 
Taharqa.  Karnak. 


!.C.  701-667.] 


TAHARQA 


301 


approach  in  the  forecourt,  like  the  colonnade  of  Amen- 
hotep  III.  at  Luqsor.  Of  this  only  one  column  remains 
complete,  the  well-known  single  column  of  the  great 
court.  A  list  of  captured  towns  lately  found  near  it 
belongs  to  a  pylon  of  his  ;  but  as  the  names  are  copied 
from  earlier  lists,  it  is  worthless  historically.  Near  the 
east  gate  are  said  to  be  five  bases  of  columns.  The 
chapel  of  Osiris,  lord  of  life,  consists  of  two  little 
chambers,  about  6  feet  square,  at  200  feet  north  of  the 
hypostyle  hall.  The  walls  show  Taharqa  and  Shepen- 
apt,  excepting  over  one  door,  where  an  older  stone  of 
Pinezem  I.  was  used.  A  larger  building  was  placed 
against  the  south  wall  of  the  temple  of  Amen,  near  the 
sacred  lake.    In  this  are  interesting  scenes  of  a  sed 


Fig.  126.— Taharqa  and  queen  in  festival.    Karnak.   Pr.  M.  33. 


festival,  apparently  on  the  coronation  of  Taharqa. 
The  procession  of  standards  is  shown,  as  in  all  the 
scd  festivals  ;  the  four  gods  of  the  four  quarters,  Dedun 
of  the  S.,  Sopd  of  the  E.,  Sebek  of  the  W.,  and  Horus 
of  the  N.  and  S.  of  Egypt,  are  borne  aloft  by  the  priest 
and  priestess  of  each  god.  This  shows  how  southern 
was  the  centre  of  thought,  when  the  whole  of  Egypt 
is  reckoned  as  the  north.  Taharqa  appears  as  the 
hereditary  chief  of  the  kingdom,  "the  great  one, 
sheykh  of  the  south  ;  the  great  one,  sheykh  of  the 
north."  The  use  of  ur  met  res  here  clears  up  the 
minor  title  in  the  Xllth  dynasty,  tir  vietic  res',  no 
word  covers  such  a  varying  amount  of  authority  as 
the  Arab  word  "sheykh."     Then  Taharqa  is  shown 


302 


THE  ETHIOPIAN  DOMINION  [eth.  dom. 


casting-  quoits  at  the  four  quarters  of  the  world,  while 
the  divine  wife  shoots  arrows  at  targets  representing 
the  four  divisions.  Whether  this  divine  wife  (of  Amen, 
as  it  is  at  Thebes)  was  the  queen-mother  or  a  wife  of 
Taharqa  is  not  stated  (Mel.  i.  14). 

The  small  chapel  of  Osiris-Ptah  must  belong  to  the 
end  of  the  reign,  as  only  a  small  part  is  of  Taharqa, 
and  most  of  it  belongs  to  Tanutamen.  In  the  temple  of 
Ptah  a  front  court  and  doorway  was  added  by  Taharqa. 
A  few  inscriptions  were  added  on  other  monuments. 


Fig.  127.— Napata,  Temple  B.    C.M.F.B.  Ixvii. 


The  quay  of  Karnak  bears  high  Nile  inscriptions  of  the 
years  VI.,  VII.,  and  IX. 

At  Medinet  Habu  he  inscribed  the  lintel  on  the  back 
of  the  pylon  of  Shabaka,  and  the  restorations  that  he 
made  were  described  on  a  small  stele  of  year  III. 

The  largest  work  of  his  reign  was  the  second  temple 
at  Napata,  Mt.  Barkal,  where  he  excavated  a  sanctuary 
in  the  rock  of  the  precipitous  mountain,  and  built  a 
temple  in  front  of  it.  This  is  marked  as  temple  B  on 
the  plan  of  Lepsius,  and  nearly  all  the  scenes  published 


B.C.  701-667.]  TAHARQA  303 

are  from  it  (L.D.  v.  5  to  12) ;  but  the  scenes  are  not  of 


Fig.  128.— Napata,  Temple  B.    C.M.F.B.  Ixxiv. 


historical  importance.    He  added  also  a  pedestal  for  a 
monolith  shrine  in  the  great 
temple. 

There  is  an  excellent  head 
of  a  statue  in  black  granite, 
the  attribution  of  which  is 
fixed  by  the  inscription  on  the 
back.  And  with  this  agree 
the  other  portraits  of  the  king. 
The  bronze  statuette  of  the 
king  kneeling  is  another  im- 
portant piece.  A  plaque  of 
this  king  shows  the  sacred 
ram  of  Napata  reposing  under 
a  tree,  as  at  the  left  of  the 
scene  at  Napata  (L.D.  v.  9). 

Two  queens  are  recorded : 
one  only  at  Napata,  who  is  the  So 
great  heiress,  the  mistress  of  Museum. 


304 


THE  ETHIOPIAN  DOMINION  [eth.  uom. 


all  women^  royal  sister  and  wife,  Duk-hat-amen  ;  the 
other  is  Shepenapt,  the  daughter  of  Amenardus,  who 
only  appears  at  Thebes.  Doubtless  each  was  hereditary 
high  priestess  and  ruler  in  her  own  capital.  A  bust 
of  a  queen  or  daughter  of  Taharqa  is  at  Sydney. 

The  great  official  of  this  reign  is  Mentuemhat.  He 
was  governor  of  Thebes,  4th  prophet  of  Amen,  heredi- 
tary chief,  royal  sealer,  chiefly  companion,  scribe  of 


Fig.  t 30. —Shepenapt?,  granite  statue.    Sydney  Museum. 

the  temple  of  Amen,  interpreter  of  the  prophets  in  the 
temples,  as  shown  by  the  cones  from  his  tomb  (M.A.F. 
viii.  290-1)  ;  also  ruler  of  all  the  royal  domains,  great 
chief  of  the  land  to  its  limits,  eyes  of  the  king  in  all  the 
land,  as  stated  in  his  tomb.  His  statues  also  give 
the  titles,  prince  of  the  deserts,  and  keeper  of  the  gate 
of  the  deserts.  His  parents  were  the  governor  of 
Thebes,  Nesiptah  (M.K.  44,  1.  35),  and  Asten'khebt 


B.C.  701-667.] 


TAHAROA 


305 


(cone  201) ;  he  had  four  wives,  Nesikhonsu  (son 
Nesptah)  (cones  174-6,  209),  Uzaranset  (son  Pa'khred' 
en'mut)  (cones  193,  202),  Shepenmut  (cone  203),  Asten- 
khebt  (cone  210).  Three  statues  of  his  are  known,  one 
in  Brit.  Mus.  and  two  found  in  the  temple  of  Mut, 
also  ushabtis.  His  tomb  at  Assassif  is  a  single  rock 
chamber,  8  cubits  long,  5  wide,  and  5  high,  covered 
with  a  close  copy  of  the  scenes  and  titles  in  the  Mem- 
phite  tombs  of  the  Vth-VIth  dynasties  ;  a  fragment  of 


Fig.  131. — Mentuemhat,  granite  statue.    Cairo  Museum. 

it  is  at  Florence  (S.  Cat.  F.  1590).  The  most  important 
inscription  of  this  governor  is  on  a  little  chamber  on 
the  south  side  of  the  temple  of  Mut  at  Karnak.  There 
he  records  what  he  had  done  for  the  monuments  of 
Thebes  after  the  Assyrian  sack  of  the  second  invasion 
of  Egypt,  from  which  Taharqa  had  fled  only  to  die 
at  Napata.  Mentuemhat  states  that  all  the  country 
was  turned  upside  down  by  the  invasion  ;  but  that  he 
had  purified  anew  all  the  temples  of  Upper  Egypt, 
set  up  the  cedar  doors,  rebuilt  the  protecting  walls, 
and  renewed  all  the  portable  shrines  and  temple  furni- 
III — 20 


3o6 


THE  ETHIOPIAN  DOMINION         [eth.  d<.m.] 


ture  with  gold  and  inlaid  stones.  The  Assyrian  had 
doubtless  cleared  off  everything  that  would  serve  to 
honour  Ashur  and  Nebo,  and  burnt  the  residue  with 
fire.  Not  since  the  days  of  the  Hyksos  had  there  been 
such  a  terrible  clearance  by  unbelievers,  and  the 
renewals  on  even  a  poor  scale  must  have  been  an 
immense  work. 


Ba-ka-ra  (^O^^UJI 
Tanutamen  [    (  ^       1  j 


667- 


664  B.C. 


Annals  of  Ashurbanipal  (R.P.  i.  64). 


Karnak  Temple  of  Osiris-Ptah       (M.D.  79-87). 

Luqsor  Visit  of  Pedukhonsusenb,  (C.ISI.  349). 

vr.  III.    Berl.  Mus.  2096 
Barkal  Dream  stele       C.  Mus.    (M.D.  7,8;  R.P.  iv.  81). 

Oiiecns — 

Qelhatat  (M.D.  7,  8). 

Gerarheni  (  ). 

The  birth  of  Tanutamen  is  closely  fixed  by  his  being 
a  son  of  Shabaka,  born  therefore  before  707  ;  and  yet 
son  of  Taharqa's  wife,  probably  a  daughter  of  Pankhy, 
and  so  not  born  more  than  a  year  or  two  before 
Shabaka's  death. 

The  history  of  this  reign  is  best  stated  by  Ashur- 
banipal (668  B.C.) :  "  Tirhaka  fled  to  Ethiopia  ;  the  might 
of  the  soldiers  of  Ashur,  my  lord,  overwhelmed  him, 
and  he  went  to  his  place  of  night  (667  B.C.).  After- 
wards Tandamanu,  son  of  his  sister,  sat  on  his  royal 
throne.  Thebes  he  made  his  fortified  city,  and  he 
gathered  his  forces  to  fight  my  army  of  Assyria,  which 
was  gathered  in  the  midst  of  Memphis  .  .  .,  and 
besieged  and  took  the  whole  of  them,  .  .  .  came  and 


[B.C.  667-664.] 


TAXUTAMEX 


307 


told  me  (666  B.C.).  In  my  second  expedition  to  Eg-ypt 
and  Ethiopia  I  directed  my  march.  Tandamanu  heard 
of  the  progress  of  my  expedition,  and  that  I  had 
crossed  over  the  borders  of  Egypt.  He  abandoned 
Memphis,  and  to  save  his  life  he  fled  to  Thebes.  The 
kings,  prefects,  and  governors,  whom  I  had  set  up  in 
Egypt,  came  to  my  presence  and  kissed  my  feet.  I 
took  the  road  after  Tandamanu  ;  I  went  to  Thebes, 
the  strong  city  ;  he  saw  the  approach  of  my  mighty 
army,  and  he  abandoned  Thebes  and  fled  to  Kipkip. 
My  bands  took  the  whole  of  Thebes,  in  the  service  of 
Ashur  and  Ishtar  ;  silver,  gold,  precious  stones,  the 
furniture  of  his  palace,  all  that  there  was  ;  costly  and 
beautiful  garments,  great  horses,  men  and  women, 
two  lofty  obelisks  covered  with  beautiful  carving,  .  .  . 
hundred  talents  in  weight,  which  were  set  up  before 
the  gate  of  a  temple,  I  removed  and  brought  to  Assyria. 
I  carried  off"  spoils  unnumbered"  (R.P.  i.  64-5).  The 
dates  are  given  by  the  Eponym  Canon. 

In  the  Dream  stele,  Tanutamen  implies  he  was  in 
Egypt  at  his  accession,  and  relates  how  he  went  down 
(in  667  B.C.)  to  the  Mediterranean  (1.  2),  and  then  went 
up  to  Ethiopia  (1.  3).  He  was  evidently  uncertain 
whether  he  would  be  accepted  after  the  death  of 
Taharqa  ;  and  he  dreamed  that  two  serpents  were  one 
on  his  right  and  the  other  on  his  left  hand.  This  was 
interpreted  (1.  5)  that  he  would  rule  over  both  south 
and  north  ;  and  when  he  returned  to  Ethiopia  he  found 
it  fulfilled,  as  a  million  and  a  thousand  men  followed 
him.  He  then  made  a  coronation  festival  in  Napata, 
and  was  accepted  by  the  god.  Then  (1.  14)  he  sailed 
back  to  Egypt,  to  repair  the  temples,  re-establish  the 
statues,  make  off"erings,  and  reconstitute  the  priesthood 
and  worship,  after  the  Assyrian  sack.  On  reaching 
Memphis  he  was  opposed  ;  but  slew  his  adversaries, 
entered  Memphis,  and  made  great  offerings  to  Ptah, 
and  ordered  a  new  hall  to  be  built.  He  then  went  to 
fight  the  chiefs  of  the  north  (rev.  1.  5)  ;  but  they  retired 
into  the  marshes,  and  he  returned  foiled.  They,  how- 
ever, came  in  and  made  submission,  with  the  hereditary 


3o8 


THE  ETHIOPIAN  DOMINION         [eth.  dom.] 


prince  of  Pa-sopd  (Saft  el  Henneh)  named  Paqrur  as 
spokesman.  Thus  the  whole  country  was  pacified  and 
gave  tribute. 

Whether  this  conquest  of  the  Delta  was  that  recorded 
by  Ashurbanipal  in  667  B.C.  or  another  reconquest 
after  the  Assyrian  war  of  666,  is  not  certain.  But  as 
there  is  no  suggestion  on  the  stele  of  a  war  before  this, 
it  seems  that  the  stele  must  relate  to  667  B.C.,  and 
have  been  set  up  before  the  Assyrian  reconquest,  which 
reached  as  far  as  Thebes  in  666. 

After  this  we  know  that  Tanutamen  held  Thebes  in 
his  third  year,  when  a  high  official  of  the  Theban  gods 
visited  the  temple  of  Luqsor,  and  recorded  his  ancestors 
of  sixteen  generations.  If  his  reign  is  reckoned  from 
Taharqa's  death  in  667  B.C.,  this  shows  that  Tanutamen 
held  Thebes  till  664  b.c.  ;  and  Psamtek  is  not  known 
certainly  to  have  been  at  Thebes  till  655  b.c.  It  is 
probable,  however,  that  the  close  of  the  Ethiopian  hold 
on  Egypt  must  be  dated  to  664  or  663  B.C.  And  with 
this  ends  the  Assyrian  interference  with  Egypt.  The 
Libyan  at  last  ruled  the  land. 

Like  Taharqa,  he  had  two  sister  queens  who  were 
high  priestesses :  Qelhatat  in  Ethiopia,  and  Gerarheni 
in  Egypt,  as  they  are  specified  upon  the  dream  stele. 

We  may  here  notice  the  general  character  of  the 
Ethiopian  dominion,  which  lasted  probably  just  a 
century.  That  the  kings  of  Napata  represented  the 
old  civilisation  of  Upper  Egypt  is  clear ;  and  it  is 
probable  that  they  were  actually  descended  from  the 
high  priests  of  Amen,  who  were  the  rightful  successors 
of  the  XVII Ith  and  XlXth  dynasties.  So  far,  then,  as 
hereditary  rights  go,  they  were  the  true  kings  of  Egypt, 
rather  than  the  mob  of  Libyan  chiefs  who  had  filtered 
into  the  Delta,  and  who  tried  to  domineer  over  the  Nile 
valley  from  that  no-man's  land.  So  soon  as  the  XXIInd 
dynasty  was  weakened,  Pankhy,  or  his  predecessor, 
appears  to  have  brought  it  to  a  close.  Then  followed 
the  successive  reassertions  of  governance  of  Egypt  by 
Pankhy,  Shabaka,  Taharqa,  and  Tanutamen.    It  does 


[B.C.  667-560.] 


THE  ETHIOPIAX  DOMTXIOX 


309 


not  appear  that  there  was  any  abandonment  of  the 
country  between  perhaps  763  (or  certainly  735)  and 
664  B.C.  A  system  of  viceroys  was  needed  in  ruling 
so  great  an  extent  of  territory,  nearly  a  thousand  miles 
of  the  Nile  valley.  And  just  as  the  Egyptian  kings 
appointed  a  "royal  son  of  Kush "  to  rule  south  of 
Aswan,  so  an  Ethiopian  king  appointed  a  royal  son  to 
rule  in  Egypt.  Shabaka  is  called  king,  or  commander- 
in-chief,  ten  years  before  Pankhy  died.  Taharqa  was 
sent  down  to  Egypt  at  20,  and  acted  there  as  viceroy 
for  eight  years  before  Shabatoka  came  to  an  end. 

The  succession  in  the  Ethiopian  kingdom  was  rigidly 
in  the  female  line,  the  series  of  eight  generations  of 
queens  in  continuous  descent  being  given  on  the  stele 
of  Aspaluta  about  625  B.C.  ;  the  earliest  of  these, 
called  "mistress  of  Kush,"  being  probably  the  wife  of 
Pankhy  I.  Each  of  these  queens  with  cartouches  was 
also  sister  of  a  king,  so  that  sister  marriage  was  an 
unbroken  rule  (M.D.  9;  R.P.  vi.  76).  These  were  the 
high  priestesses  of  Napata  ;  but  each  king  had  also 
a  high  priestess  queen  at  Thebes,  Shapenapt  I., 
Amenardus,  Shapenapt  II.,  and  Gerarheni  in  succes- 
sion. Both  queens  appear  with  their  proper  titles,  one 
on  each  side  of  the  scene,  on  the  stele  of  Tanutamen, 
the  "  mistress  of  Nubia  "  and  the  "  mistress  of  Egypt." 

Before  leaving  the  Ethiopian  kings,  we  may  here 
state  their  successors  whose  monuments  are  known, 
although  they  did  not  rule  in  Egypt.  The  dating  of 
the  kings  is  approximate  from  the  resemblance  of  their 
cartouches  to  those  of  the  Egyptian  kings  (see  S.A.K.). 

Bakara,  Tanutamen,  Q.  Qelhatat,  667-650  b.c.  ? 

(monuments  named  above). 
X.,  Q.  Xensau,  650-630  B.C.  ?  (R.P.  iv.  9  ;  P.E.E.  i.  loi). 
Merkara,  Aspeluta,  Q.  Madsenen,  630-600  B.C.  ? 

Coronation  stele  (M.D.  9;  R.P.  vi,  71). 

Excommunication  stele  (M.D.  10;  R.P.  iv.  93). 

Temple  C,  Barkal,  frag-ment  (L.D.  v.  i^e,  h). 

Queen  Madsenen  stele  (P.E.E.  i.  100;  R.P.  iv.  87). 
Pankhaluro,  O.  Tesmaneferru,  600-560  B.C.  ? 

Xamed  on  stele  of  Xastosenen. 

Queen  named  as  mother  of  next. 


THE  ETHIOPIAN  DOMINION 


SiAMENMER  HoRSiATEF,  Q.  Beketalu,  560-525  B.C.  ? 

Stele  of  XXXVth  year,  stating  dates  of  9  Nubian  campaigns 
(M.D.  11-13  ;  R.P.  vi.  85). 

Q.  mother  of  next,  Palukha. 
Ka'ankh-ra  Nastosenen,  525-500  B.C.  ? 

Daughter,  Sekhmakh. 

Stele  of  Vlllth  year  (L.D.  v.  16;  S.A.K.  ;  R.P.  x.  57). 
Temple  C,  Barkal,  fragment  (L.D.  v.  15  f). 

Of  unplaced  kings  may  be  named — 

XXIII.?  Skheperenra,  Senka-amen-seken. 
Dyn.  Temple  H,  Barkal  (C.M.F.B.  lix.  Ixi.). 

Temple  F,  Barkal,  altar,  Bed.  Mus.  (L.D.  v.  15  a). 
Khukara  Atlunersa. 

Column,  C.  Mus.  (Rec.  viii.  169). 
Temple  F,  altar,  Barkal  (L.D.  v.  15  b). 
Scarab,  P.  Mus.  (P. Sc.  2001). 
HoRNEKHT,  great  temple,  Barkal,  architrave  (L.D.  v. 
14  e). 

.  .  NEZKAMEN,  great  temple,  Barkal,  jamb  (L.D.  v.  14 g). 
Uazkara  Amteruka,  Meraweh  statue,  Berlin  (L.D.  v. 

XXVI.  Khnumabra  Ark  .  .  amen,  Begravviyeh  (L.D.  v.  54) 
Ankhkara  Arkenkherru,  Beg.  (L.D.  v.  45). 
Ankhneferabra  Asrudamen,  on   lions   from  Soleb, 

B.  Mus.  (A.B.  25). 
Ankhneferabra  Anumery  Amen,  Beg.  (L.D.  53). 
....  enabra  .  .  akha'amen.  Beg.  (L.I).  45). 
Karuka,  Beg.  (L.D.  54).    Father  of 
Barutra,  Beg.  (L.D.  54). 
XXX.  Kheperkara  Nutekamen. 

Barkal  Temple  C  (L.D.  v.  15  h,  i). 
Beg.  (L.D.  25).    Father  of 
Kheperkara  Nentsimanen,  Naga  (L.D.  55,  67,  68). 

Queen  Amara  (L.D.  69,  70). 

Merkara  Manenapshu? 

Naga  (L.D.  55,  66,  67,  68). 
Amara  (L.D.  69,  70). 
vSo??— Ankhara  Ashsartash?,  Naga  (L.D.  67,  68). 
,,      See  Amara  (L.D.  69,  70). 
Kheperkara  .  .  khentia  .  .  uzamanen,  Beg.  (L.D.  48). 
Shenenseuzataka?,  Naga  (L.D.  68). 
Aruamen,  Beg.  (L.D.  36). 
Amanenesh?,  Beg.  (L.D.  40). 
Ptol.  IV.  Amendutankh,  Arqamen. 

Dakkeh  temple  (L.D.  17)  (Ergamenes). 
Philae  temple  (L.T.P.  54,  55). 
NiJ-ATNETERU  sotepenra,  Azakharamen,  Dcbot  tempi 
(L.D.  18). 


THE  ETHIOPIAN  DOMIXIOX 


3" 


Aug.  Amenaryt  Kentakyt,  Beg.  (L.D.  47)  (Kandake). 

Seru  .  .  TiNENEM  Kexrateronenem,  Beg.  (L.D.  52). 
Theshashuaxex  .  .  .  .,  Beg.  ^L.D.  49). 

Maat-neb-ra  Maxexemhanex  Beg.  (L.D.  51). 

 RA  Khexshexamex,  Beg.  (L.D.  51). 


Fig.  T32.— Queen  Merkara  and  Amen.    Xaga.  L.D.  v.  66. 

Of  these  the  dates  of  some  can  be  seen  by  the  styles 
of  the  names  copied  from  the  Egyptians  and  by  the 
Greek  references  to  Ergamenes  and  Kandake.  But 
it  would  need  considerable  archaeological  research  in 
Ethiopia  to  restore  the  series  of  kings.  Moreover,  the 
corruption  of  the  values  and  forms  of  signs  makes 
the  reading  of  the  names  very  doubtful  in  the  later 
times. 


312  THE  SAITE  DOMINION  [saite  dom. 


THE  SAITE  DOMINION 

The  earliest  rise  of  the  Saite  power  is  found  under  the 
reign  of  Pankhy  the  Ethiopian.  It  seems  likely  that 
he  had  at  the  beginning  of  his  reign  attacked  the  effete 
XXIInd  dynasty,  and  brought  it  to  an  end,  thus  estab- 
lishing his  suzerainty  over  the  country.  Certainly  in 
his  XXth  year  the  petty  rulers  of  various  provinces 
looked  to  him  to  keep  the  peace  among  them,  and  to 
save  them  from  the  energetic  policy  of  Tafnekht,  the 
chief  of  the  west.  They  did  not  dispute  the  position  of 
Tafnekht,  but  only  his  usurpation  of  their  own  provinces. 
We  find,  then,  that  the  start  of  the  Saite  power  must 
be  recognised  as  early  as  the  close  of  the  XXIInd 
dynasty,  749  B.C. 

The  probable  reconstruction  of  this  period  of  749  to 
664  B.C.  had  better  be  stated  first,  together  with  the 
continuation  of  the  family,  so  as  to  point  out  the  con- 
nections ;  and  then  the  separate  kings  will  be  dealt 
with  afterwards. 


Monuments. 

ShepsesTa  Tafnekht  I. 
Uah'kaTa  Bakenranf 
Uah'abTa   Tafnekht  II. 

Afab'ra?  Nekau'ba 

Men'ab'ra    Nekau  I. 


Manetho,  etc. 

Tnefakhthos 

Bocchoris 

Stefinates 

JNekhepsos  \ 
\^Neokhabis  / 

Nekhao 


D.C. 

Born. 

Ages. 

acc. 

died. 

749 

800 

79 

721 

778 

57 

63 

715 

756 

41 

78 

678 

734 

56 

62 

672 

712 

40 

48 

B.C.  749-564  ]             THE  SAITE  DOMINION 

313 

IMoNUMENTS. 

aMaNETHOj  ETC" 

BORN. 

Ages. 

acc. 

died. 

664 

Uah'ab'ra      Psamtek  I. 

Psammetikhos 

690 

26 

80 

610 

Uahein'abTa  Nekau  II. 

Nekhao 

594 

668 

58 

72 

Nefer'abTa    Psamtek  II. 

Psammouthis 

646 

52 

57 

Haa'abTa  Uah'abTa 

Uaphris 

589 

624 

35 

60 

564 

The  parentage  oi  this  series  is  certain  from  Haa'ab'ra 
back  to  Nekau  I.  That  Nekhepsos  is  the  same  as 
Neokhabis  is  probable  ;  and  Xeokhabis  is  recog-nised 
to  be  a  king-'s  father  ;  though  he  cannot  be  the  father 
of  Bocchoris,  as  is  said  by  Athenaeus  (x.  13).  That 
Stefinates  was  father  of  Neokhabis,  and  son  of  Boc- 
choris, is  only  a  supposition,  from  the  fact  of  their 
ruling  over  the  same  region.  That  Tnefakhthos  was 
father  of  Bocchoris  is  stated  by  Diodoros. 

The  dates  of  the  kings  are  those  given  by  Greek 
history  back  to  664  ;  by  Manetho  back  to  Stefinates, 
who  is  here  considered  to  have  begun  his  virtual 
reign  on  the  death  of  Bocchoris  ;  and  by  the  Ethiopian 
campaign  for  Tafnekht,  who  seems  to  have  been  a 
recognised  vassal  of  Pankhy,  and  was  probably  estab- 
lished on  the  fall  of  the  XXIInd  dynasty. 

The  ages  of  the  kings  are  assumed  from  the  basis  we 
here  adopt  of  22  years  for  eldest-surviving-son  genera- 
tions, following  the  average  of  the  Jewish  kings.  No 
actual  age  of  a  king  is  known,  but  the  long  reign  of 
Psamtek  I.  gives  a  fairly  fixed  point  for  the  scale,  as 
he  is  not  likely  to  have  been  much  over  80  at  death,  or 
much  under  26  at  accession.  It  is  remarkable  how 
well  this  general  scale  applies,  never  giving  any  unlikely 
results  for  the  ages  of  accession  or  death.  If  there 
were  a  brother  or  a  grandson  in  the  series  we  should 
certainly  see  a  break  in  the  regularity  of  the  supposed 
ages.  This  is  good  evidence  for  the  father  and  son 
succession  which  has  here  been  assumed  for  Stefinates. 


3T4  THE  SAITE  DOMINION  [saite  dom. 


Shepses-ra  (     G)  "^^1 


about 

749-- 


Tafnekht  I.      I     ^  '^^x  '  I  B.C. 

Stele  of  yr.  VIII.  Athens  Mus.       (Rec.  xxv.  190). 

Stele  of  Pankhy,  for  history.    C.  Mus.  (M.D.  1-6). 

It  appears  that  Tafnekht  was  probably  a  Libyan 
chief,   who  was  pressing  on  the  borders  of  the  Delta 


Fig.  133. — Tafnekht  stele,  scene.  Athens, 


when  the  XXIInd  dynasty  was  overthrown  by  the 
Ethiopian  invasion  under  Pankhy.  He,  like  other 
chiefs  who  had  obtained  a  footing  in  the  Delta,  was 
accepted  as  a  vassal  of  the  Ethiopians.    Pankhy  prob- 


B.C.  749-72I-] 


TAFNEKHT  I 


315 


ably  favoured  this  system  of  petty  rulers,  as  preventing' 
any  serious  resistance  in  the  distant  fringe  of  his  king-- 
dom.  That  Tafnekht  was  old  enough  to  be  of  import- 
ance at  that  crisis  is  shown  by  his  having,  twenty  years 
later,  a  son  who  was  then  old  enough  to  take  a  forward 
place  in  his  conquests. 

Of  his  Vlllth  year  there  is  a  stele  with  figures  of  the 
king  presenting  a  donation  of  land  to  Atmu  and  Neit, 
assisted  by  an  official  Aarefaaneit.  The  king,  though 
using  two  cartouches,  does  not  appropriate  any  emblem 
of  royalty,  such  as  a  crown,  the  uraeus,  or  the  tail. 

The  inscription  records  the  donation  of  10  arouras  of 
an  island  to  Neit,  in  charge  of  the  doorkeeper  of  Neit 
named  Aarefaaneit,  son  of  the  chief  doorkeeper  of  the 
temple  of  Neit,  Ari  ;  it  also  establishes  him  in  his 
father's  office,  and  curses  any  who  shall  dispossess 
him. 

The  political  future  lay  with  the  westerners.  They 
had  often  threatened  Egypt  with  permanent  invasion  ; 
under  Merenptah  and  Ramessu  III.  they  had  been 
repelled  ;  the  strength  of  the  eastern  monarchy  of 
Bubastis  had  held  them  back  ;  but  as  soon  as  that 
was  broken  they  swept  the  Delta.  Under  Pankhy 
there  were  four  rulers  who  wore  the  feather  of  Libyan 
chieftainship,  at  Mendes,  Sebennytos,  Pa-sopd  (Saft  el 
Henneh),  and  Busiris,  and  their  sons  held  Hermopolis 
and  Xois :  thus  the  eastern  Delta  was  occupied  by 
them,  and  the  west  was  held  by  their  powerful  kins- 
man Tafnekht,  who  was  chief  of  Sais  (Pankhy  stele, 

1. 87). 

By  about  729  b.c.  Tafnekht  was  no  longer  content 
with  being  chief  of  the  west,  but  occupied  the  entire 
country  side  from  the  sea  up  to  the  south  of  Memphis. 
He  had  then  pushed  onwards,  and  dispossessed  all 
the  petty  rulers  up  to  Hermopolis,  after  masking 
Herakleopolis,  which  still  resisted  him.  This  com- 
bination was  checked  by  the  Ethiopian  army,  and  the 
son  of  Tafnekht  was  slain  at  Tatehen  (Tehneh  ?). 
Pankhy  himself  then  came  down  and  reasserted  his 
authority,  after  the  submission  of  middle  Egypt  and 


3i6 


THE  SAITE  DOMINION  [saite  dom. 


the  capture  of  Memphis.  Tafnekht  fled  to  the  marshes, 
where  he  could  not  be  reached,  while  his  forced  allies 
transferred  their  allegiance  and  property  to  Pankhy. 
After  a  year  (1.  137)  he  yielded  and  offered  to  give 
tribute  and  allegiance,  but  would  not  come  in  person 
to  the  court.  Pankhy  was  glad  to  settle  with  an  inac- 
cessible enemy  on  such  terms,  and  peace  was  made 
without  stripping  Tafnekht  of  any  of  his  original 
territory.  (See  also  the  fuller  statement  of  this  war 
under  the  reign  of  Pankhy,  pp.  269-276.)  Tafnekht 
seems  to  have  died  a  few  years  later. 


Uah*ka-ra 


Bakenranf 


Serapeum,  Apis  burial  yr.  VI.  steles       (M.S.  34). 

wall  inscription     (M.S.  34). 
Scarabs,  B.  Mus.  ;  P.  Mus.  ;  Munich       (P.  Sc.  1824-5  5  F-S.  361). 

As  Tafnekht  is  stated  to  have  been  the  father  of 
Bakenranf,  the  succession  is  clear.  And  the  tales  of 
Bocchoris  which  are  echoed  by  the  Greek  writers, 
and  his  reputation  as  a  lawgiver,  point  to  his  having 

Fig.  134. — Bakenranf  name,  Serapeum.    M.S.  34. 

recovered  much  of  his  father's  former  status  and  im- 
portance. He  held  Memphis  at  the  end  of  his  reign, 
as  he  there  buried  an  Apis.  And  his  independence 
was  such  that  the  Egyptians  could  regard  him  as  a 
king  of  Egypt,  and  give  him  the  honour  of  constituting 
the  XXIVth  dynasty.  As  the  XXIIIrd  dynasty  is 
reckoned  as  ending  before  him,  he  probably  held  the 
overlordship  of  the  petty  princes  of  the  Delta  and 


B.C.  721-715-] 


BAKEXRAXF 


317 


middle  Egypt,  and  thus  had  recovered  what  his  father 
had  lost.  There  is  even  a  glimpse  of  his  having  reached 
further  south,  when  he  is  called  "  loved  of  Amen  "  on  a 
scarab. 

The  Apis  burial  in  his  Vlth  year  confirms  Manetho 
in  the  length  of  his  reign.  The  date  is  given  by  an 
ink  writing  on  the  wall  of  the  chamber,  and  on  one 
stele.  Two  other  steles  of  the  same  burial  were  also 
found. 

The  Ethiopians  recalled  the  power  of  Pankhy  over 
Tafnekht  ;  and  the  sons  of  those  kings  repeated  the 
story  by  Shabaka  attacking  and  conquering  Bakenranf, 
whom,  Manetho  states,  he  burnt  alive. 


Uah'ab-ra 
Tafxekht  II. 


Athribis        Cornice  C.  Mus.         (Ms.  G.  381). 

Bubastis        Sistrum  handle         Berl.  8182       (A.Z.  xxi.  23). 

A  successor  of  Bakenranf,  who  reigned  at  Athribis 
and  Bubastis,  bore  the  throne  name  Uahabra,  as  is 
shown  by  a  piece  of  cornice  and  a  sistrum  handle 
bearing  this  cartouche  alternate  with  that  of  Shabaka. 
It  is  very  improbable  that  Psamtek  I.,  two  generations 
later,  would  thus  revive  the  name  of  Shabaka,  which 
was  usually  erased  on  other  monuments.  The  name 
of  Uah*ab*ra  must  be  that  of  a  vassal  of  Shabaka,  and 
he  must  therefore  have  ruled  at  some  time  between  715 
and  707  B.C.  Another  evidence  is  that  Akanuash,  who 
was  prince  of  Sebennytos  under  Pankhy  in  728,  names 
Uahabra  as  his  king  when  dedicating  a  statue  of 
Osiris,  which  might  well  be  ten  or  twenty  years  later 
(Rec.  xvi.  126).  The  reigns  recorded  in  Manetho 
would  place  a  Stefinates  between  685  and  678  B.C.  ; 


3"8 


THE  SAITE  DOMINION 


[SAITE  DOM.] 


and  it  is  probable  that  this  is  another  Tafnekht,  with 
perhaps  a  sigrna  carried  over  by  a  Greek  copyist  from 
some  word  before  his  name.  We  may  see  in  a 
reading  of  Manetho  in  Africanus  that  Taharqa  reigned 
8  years  (variants  i8  and  20  years,  and  truly  26  years), 
a  recognition  of  the  point  of  independence  of  the  Saites. 
Taharqa's  8  years  would  be  693-685  B.C.,  and  this  is 
the  year  in  which  Manetho  begins  the  XXVIth  dynasty 
with  Stefinates.  There  is  nothing  to  prove  whether 
the  Uahabra  of  about  710  b.c.  is  the  same  person  as 
Tafnekht  II.  who  began  independent  rule  in  685.  But, 
as  the  series  of  generations  does  not  suggest  any  break 
here,  it  is  probable  that  (i)  both  names  belong  to  one 
ruler  ;  (2)  that  he  was  a  son  of  Bakenranf,  who  in- 
herited some  of  his  father's  power,  though  acknow- 
ledging the  suzerainty  of  Shakaba  ;  and  (3)  that  by  the 
Vlllth  year  of  Taharqa  he  became  so  far  independent 
as  to  be  reckoned  as  one  of  the  kings  of  Egypt. 


Ar-ab-ra?  (    0<^^    1  678- 

^  672 

NeKAU'BA  ^^a^^  "^-^  I 

Menat  Stroganoff  Coll.  (Rec.  viii.  64). 

Bead  P.  Mus.  (P.  Sc.  2143). 

In  Manetho  the  successor  of  Stefinates  is  Nekhepsos. 

This  is  probably  the  same  name  as  Neok- 

habis,  who  is  stated  by  Athenaeus  to  be 

the  father  of  Bocchoris.   That  relationship 

is  wrong,  and  Neokhabis  as  the  father  of  a 

king  can  only  be  placed  here.    The  name 

Fig  135.— Bead  clearly  includes  Neka  or  Nekau,  which 
of    Arabia.        .  .      ,       _  a  1 

Paris  Mus.      twice  appears  m  the  ramily  names.  And 

the  cartouche  Ne'ba'kau  found  on  ?imenat 

may  well  be  a  form  of  Ne'kau'ba.    The  name  Arabra 

is  found  on  a  bead  ;  and  as  seven  kings  of  the  family 


lli.C.  678-672.] 


XEKAU-BA  I 


319 


took  names  of  the  form  7^*ab'ra,  this  belongs  to  the 
series  :  as  Nekauba  is  the  only  king-  whose  throne 
name  is  quite  unknown,  this  name  may  perhaps  be 
attributed  to  him. 


Mex-ab'ra 


Nekau  I, 


C 


0  O 


672- 

664 

B.C. 


In  Annals  of  Ashurbanipal, 
Herodotos,  ii.  152. 
Scarabs  and  cylinder 


»•  34 


(R.P.  i.  61,  64). 
(P.  Sc.  2121-5). 


As  Neokhabis  was  father  of  a  king,  this  links  the 
previous  reign  with  the  present ;  and  as  Neko  was  the 
father  of  Psammitikhos  (Hdtos.),  we  have  the  connec- 
tion to  the  next  reign.  That  Xeko  was  not,  however, 
killed  by  Sabacon  (Hdtos.)  is  clear  from  the  dates,  as 
Shabaka  died  707  B.C.,  when  Nekau  was  probably  only 
5  years  old  ;  such  a  statement  would  make  Psamtek  I. 


Fig.  136, — Scarabs  of  Menabra 


at  least  97  at  his  death,  which  is  very  unlikely,  beside 
making  all  the  other  ages  of  the  family  far  too  great. 
And  it  can  scarcely  be  questioned  that  the  Nikuu 
of  Ashurbanipal  in  667  B.C.  is  Neko,  the  father  of 
Psammitikhos. 

We  read  first  that  Esarhaddon  had  recognised  Nikuu 
as  king  of  Memphis  and  Sais,  or  principal  ruler  of 
Lower  Egypt  in  670  B.C.  And  after  Taharqa's  defeat, 
Ashurbanipal  confirmed  Nikuu  in  that  position  in  667 


320 


THE  SAITE  DOMINION 


[SAITE  DOM. 


B.C.  And  though  in  consequence  of  a  revolt  (col. 
ii.  14  .  .  .)  the  Assyrians  sent  Nikuu  as  prisoner  to 
Nineveh  (ii.  33),  he  was  soon  liberated  after  this  show 
of  power,  and  sent  back  with  insignia  and  supplies 
of  cavalry  to  be  re-established  in  Sais,  with  Psamtek 
in  Athribis  (ii.  47).  The  invasion  by  Tanutamen  in 
666  B.C.  was  probably  the  cause  of  the  death  of  Nekau, 
the  faithful  vassal  of  Assyria.  At  the  same  time  his  son 
Psamtek  fled  to  Syria  toward  his  suzerain  (Hdtos.). 

There  are  many  scarabs  and  a  cylinder  with  the 
name  Men*ab'ra,  evidently  of  this  family.  This  king 
used  the  two  uraei  with  the  crowns  of  Upper  and 
Lower  Egypt  (P.  Sc.  2121),  and  called  himself  "the 
good  god,  lord  of  both  plains "  ;  while  his  cylinder 
mentions  Ptah'nefer'her,  connecting  him  with  Memphis. 
He  was  evidently  far  the  most  powerful  of  all  the  kings 
of  the  ah  family,  before  the  XXVIth  dynasty  ;  and  we 
must  therefore  connect  him  with  Nekau  I. 

It  may  well  be  asked.  What,  then,  constituted  the 
foundation  of  a  new  dynasty  by  Psamtek  ?  If  the 
family  were  the  same,  why  should  a  new  dynasty  be 
proclaimed?  The  acquisition  of  wider  power  would 
scarcely  account  for  this.  There  is,  however,  in  the 
name  of  Psamtek  a  suggestion  of  Ethiopian  influence  ; 
and  it  would  be  quite  likely  that  at  about  690,  when 
Taharqa  was  at  his  strongest  in  Lower  Egypt  and 
across  to  Palestine,  he  may  have  tried  to  secure  the 
young  prince  Nekau  by  alliance  with  one  of  the  Ethi- 
opian princesses,  w^ho  became  the  mother  of  Psam- 
tek. It  is  evident  that  Psamtek  is  a  name  of  the  same 
type  as  Shabatak  ;  that  name  means  "wild  cat's  son, 
the "  inverted  in  Ethiopic  order.  So  Psamtek  would 
mean  "the  son  of  sam.''  The  P  prefixed  is  the  Egyp- 
tian article,  as  there  is  also  a  female  form,  Tasamtek. 
But  this  is  only  in  accord  with  the  p  added  to  the 
Ethiopian  aalak  to  form  Pilak,  Philae.  The  name  is 
then  "the  son  of  sam''  with  the  Egyptian  article  pre- 
fixed. Now,  on  many  scarabs  there  is  the  sun  and 
lion  ;  this  is  associated  w^ith  Psamtek  on  one  scarab 
(P.   Sc.   1927),   and  is  on  another  accompanied  by 


B.C.  672-664.] 


NEKAU  I 


321 


Psam.  As  there  is  an  Upper  Egyptian  word  ^<7;;^  for 
a  lion,  the  connection  can  hardly  be  ignored  ;  and  in 
modern  Libyan  izem  is  a  lion,  and  agerzam  a  leopard. 
Psam  reads  as  "  the  lion,"  and  that  animal  accompanies 
it;  and  Psamtek  is  in  full  "the  lion's  son."  The  only 
other  derivation  proposed  is  a  demotic  meaning  of 
"  drinking-bowl  maker";  it  would  be  too  absurd  to 
suppose  this  to  be  the  actual  origin  of  a  name  in  a  royal 
family  of  many  generations,  and  it  would  entirely  ignore 
the  parallel  with  the  name  of  Shabatak.  But  such  a 
possible  connection  is  obviously  a  corrupt  derivation  of 
the  Bellerophon — Billy  ruffian — type.  And  it  is  of  great 
interest  as  giving  an  origin  for  the  folk-tale  repeated 
by  Herodotos  about  Psamtek  making  his  offering  from 
a  helmet  instead  of  a  brazen  bowl,  and  so  incurring  the 
wrath  of  his  fellow-chieftains. 

This  tale  is  much  of  the  same  kind  as  a  very 
lively  picture  of  the  squabbling  chivalry  of  petty  rulers 
— the  Dodecarchy  of  the  Greek  writers  —  which  has 
been  preserved  to  us  in  a  demotic  romance.  And 
though  it  may  have  little  or  no  historic  value,  it  gives 
so  good  a  sketch  of  the  manners  and  ways  of  the 
divided  Delta  of  about  700  B.C.  that  we  here  give  an 
outline  of  it.  The  whole  translation  and  discussion 
of  the  papyrus  has  been  published  by  Krall  in  Papyrus 
Erzherzog  Rainer^  vi.  Band,  1897.  The  outline  of  the 
remaining  parts  of  the  papyrus  is  as  follows  : — Ka* 
amenhotep,  prince  of  Mendes,  had  stolen  the  breast- 
plate of  Eiorhoreru,  prince  of  Heliopolis,  for  lack 
of  which  his  burial  could  not  be  completed.  Pimay, 
his  son,  complains  to  the  king  Pedubast  at  Tanis, 
who  is  overlord  of  all  the  Delta.  Ka "amenhotep  will 
not  obey  the  king  ;  each  side  obtains  a  large  following, 
and  the  whole  Delta  is  liable  to  civil  war.  Pedubast 
regulates  the  fighting,  and  makes  a  formal  gathering 
of  the  chiefs,  setting  them  in  two  opposing  rows. 
Battle  ensues,  the  Ka'amenhotep  party  are  worsted, 
although  Pedubast  is  in  their  favour,  and  finally  the 
breastplate  is  returned  to  Heliopolis.  Why  such  im- 
portance should  be  attached  to  a  breastplate  for  a 
III — 21 


322 


THE  SAITE  DOMINION  [saite  dom. 


burial  has  not  been  explained.  But  when  we  look  at 
the  mummies  of  the  following  period  we  see  that  a  large 
gilt  breastplate  with  figures  of  gods  and  genii  is  an 
essential  part  of  the  funeral  outfit.  These  cheap  breast- 
plates of  gilt  cartonnage  were  probably  the  imitations 
of  similar  ones  of  gold  or  gilt  silver  (see  the  silver-gilt 
mask  of  Horuza,  P.K.  19),  used  for  the  great  men  of 
that  age.  Hence  it  was  probably  a  large  and  very 
valuable  piece  of  funeral  offering  which  was  wrongfully 
detained. 

The  contest  is,  broadly  speaking,  between  the  newly 
developed  region  of  the  N.E.  Delta  against  the  Upper 
Delta  and  the  Nile  valley    One  party  was — 

Pedubast,  king  of  Tanis  ; 

Pedukhonsu,  of  Mendes  ; 

Ka'amenhotep,  of  Sebennytos  and  Behbit  ; 

Onkhhor,  son  of  Pedubast  ; 

Zihor,  son  of  Onkhhor  ; 

Pramoone,  son  of  Onkhhor  ; 

Onkhhapi,  son  of  Pramoone  ; 

Nemeh  ; 

Taher,  general,  of  Mendes. 
The  other  party  consisted  of — 
A",  son  of  Eierhoreru,  of  Sais  ; 
Mentubaal,  of  Syria  ; 
Pekrur,  of  Pasopd,  chief  of  the  east  ; 
Pedukhonsu,  of  Athribis  ; 
Pramoone,  son  of  Zinofer,  of  Pimonkhre  ; 
....  ruru,  son  of  Eierhoreru,  of  Busiris  ; 
Pimay,  son  of  Eierhoreru,  of  Heliopolis  ; 
Uerhue,  son  of  Onkhhor,  of  Meratum  ; 
Onkh-hor,  of  Herakleopolis  ; 
Minnemai,  of  Elephantine  ; 
Horau,  son  of  Pedukhonsu  ; 
Onkh-hor,  son  of  Hurbesa  ; 
Sobkhotep,  son  of  Zinofer,  of  Athribis?  ; 
Sobkhotep,  son  of  Tafnekht. 

Three  of  these  personages  appear  in  the  list  of  Esar- 
haddon's    vassals  ;    Putubisti  of  Tanis,   Pakruru  of 


B.C.  672-664.] 


NEKAU  I 


323 


Pasopd,  and  Naahkii  of  Herakleopolis  ;  and  these 
names  show  that  the  tale  cannot  be  placed  long  before 
670  B.C.,  and  that  it  deals  with  really  historical  persons. 

Having-  given  the  outline  of  the  personages,  we  wiW 
now  turn  to  the  view  of  the  time  which  is  shown.  We 
see  that  Pedubast  is  recognised  as  being  an  overlord 
of  all  the  Delta  chiefs,  that  he  is  appealed  to  for  justice, 
and  that  when  a  war  is  imminent  he  can  regulate  the 
nature  and  amount  of  the  fighting,  though  he  cannot 
enforce  his  commands  so  as  to  prevent  it  altogether. 
He  repeatedly  makes  promises  of  restoring  the  breast- 
plate, but  cannot  make  Ka'amenhotep  give  it  up. 

When  fighting  is  inevitable,  then  Pekrur,  chief  of 
the  East,  prepares  despatches  summoning  his  various 
allies,  and  fixing  that  they  should  all  assemble  at  the 
Lake  of  the  Gazelles  of  Pa-uazet-nebt-Am,  or  Nebesheh. 
There  follows  the  description  of  the  arrival  of  Pedu- 
khonsu  of  Athribis  with  40  large  boats  and  60  smaller, 
horses,  camels,  and  infantry,  so  many  that  the  stream 
and  the  bank  were  too  narrow  for  them,  and  they  were 
jostling  along  the  canal  bank  like  modern  natives. 

The  king  intervenes  and  begs  Pedukhonsu  not  to 
fight  until  all  the  other  parties  have  come.  After  they 
had  all  arrived,  then  the  king  orders  to  be  prepared 
two  rows  of  raised  platforms  or  balconies,  opposite  to 
each  other,  for  the  two  opposing  parties  of  chiefs. 
Then  the  king  orders  a  regulated  combat,  apparently 
led  by  each  chief  in  person  ;  and  the  arming  of  Pekrur 
is  described.  It  does  not  appear  to  have  been  a  combat 
of  champions,  as  in  the  tournaments  of  the  Middle 
Ages  :  but  rather  an  orderly  system  of  fighting  with 
full  forces,  in  which  surprises  or  irregular  advantages 
were  not  allowed.  This  was  probably  the  outcome 
of  several  generations  of  turmoil  so  continual,  that 
exact  regulations  came  to  be  enforced,  like  the  weekly 
truces  and  other  amenities  of  mediaeval  quarrels.  The 
mighty  Mentu-baal  the  Syrian  comes  in,  and  attacks 
the  Sebennytes  so  vigorously  that  they  send  to  tell  the 
king,  who  was  afraid,  and  begged  Pekrur  to  call  his 
ally  ofT.    Pekrur  insists  on  the  king  going  with  him. 


324 


THE  SAITE  DOMINION 


tSAITE  DOM.] 


Once  again  the  king  promises  redress  ;  and  as 
Ka'amenhotep  was  near  being  killed  by  Pimay,  he 
yields  the  point  at  last.  Pedukhonsu  was  elsewhere 
fighting  Onkhhor,  and  overthrowing  him  ;  the  king 
hastened  off  to  beg  the  victor  to  desist.  The  prince 
of  Elephantine  then  appears  with  his  troops,  and 
attacks  Taher  the  general  of  Mendes,  who  guarded 
the  breastplate.  At  last  this  is  brought  back,  Joy 
being  before  it  and  Rejoicing  after  it. 

This  strictly  regulated  warfare,  pitting  chief  against 
chief,  is  remarkable,  especially  as  the  regulator  was  a 
king  who  openly  belonged  to  one  of  the  two  parties. 
We  thus  get  a  curious  social  view  of  this  disorganised 
time  in  Egypt,  which  we  may  hope  to  know  better 
when  the  other  romances  of  this  age  are  published,  now 
in  the  Vienna,  Paris,  and  Spiegelberg  collections. 

This  king  of  Tanis,  Pedubast,  does  not  appear  in 
any  dynastic  list,  as  he  was  contemporary  with  the 
Ethiopians  and  early  Saites  ;  but  his  remains  are  known 
as  follow : — 


Tanis,  bronze  torso  inlaid  with  gold,  §  life  size.    Stroganoff  Coll. 

at  Aachen  :  si  Bast  added  to  the  name  (Rec.  viii.  63). 
Squatting  black  granite  figure  of  a  prince  Hor,  under  Pedubast. 

C.  Mus. 

Stele,  broken.    Copenhagen  (S.B.A.  xxi.  265). 
Papyrus  Rainer,  above  quoted. 
Ashurbanipal,  Annals.    See  under  Taharqa. 


USER'MAAT-RA, 
SOTEP'EN'AMEN 


Amen-merv, 

PE'DU'BAST 


[DYN.  XXVI.]  TWENTY-SIXTH  DYNASTY  325 


TWENTY-SIXTH  DYNASTY 


B.C. 

Uah'ab'ra 

Psamtek  I. 

54 

664-610 

Uahem'ab'ra 

Nekau  II. 

16 

610-594 

Nefer'abTa 

Psamtek  II. 

5 

594-589 

Haa'ab'ra 

Uah'ab'ra 

19 

589-570 

Khnum'ab'ra 

Aahmes'si'neit 

44 

570-526 

Ankh'ka'n'ra 

Psamtek  III. 

I 

526-525 

This  period  has  attracted  such  full  historical  dis- 
cussion by  many  writers,  and  is  so  familiar  from  the 
contemporary  Greek  history,  that  it  will  be  taken  here 
more  from  the  purely  Egyptian  point  of  view,  without 
entering  on  all  the  politics  of  the  surrounding  peoples. 
The  abundance  of  Greek  tales  and  allusions  has  been 
collected  and  treated  by  Wiedemann  ;  the  links  with  the 
Babylonian  side  may  be  fully  found  in  Maspero  (Ms. 
P.E.).  And  the  necessary  limits  of  this  volume  will 
oblige  us  to  write  a  guide  to  the  Egyptian  material, 
rather  than  a  discursive  history  of  a  period  which 
is  fairly  well  known,  and  in  which  there  are  no  great 
uncertainties  to  need  discussion. 


XXVI.  I.  Uah-ab-ra 


Alexandria 

Sais 
J  > 

Naukratis 

Mendes 
Defneh 


Psamtek  (I.)  (  □ 


iT^l  B.C. 


664- 
610 


Basalt  intercolumnar  slab 

B.  Mus. 
Block  under  Pompey's  pillar 
Burial  of  Psamtek 
Altar 
Block 
Fort  built? 
Scarabs 
Stele 

Fort,  deposits,  and  sealings 


(A.B.  167). 

(L.D.T.  i.  i). 
(Hdtos.  ii.  169). 


Pharbaethus     Building-  named  on  stele 


Bubastis 
Heliopolis 


Bed.  Mus.  1 1576    (Bed.  Cat.  p.  250). 

(My.  E.  147). 
(P.  Nk.  i.  5). 
(P.  Nk.  xxxvii.). 
(B.T.738)._ 
(P.T.  ii.  xxii.  xxxvi. 

xliv. ). 
(B.T.    797;  A.Z. 

xxxi.  84). 
(Ms.  G.  99). 


Wax  (?)  seal 

Altar  Paris  Cab.  Med. 


326 


TWENTY-SIXTH  DYNASTY 


[dYN.  XXVI.  I. 


Memphis  South  portico  of  Ptah 

,,  Court  of  Hapi 

Statue  broken 

Statue  of  12  cubits 
Serapeum        Apis  steles       P.  Mus. 

Wady  Gasus    Rock  inscription 

Abydos  Lintel  with  Neitaqert 

Karnak  Quay,  yrs.  X.  XL  XVIL  XIX. 

,,  Bronze  plates 

C.  Mus. ;  V.  Mus. 
Naos  with  Shepenapt 
,,  Khonsu  temple  graffiti 

Heart-shaped  vase  of  Astem- 
khebt       C.  Mus. 
Medinet  Habu  Basalt  statue  of  Osiris 


Statue,  kneeling-  Copenhagen 
Portrait  from  slab  P.  Mus. 

Kneeling-  figure,  bronze  Athens 
Quartzite  sphinx  Alexandria 
Frieze,  basalt  B.  Mus. 

Piece  of  basalt  mortar  F.P.  Coll. 

Bronze  situla  C.  Mus. 

Piece  of  granite  monument 
Statuette  of  Neit  by  Peduneit,  Karian  inscrip. 
Figure  of  Isis  and  Horus  dedicated  by  Penub 
Plaque,  green  glazed  P.  Mus. 

Glazed  vases.    Posno  P.  Mus. 

Wood,  gilt,  and  inlaid  with  glass.  Posno 
Menats  B.  ]\Ius. ;  Price  Coll. 

Scarabs,  common.    Plaque     F.P.  Coll. 


YEAR 

III. 

IV. 
IV. 
XL 
XL 
XIV. 
XIX. 
XX. 
XXL 
XXI. 
XXIL 
XXX. 
XXX. 


Stele  of  Peduamenapt      P.  Mus. 

Stele  F.  Mus. 

Hieratic  marriage  sale     P.  Mus. 
Demotic  contracts  Crawford 
+  .r  Mendes  stele 

Graffito,  Khonsu  temple,  Karnak 
Demotic  contract 
Apis  steles 

Apis  stele  of  Ptah'nefer 

,,  Nesiptah 
Graffito,  Khonsu  temple,  Karnak 
Demotic  contract  Turin  246 

+  .V       ,,  Vatican 


Hdtos.  ii.  1^3). 

M       ^  ). 
B.  Rs.  81). 
Diod.  i.  67). 
M.S.  36  ;  Rec.  xxii. 

19  ;  and  others). 
Abh.    K.  Preus. 

Akad.  1885). 
M.A.  i.  2  b). 
A.Z.  xxxiv.  116-7). 
Ms.  G.  246;  Rec. 

ix.  S3)- 
Ms.  O.G.  179). 
Pr.  M:35,4;  W.G. 

619). 
Rec.  xiv.  38). 

Rec.  xvii.  118). 

P.  Ins.  i.  92). 
A.Z.  xxxiii.  1 16). 

A.  S.  V.  126). 
V.H.  10). 

B.  Met.  3467). 
P.  Cat.  3821). 
Rec.  xii.  214). 
B.  Mus.  230^0). 
P.L.  S.  h.  652). 
P.L.  S.  h.  382). 
W.G.  621). 

P.  Cat.  1736). 


R.M.L.     c.  101 

Lb.  D.  1 137). 
B.F.  pi.  4). 
T.S.B.A.  viii.  20). 

B.T.  738). 
W.G.  619). 
Not.  279). 
M.S.  36). 
Rec.  xxii.  19). 
Lb.  D.  1 139). 
Pr.  M.  35,  4). 
Not.  281). 
Not.  288). 


B.C.  664-610.] 


PSAMTEK  I 


327 


YEAR 

XLV.  Demotic  contract  Turin  247    (Xot.  295). 

XLVn.  ,,  Turin  248  (R.O.T.D). 

LI.  Pharbaethus  stele  (B.f .  797). 

LII.  Renewal  of  Serapeum.  P.  Mus.  steles,  239,  302,  315. 

LIII.  Apis  born. 


Queens — 

Shepenapt  Mut*ar"Ra-hext-Xeferu         (Rec.  xvii.  118). 
Memphis  Bronze  plaque  (A.S.  iii.  142). 

Medinet  Habu    Funeral  chapel  (Rec.  xvii.  118,  xx. 

74). 

Black  granite  altar  (Rec.  xx.  75). 

Karnak  Chapel  of  Osiris,  lord  of    (A.S.  iv.  181). 

eternity 

Chapel  of  Osiris,  lord  of    (Rec.  xxiv.  209-12). 
life 

„  Lintel  C.  Mus.         (Ms.  O.G.  168,  177). 

Sphinxes 

C.  Mus.;  Berl.  Mus.    (Bed.  Cat.  7972). 
Thebes  Statue,  lower  part  (G.F.  viii.). 

,,  ,,      upper  part,  Musee(S.B.  A.  xiv.  331). 

Guimet 

Wady  Gasus  with  Xeitaqert  and  Psamtek  (See above;  fig-.  140). 
Sandstone  cartouche  and  alabaster  block.    F.  P.  Coll. 
Plaque  and  scarab      P.  Mus.,  S.  h.  456    (P. Sc.  1834-5). 
Bronze  box  inlaid  witli  gold  and  silver.    P.  Mus. 
Mehtienusekht,  wife  of  Psamtek  (Rec.  xx.  83). 

Medinet  Habu    Funeral  chapel  (D.]\LH.  40;  Rec. 

xix.  21,  xx.  83). 
,,  Re-used  pieces  in  temple,  (L.D.T.  iii.  iS7). 

XVin.  dyn. 

Son — Nekau  (Hdlos.  ii.  158). 

Daughter — Xeitaqert  (Rec.  xx.  83  ;  A.Z. 

XXXV.  16.  24). 


Officials — 

yl^rt-,  keeper  of  temple  of  Amen  (C.X\     553,  854; 

Tomb  22,  Assassif  L.D.    iii.   270-1  ; 

Statuette.    C.  Mus.    (A.S.  v.  95)  L.D.T.  iii.  247). 
BakeJiranf.sam,  priest,  vizier  Tomb 24,  Saqqara  (L.D.  iii.  259-69). 

Sarcophagus.    F.  Mus.  (S.  Cat.  F.  1705). 

scribe  of  Khonsu  (C.X''.    510;  L.D. 

Tomb  2,  Assassif  iii.  271-2). 

Naskhepensekhet,  \\7'\&v  (B.T.    1066;  Rec. 

Granite  figure,  Frankfort  viii.  65). 
Nekau,  priest  of  Psamtek 

Scarab.     B.  Mus.  7114  a. 
Pabasa,  chief  of  the  prophets,  major-domo 

Shrine  (M.D.  91-2). 

Black  basalt  Taurt  (M.D.  90), 


328 


TWENTY-SIXTH  DYNASTY         [dyn.  xxvi.  i. 


Sauifaui  Tafnekht 

Statute,  Memphis  (AI.D.  34  g-). 

Blocks  in  temple  of  Mut,  Karnak  (B.G.  M.  370  -9,  xx. — ). 

Foot  of  statue,  Herakleopolis  (P.E.  xxvii.  4). 

Zedptahaiifankh,  general,  statue,  Karnak  (Rec.  xxvii.  81). 
Zeher,  priest  of  Psamtek 

Sarcophagus.     P.  Mus.  D.  8  (B.T.  948). 

(Remains  are  known  of  many  others  whose  names  are  lost,  and 
others  who  bore  names  compounded  with  the  king's  name,  but  are 
not  certainly  of  this  reign). 


The  death  of  Nekau  I.,  the  vassal  of  Assyria,  was 
probably  due  to  the  invasion  by  Tanutamen  the 
Ethiopian,  and  Psamtek  fled  into  Syria  (Hdtos.  ii.  152). 
Among  the  legends  which  circulated  in  Egypt  some 
generations  later,  one  of  them  seems  to  link  on  to  the 
historic  facts.  Polyaenus  (supposed  to  quote  from 
Aristagoras  of  Miletos)  states  that  the  Pharaoh 
Tementhes  was  attacked  by  Psamtek  with  a  body  of 
Karian  mercenaries.  Tementhes  may  well  be  Tanut- 
amen ;  and  of  the  Greek  troops  we  read  of  Karians 
and  lonians  being  persuaded  by  Psamtek  to  aid  him  in 
reconquering  his  father's  dominion  in  the  Delta  (Hdtos. 
ii.  152).  The  legend  of  the  twelve  kings  and  the  brazen 
bowls  (Hdtos.  i.  151),  we  have  noted  as  being  derived 
from  a  promising  etymology  of  the  name  of  Psamtek. 
Other  Greek  mercenaries  were  also  brought  in  by 
Psamtek,  notably  the  Lydians  of  Gyges,  as  stated  by 
Ashurbanipal  in  his  Annals,  iii.  28  (R.P.  i.  69). 

The  conquest  of  Psamtek  is  said  to  have  been  also  by 
the  help  of  the  Egyptians  who  favoured  him  ;  and  it 
was  obvious  that  the  intrusive  Greek  freebooters,  who 
had  helped  him  to  his  own,  could  not  be  relied  on  to 
uphold  him  as  their  master.  To  rule  he  must  rely  on 
Egyptians.  Yet  the  Greek  could  not  be  neglected,  he 
was  too  useful  and  also  too  powerful.  The  solution  of 
the  problem  was  to  place  the  Greek  as  a  frontier  guard 
in  special  settlements,  and  so  keep  him  from  irritating 
the  native  Egyptian.  Accordingly  two  great  camps 
were  formed  of  the  Karians  and  lonians  on  the  eastern 
frontier  (Hdtos.  ii.  154).    One  of  these  camps  is  that  of 


B.C.  664-610.] 


PSAMTEK  I 


329 


Defneh,  on  the  Pelusiac  arm,  about  ten  miles  west  of 
El  Qantara,  on  the  high  road  from  Syria  into  Egypt. 
There  a  great  fort  stood,  about  140  feet  square,  within 
a  walled  camp  (P.T.  ii.  pis.  xliii.-iv.).  The  hundreds 
of  Greek  vases  found  in  the  outbuilding  of  the  fort 


Fig  137. — Psamtek  I.,  Apis  stele.  Serapeum. 


showed  that  this  was  a  great  settlement  of  the  Greeks 
in  the  age  of  Psamtek  ;  and  it  continued  so  until  ruined 
by  Amasis  in  favour  of  Naukratis,  about  a  century  after 
it  was  built.  Under  the  corners  of  the  fort  were  the 
foundation  deposits  of  Psamtek,  in  gold,  silver,  copper, 
lead,  lazuli,  carnelian,  etc.  (P.T.  ii.  pi.  xxii.)  ;  and  in 


330  TWENTY-SIXTH  DYNASTY         [dyn.  xxvi.  i. 

the  outbuildings  were  seals  of  wine  jars  of  Psamtek  I., 
Nekau,  and  Psamtek  II.  This  Greek  camp  formed  a 
place  of  refuge  for  the  Jews  during  the  frequent  waves 
of  Assyrian  conquest,  and  last  appears  in  the  accounts 
of  Jeremiah  as  Tahpanhes. 

There  is  good  reason  to  look  on  the  great  fort  at 
Naukratis  as  a  counterpart  to  that  of  Daphnae,  in- 
tended to  defend  the  western  frontier,  as  the  other  did 
the  eastern  road.  The  town  of  Naukratis  appears  to 
be  as  old  as  that  of  Daphnae  (P.N.K.  i.  5),  and  the 
similarity  of  the  two  forts  would  lead  us  to  regard  them 


Fig.  138. — Daphnae  fort  restored. 

as  parts  of  the  same  scheme  of  defence.  This  distribu- 
tion of  the  garrison  is  mentioned  by  Herodotos  :  "In 
the  reign  of  Psammitichos,  garrisons  were  stationed  at 
Elephantine  against  the  Ethiopians,  and  at  the  Pelusian 
Daphnae  against  the  Arabians  and  Syrians,  and  at 
Marea  against  Libya "  (ii.  30).  The  southern  guards 
were  not  Greeks  but  Egyptians,  perhaps  of  the  tur- 
bulent Mashawasha,  who  had  figured  for  some  centuries 
in  the  country  (Ms.  P.E.  499).  And  after  three  years 
they  found  the  narrow  stony  valley  of  the  frontier  an 
unprofitable  home,  and  deserted  to  the  fat  lands  of  the 
Sudan,  where  wives  and  plunder  were  plentiful.  There 


B.C.  664-610.] 


PSAMTEK  I 


331 


the  Ethiopian  king  told  them  to  clear  out  a  disaffected 
province,  and  take  it  for  themselves  (Hdtos.  ii.  30). 

The  reorganisation  of  Egypt,  long  distracted  by  civil 
war  and  invasions,  must  have  occupied  most  of  the 
activity  of  Psamtek.  It  repaid  his  care  by  rapidly 
rising  in  wealth  and  power,  much  as  England  did  under 
Henry  VII.  after  the  wars  of  the  Roses.  The  large 
number  of  splendid  private  monuments  and  statues 
show  the  riches  of  the  bureaucracy,  and  the  magnificence 
of  the  temples  astounded  the  wandering  Greek. 

Some  attempt  at  foreign  conquest  was  made  in 
Syria,  though  it  only  paved  the  way  for  the  work  of 
Nekau.  There  are  two  passages  which  seem  to  be 
connected,  as  referring  to  the  same  district,  just  north 
of  Gaza,  and  the  same  length  of  time.  "From  Asia 
the  Scythians  proceeded  to  Egypt,  and  when  they 
reached  Palestine  in  Syria,  Psammitichos,  king  of  Egypt, 
having  met  them,  with  presents  and  prayers,  diverted 
them  from  advancing  further.  In  their  return  they  came 
to  Ascalon  and  .  .  .  pillaged  the  temple  of  Aphrodite 
Urania.  .  .  .  For  28  years,  then,  the  Scythians  governed 
Asia"  (Hdtos.  i.  105-6).  "Psammitichos  reigned  in 
Egypt  54  years,  during  29  of  which  he  sat  down  before 
and  besieged  Azotos  until  he  took  it"  (Hdtos.  ii.  157). 
A  vague  contempt  for  these  numbers  has  led  to  their 
being  cast  aside  without  any  solid  reason  (Ms.  P.E. 
480,  506) ;  but  they  ought  to  help  to  explain  each 
other.  The  28  years'  dominion  over  Asia  is  the  ex- 
pression of  what  was  seen  by  the  Egyptian,  namely, 
Scythians  dwelling  unsubdued  on  his  frontier  during 
that  time  ;  and  how  serious  in  Palestine  was  the  front 
wave  of  the  great  Scythic  flood  of  the  7th  century,  is 
seen  by  the  important  town  of  Scythopolis  being  named 
from  them.  What  we  may  glean  is  that  the  Scythians 
swept  along  the  rich  Phoenician  coast  toward  Syria. 
Psamtek  was  in  possession  of  the  frontier  at  Gaza,  and 
there  repelled  them — more  by  force,  perhaps,  than  by 
bribes.  F'oiled  by  him  they  plundered  Ashkelon,  while 
falling  back  a  few  miles  to  Ashdod  ;  and  there  they 
maintained  a  front  which  the  Egyptians  attacked  with 


332 


TWENTY-SIXTH  DYNASTY         [dyn.  xxvi.  i. 


frequent  attempts  and  assaults,  but  did  not  succeed  in 
passing  for  29  years.  Such  a  version  gives  good  sense 
and  probability  to  both  of  these  passages,  and  shows 
their  connections. 

The  monuments  of  this  reign  show  the  rise  in 
prosperity  which  attended  the  unification  of  the  country 
under  the  Saites.  Sais  itself  was  fortified,  and  the 
great  temple  and  burial-place  for  the  royal  family  was 
built  there.  The  defences  of  the  country  were  well 
devised  by  placing  a  strong  fort  on  each  road, 
Daphnae  on  the  Syrian  road,  Naukratis  on  the 
Libyan  road,  and  Elephantine  on  the  Ethiopian  road. 
Memphis  was  not  neglected,  but  received  a  full  share  of 
restoration  by  building  a  great  south- 
ern portion  to  the  temple.  And  the 
Apis  worship  was  extended  by  making 
a  large  court  for  the  sacred  bull, 
where  he  was  aired  and  fed ;  while 
the  private  devotion"  to  this  worship 
is  shown  by  the  large  number  of 
steles  in  the  Serapeum. 

But  little  was  done  in  Upper  Egypt, 
^  '        ^    and  Thebes  was  left  entirely  to  the 

Fig,  139.— Psamtek  T.,    ,       .  r    ^1        t>-   •  -r  r 

on  slab.  Brit,  Mus.  dommance  ot  the  Divme  wire  or 
A.Z.  xxxiii.  ii6.        Amen,   as  we   shall    notice  below. 

The  king  seldom  appears  there,  and 
no  building  took  place,  except  the  series  of  chapels  in 
honour  of  the  high  priestesses.  Even  the  register  of  high 
Nile  levels,  so  frequent  in  the  previous  century,  cease 
finally  in  the  XlXth  year.  Thus  the  whole  activity  of 
the  new  dynasty  was  confined  to  the  Delta,  mainly  in 
the  old  possessions  of  the  family  at  Sais  and  Memphis. 

From  the  portrait  of  the  king  on  the  slab  from 
Alexandria,  it  is  seen  that  he  was  not  at  all  of  the 
old  Egyptian  type  ;  the  round  head,  peaked  nose,  and 
shrewd  business  air  have  none  of  the  dominant  repose 
or  melancholy  refinement  of  the  old  royal  lines. 

The  family  arrangements  become  complicated  by  a 
system  of  adoptions,  which,  however,  there  is  no  good 
reason  to  credit  before  this  time.    The  Ethiopian  line 


B.C.  664-610.] 


PSAMTEK  I 


333 


seems  to  have  had  two  great  queens,  one  at  Napata,  the 
other  at  Thebes,  each  the  high  priestess  of  Amen  in  her 
capital.  This  duplication  was  differently  organised  by 
Psamtek.  The  Theban  priestess  was  nominated,  but 
left  childless,  so  that  the  line  should  be  renewed  by 
adoption  of  northern  princesses  ;  and  the  northern 
queens  were  the  only  queen-mothers  of  the  dynasty. 

Shepexapt  took  two  cartouches  as  great  queen  in  her 
own  right  under  Taharqa  ;  and  all  her  monuments  at 
Thebes  belong  to  her  earlier  days  under  the  Ethiopians, 


Fig.  140. — Psamtek,  Xeitaqert,  and  Shepenapt.    W'ady  Casus. 


when  she  is  named  daughter  of  Pankhy  and  wife  of 
Taharqa.  She  was  left  as  ruler  of  Thebes  by  Psamtek, 
who  was  probably  her  nephew  by  his  mother's  side  ; 
but  she  is  never  once  called  wife  of  Psamtek,  and  her 
only  link  to  the  Saites  is  that  she  adopted  his  daughter 
Xeitaqert,  and  so  is  called  mother  of  that  princess.  In 
the  Wady  Gasus,  Psamtek  offers  to  Amen  and  Min, 
with  Xeitaqert,  and  her  mother  Shepenapt,  daughter 
of  Pankhy. 

Mehtiexusekht  was  the  actual  wife  of  Psamtek  and 


334 


TWENTY-SIXTH  DYNASTY        [dyn.  xxvi.  i.] 


the  mother  of  his  daug-hter  Neitaqert  (Rec.  xx.  83). 
She  was  the  daughter  of  the  high  priest  of  HeliopoHs, 
Horsiast,  and  so  brought  poHtical  influence  to  the 
rising  Saite  power. 

The  officials  of  this  reig"n  show  in  their  private  tombs 
the  wealth  and  leisure  of  the  age.  They  hardly  need 
notice,  beyond  reference  to  their  remains  given  above, 
as  we  know  scarcely  any  public  actions  of  theirs. 
Samtaui  Tafnekht  was,  by  his  family  name,  doubtless 
a  brother  or  cousin  of  the  king.  He  was  engaged  in 
bringing  down  a  fleet  of  produce  from  Ethiopia  to 
Thebes,  the  records  of  which  remain  on  some  blocks  in 
the  temple  of  Mut  at  Thebes.  There  were  nine  ships, 
laden  with  a  g-reat  cargo  ;  most  of  them  were  45  cubits 


Fig.  141. — Scarabs  of  Psamtek  I. 


long  and  15  wide,  or  about  77  by  26  feet.  The  ships 
named  are:  ist,  of  Amen;  2nd,  great  ship  of  Sais 
with  the  captain  of  the  host  of  Henen-suten,  chief  of  the 
fleet,  Samtaui  Tafnekht  ;  3rd,  of  Pankhy — either  a  ship 
named  from  Pankhy  II.  or  sent  down  by  some  king 
Pankhy  III.  at  Napata  ;  and  the  7th  the  harim  of  Amen. 
The  cargo  consisted  of  over  100,000  dum  palm  nuts, 
1500  turtle  doves,  900  bundles  of  reeds,  over  12,000 
bundles  of  ncf  plants,  and  many  other  things.  The 
sculpture  shows  the  ships  reaching  the  quay  and 
temple  of  Karnak  (B.G.M.  370-9,  xx.-xxii.). 


[B.C.  610-594.] 


NEKAU  II 


335 


Sidon 
Rosetta 
Sais  burial 

Defenneh 
Letopolis 

Serapeum 

Turra 

Hammamat 
Thebes 


XXVI.  2.  Uahem-ab-ra  (     O  M 
Nekau  (II.) 


C 


U 


610- 
594 

B.C. 


Fragment  of  monument 
Block  ^vith  cartouches 
Heart  scarab 

Jesuits'  Coll.,  Paris 
Plaster  sealing- 
Red  granite  statue,  dedic. 

b}-  Psamtek  II. 
Apis  stele,  yr.  XVI. 


(S.B.A.  xvi.  qi). 
(R.S.  ii.  131). 
(Caylus,  Rec.  vii.  x.). 


Stele 

Cartouches,,  yr.  VIII. 
Kneeling    figure  of 
ateh-hor      P.  Mus. 


Ben- 
A83 


(P.T.  ii.  xxxvi 
(A.S.  iv.  92). 

(M.D.F.S.  53; 

xxii.  21). 
(L.D.  iii.  273  a  ; 

iii.  98). 
(L.D.  iii.  273  b). 
(R.M.L.,  A.  83). 


2). 


Rec. 


V.P. 


Bronze  statuette,  king  offering     Posno  54    (W.G.  630). 

,,      shrine  B.  Mus.  26973 

Alabaster  vases,  P.  Mus.  S.  h.  383;  B.  Mus.  4631  (W.M.C.  fig. 

275)  ;  Price  Coll.  (P.  Cat.  2048). 
Glazed  pottery  vase  B.  Mus.  24238    (P.  Sc.  1963). 

Pottery  base  of  hawk  C.  Mus. 

Demotic  papyrus,  yr.  II.       P.  Mus.  7858      (Xot.  p.  302). 
Scarab,  large,  inscription  of  conquests  (M.D.  48  c  ;  M.A.  B. 

C.  Mus.  36). 
Scarabs,  2  F.P.  Coll. 

Glass  plaque  F.P.  Coll. 

Menat,  blue  paste,  sam  priest  Pedu  .  .  . 

F.P.  Coll. 

Menat  P.  Mus.  S.  h.  653    (P.L.  653). 

Limestone  cvlinder  F.P.  Coll.  (P.  Sc.  1962). 

Pawns        '  P.  Mus.  S.  h.  654  (P.L.  654)  ;  B.  Mus.  6414  a,  38254. 

Queen — Xeitaqert  Mutnebxefru. 

Thebes  Sarcophagus,  red  granite.  C.  Mus.  (Ms.  Q.G.  30). 

,,      Stele  of  adoption,  Karnak  (A.Z.  xxxv.  16,  24). 

,,      In  funeral  chapel,  Medinet  Habu     (Rec.  xx.  83). 

Limestone  slab,  queen  offering.    C.  Mus. 
,,      Basalt  statue  of  Osiris.    C.  Mus.   (Ms.  Q.G.  182). 
,,      Socket  of  Horus,  dedicated  by 

Horsiast.    Hoffman  Coll.  366 
„      Glazed  pottery.    P.  INlus.  (P.L.  S.  h.  456). 


336 


TWENTY-SIXTH  DYNASTY         [dyn.  xxvi.  2. 


Son — Psamtek  (II.)  (mother  unknown)  (Hdtos.  ii.  159). 

Horuza — Warden  of  the  frontier,  bust  (P.S.  xxi,  5), 

P.P.  Coll. 

The  main  event  of  this  reign  was  the  great  raid 
across  Syria  to  Carchemish  (2  Kings  xxiii.  29  ;  2  Chr. 
XXXV.  20).  On  his  way  Nekau  was  attacked  by  Josiah, 
who  remained  a  faithful  vassal  of  Nineveh  ;  but  the 
Egyptian  swept  him  aside  by  a  defeat  in  which  the 
Jewish  king  perished  at  Megiddo.  Nekau  then  took 
Kadesh  (Hdtos.  ii.  159),  and  pushed  on  to  the  Euphrates. 
He  did  not  wait  to  see  if  any  foe  would  there  challenge 
his  advance,  but  he  returned  as  quickly  as  he  went ; 
and  three  months  after  passing  Megiddo  he  was  back 
again  in  northern  Palestine  at  Riblah  (2  Kings  xxiii.  33), 
where  he  summoned  Jehoahaz,  who  had 
succeeded  Josiah.  Nekau  deposed  the 
new  king,  and  set  up  his  brother,  who 
took  the  name  of  Jehoiakim.  Here 
Nekau  saw  a  source  of  tribute,  and  de- 
14^  — ourticiL-  n^anded  100  talents  of  silver  and  i  talent 
of  Nekau  II.  of  gold,  which  had  to  be  raised  by 
rigorous  taxation  of  the  private  wealth 
of  the  Jews,  so  far  was  the  Jewish  treasury  below  the 
standard  of  wealth  of  Rehoboam  and  Hezekiah.  Recog- 
nising the  share  which  his  Greek  mercenaries  had  in  the 
campaign,  Nekau  dedicated  his  corslet  to  Apollo  at 
Branchidae. 

Nekau,  however,  kept  some  hold  upon  Syria  ;  and  in 
605  B.C.,  four  years  later,  he  was  again  at  Carchemish 
to  fight  Nebuchadrezzar  (Jer.  xlvi.  2).  The  new  power 
of  Babylon  there  defeated  him,  and  henceforward  Nekau 
kept  within  the  borders  of  Egypt  (2  Kings  xxiv.  7). 

His  ambitions  were  not  only  northward,  but  he 
aimed  at  opening  the  Red  Sea  trade  again.  He  began 
the  canal,  which  Darius  afterwards  completed,  from 
the  eastern  delta  along  the  Wady  Tumilat  to  Suez  ; 
this  was  four  days'  sail  in  length,  and  so  wide  that 
triremes  could  pass  each  other.  In  connection  with 
this  project  of  a  trade  route,  he  built  triremes  in  the 


B.C.  610-594.] 


NEKAU  II 


337 


Red  Sea,  of  which  Herodotos  saw  the  docks  yet  re- 
maining (ii.  159). 

Of  his  monuments,  one  fragment  was  found  as  far 
north  as  Sidon.  But  there  is  no  great  building  to  be 
attributed  to  the  reign,  although  quarrying  went  on  at 
Turra  and  Hammamat ;  and  probably  Horuza,  whose 
statue  is  known,  worked  at  the  latter  place  cutting 
great  obelisks  of  hekhen  stone  (P.S.  xxi.  5).  Of  the 
royal  burial  at  Sais,  a  trace  remained  in  the  heart 
scarab  of  the  king,  which  was  formerly  in  the  Jesuits' 
College  at  Paris,  but  which  seems  to  have  disappeared, 
probably  in  the  Revolution.  The  third  Apis  of  this 
dynasty,  born  at  the  end  of  Psamtek's  reign,  lived  to 
the  end  of  Nekau's  reign,  dying  in  the  XVIth  year. 
The  funeral  stele  of  this  Apis  is  one  of  the  best  of  later 
times.  That  Nekau  ruled  at  Thebes  is  shown  by  a 
diorite  kneeling  figure  of  Benateh'hor,  priest  of  Amen, 
at  Thebes,  who  is  represented  holding  a  stele  on  which 
Nekau  offers  to  the  Theban  triad  (P.  Mus.  A.  83). 
The  minor  objects  are  of  no  historic  value,  except  the 
large  scarab  at  Cairo,  which  refers  to  his  conquests  of 
all  lands,  and  shows  the  king  between  Neit  and  Hathor. 

The  queen  Neitaqert  must  have  ruled  at  Thebes  as 
high  priestess  throughout  this  reign  ;  but  she  is  never 
called  wife  of  Nekau.  She  was  adopted  formally  by 
Shepenapt,  in  the  9th  year  of  Psamtek,  when  she 
cannot  have  been  more  than  15  years  old.  She  had 
large  estates  as  her  private  possession  in  middle  Egypt 
and  the  Delta,  and  the  tithings  from  many  of  the  temples 
of  the  Delta.  The  stele  recording  her  legal  position 
is  of  red  granite,  found  at  Karnak  (A.Z.  xxxv.  16,  24). 
Her  sarcophagus  is  in  the  Cairo  Museum.  Another 
queen  Takhuat  has  commonly  been  attributed  to 
Nekau,  but  apparently  only  by  the  inscription  on  the 
sarcophagus  of  Ankh -nes 'ra 'nefer -ab.  We  must  remem- 
ber, however,  that  adoptions  by  the  Theban  priestesses 
were  the  rule,  and  how  of  Neitaqert  it  is  said  that 
"her  mother  was  the  divine  adoress  Shepenapt,"  and 
yet  she  was  "born  of  the  great  royal  wife,  chief  one  of 
his  majesty,  Mehtenusekht "  (Rec.  xx.  83).  So  here 
III — 22 


338  TWENTY.SIXTH  DYNASTY         [dyn.  xxvi.  2. 

Ankhnesraneferab  is  called  royal  daughter  of  the  lord 
of  both  plains,  Psamtek.    Her  mother  was  the  divine 


Fig.  143. — Nekau  II.,  Apis  stule.  Serapeuni. 

adoress  Neitaqert,  born  of  the  great  royal  wife,  chief 
one  of  his  majesty,  Takhuat"  (B.S.A.  383,  488).  The 


B.C.  610-594.] 


XEKAU  II 


339 


phrase  is  exactly  as  in  the  previous  generation,  and 
Takhuat  is  the  natural  mother,  while  Neitaqert  was  the 
adopted  mother  of  Ankhnesraneferab.  Thus  Takhuat 
was  the  wife  of  Psamtek  II.,  and  the  wife  of  Nekau  is 
still  unknown.  The  ages  will  agree  to  this.  Psamtek  I., 
born  690  B.C.,  was  father  of  Neitaqert,  born  about 
665  B.C.  ;  and  Psamtek  II.,  born  646  B.C.,  was  father 
of  Ankhnesraneferab,  born  therefore  620  B.C.  So  the 
approximate  dates  (A.S.  v.  88)  of  the  Theban  queens 
are — 

Born.  Acting.  Died. 

Shapenapt  700  680  655 

Neitaqert  665  655  586 

Ankhnesraneferab  620  5S6  560  ? 

At  this  point  we  may  give  the  fixed  datings  which  result 
from  the  new  system  of  stating  the  birth,  death,  and 
age  of  an  Apis  or  a  man,  a  record  which  is  quite 
unknown  before  in  Egypt — 

Born.  Lived.  Died, 

y.     m.   d.        v.     m.   d.       v.     m.  d. 

Apis,  in  Psamtek  I.     liii.   6,  19     xvi.    7,  17       xvi.  2,    6  Xekau 

(Rec.  xxii.  21). 

Psamtek,  in  Xekau        i.  11,    i     Ixv.  10,    2    xxvii.  8,  28  Aahmes 

(L.L.S.  XXV.  p.  130). 

Psamtek.  in  Nekau      iii.  10.    i    Ixxi.   4,   6   xxxv.  2,    6  Aahmes 

(S.  Cat.  F.  1640;  R.S.  152). 
Apis,  in  X'ekau  xvi.    2,    7    xvii.    6,   5       xii.  8,  12  Haa'abra 

(P.  Ins.  i.  xxi.). 
Besmaut, in  Psamtek  xviii.  xcix.  xxiii.  Aahmes 

(Ms.  O.G.  266). 

These  data  give  liv.  o.  o  for  the  reign  of  Psamtek,  xl.  o.  5 
for  Nekau  to  Haa*ab'ra  inclusive,  xl.  o.  i  for  the  same, 
xxi.  o.  o  for  Nekau  and  Psamtek  II.  ;  hence  ig  for  the 
reign  of  Haa-ab'ra.  The  absence  of  odd  months  and 
days  for  the  lengths  of  reign  (except  irregularities) 
shows  that  the  dates  are  in  fixed  months  of  the  year, 
and  that  the  years  were  counted  from  new  year's  day. 
From  a  stele  (A.S.  v.  86)  we  see  that  Psamtek  II. 
reigned  from  before  year  i.  11.  29  to  year  vii.  i.  23,  or 
over  5  years  and  59  days  ;  also  Neitaqert  died  on  year 
iv.  12.  4  of  Haa'ab'ra. 


340  TWENTY-SIXTH  DYNASTY         [dyn.  xxvi.  3. 


XXVI.  3.  Nefer'Ab-ra 

PSAMTEK  (II. 


Rosetta 

Dainanhur 

Naukratis 

Tanis 

Hermopolis 

Defneh 

Naharieh 

Athribis 

Heliopolis 

Letopolis 

Gizeh 

Turra 


Memphis 

Hammamat 

Karnak 


Silsileh 

Philae 

Elephantine 

Big-eh 

Konosso 

Abu  Simbel 


Fragment  of  stone 
Base  or  tank     C,  Mus. 
Scarabs 

Glazed  disc 
Bronze  fitting  of  door 
Plaster  sealing 
Block 

Seal  of  priest 

Altar,  Pompei    Naples  Mus. 
Statue  of  Nekau,  by  Psamtek 
Fragment  of  granite  statue 
Berl.  Cat.  2275 
Block  drawn  with  name  on 

cornice 
Cartouches 
Bronze  plaques 
Yr.  III. 

Blocks  by  Ptolemaic  temple  D 
Chamber  N.  of  sanctuary 
On    column    of  Taharqa, 

altered  names 
Block  with  name 
Shrine 
Cartouches 


Greek  inscriptions 


Torso,  basalt,  badly  restored    P.  Mus. 

Cambridge 

Obelisk,  red  granite  Monte  Citorio,  Rome 
Intercolumnar  slab,  grey  granite  Vienna 
Bronze  figure  of  Neit  L.  Mus.  A,  53 

,,      base  of  Neit  L.  Mus.  D.  121 

,,      hinges  C.  Mus. 

Schist,  kneeling  figure  of  Besa,  holding 
naos  Marseille 


W.G.  63^). 

A.  Z.  xxii.  79). 
P.N.K.     i.  xxxviii. 

184). 
P.T.  i.  xii.  25). 

B.  Rec.  i.  x.  7). 
P.T.  ii.  xxxvi.  3). 
L.D.T.  i.  4). 

B.  Rec.  i.  x.  6). 
A.Z.  vi.  85). 
A.S.  iv.  92). 
L.D.  iii.  273  c). 

V.  P.  iii.  pi,  at  103). 

V.  P.  iii.  pi.  at  102). 
A.S.  iii.  141). 
L.D.  iii.  275  e). 
M.K.  p.  9). 

C.  N.  ii.  144). 
C.N.  ii.  8). 

W.G.  633). 
L.D.  iii.  274  d). 
M.I.  i.  114). 
C.N.  i.  163). 
M.L  i.  69). 
L.D.  vi.  98.  .  .). 


P.L.  S.  h.  29). 
Y.L.  xiii.  38). 
G.0.133;  P.T.O.ii.). 
Rec.  ix.  i^3). 
L.M.E.  i). 
L.  Mon.  pi.  xxi.). 
Ms.  Q.G.  264). 
(Ms.  CM.  14). 


B.C.  594-589.] 


PSAMTEK  II 


Stele  of  Hormertiaa,  nurse  of  king- 
C.  Mus. 

Demotic  papyrus,  yr.  IV.    P.  Mus.  709, 


(A.Z.  XXV.  120). 


'',  V.'  P.  :\Ius.  7857  A 
„  VI.  p.  Mus.  7857  B 
Sistrum  handle  B.  Mus.  34203 


(Corpus,  pi.  viii.). 
(Corpus,  xix.  18). 
(Xot.  309). 
(Not.  310). 


Scarabs,  common. 


Queen — Takhuat. 

Sarcophagus  of  Ankhnes 


(B.S.A.  383,  488). 


Sons — 

Uahabra 

Psamtek,  naos  of  Xeferabra'nefera 


(Hdtos.  ii.  161). 
(Rec.  xvi.  46). 


C.  Mus. 


Daughters — 

Ankhnes "ra'nefer-ab     Sarcophagus       (B.S.A.  383,  488). 


The  expedition  to  Nubia  is  the  only  event  known  in 
this  reign.  It  is  mentioned  by  Herodotos  (ii.  161),  and 
the  inscriptions  of  the  Greek  mercenaries  still  remain 
upon  the  colossi  at  Abu  Simbel.  These  have  been 
attributed  to  Psamtek  I.,  but  on  both  Greek  and  Egyp- 
tian grounds  they  are  probably  of  the  present  reign. 
The  king  went  up  to  Elephantine,  and  from  there  Pota- 
simto  (Pedu-sam"taui)  led  the  foreigners,  and  Amasis 
led  the  Egyptians,  on  to  "above  Kerkis,  to  where  the 
river  ceases."  A  party  with  Psammatikhos,  son  of 
Theokles,  cut  the  main  inscription  on  the  leg  of  one 
of  the  colossi  of  Ramessu  II.  Other  foreigners,  Greeks, 
Karians,  and  Syrians,  also  recorded  their  names. 

The  main  activity  of  Psamtek  II.  seems  to  have  been 
in  monuments,  principally  in  Upper  Egypt,  which  ap- 
parently now  obtained  a  share  of  the  attention  which 
the  previous  kings  had  concentrated  on  the  Delta. 
This  shows  a  strengthening  of  the  Egyptian  as  against 
the  Greek  influences,  which  movement  culminated  in  the 
revolt  of  Aahmes  in  the  next  reign. 


Neitmertefs 

 sentimery 

Astkhebt 


Nespahor,  treasurer. 
Basalt  figure 


Bubastis 


(N.B.  xliii.  D). 


342 


TWENTY-SIXTH  DYNASTY 


[dYN.  XXVI.  3.] 


The  so-called  sarcophagus  found  at  Damanhur  has 
nothing"  to  show  its  purpose  ;  it  may  have  been  an 
animal  sarcophagus,  a  tank,  or  a  basis,  but  there  is  no 
evidence  that  this  king  was  buried  in  it,  and  therefore 
the  conclusions  about  his  age  are  baseless.  There  are 
scenes  around  it  of  the  king  offering  to  various  divinities. 
A  few  pieces  of  furniture  and  small  objects  have  been 
found  in  the  Delta,  and  the  fort  of  Defneh  continued 
to  be  used.  The  quarries  at  Turra,  Hammamat,  and 
Silsileh  were  visited  to  obtain  materials  for  the  buildings. 
And  the  shrine  at  Philae  and  cartouches  on  the  rocks  of 
that  neighbourhood  are  probably  due  to  the  king  living 
there  during  the  Nubian  expedition. 

Of  the  portable  monuments,  the  obelisk  now  at  the 
Monte  Citorio  was  formerly  in  the  Campus  Martius, 
and  is  sometimes  called  Campensis.  It  has  been  much 
injured  and  repaired.  There  are  not  many  small  remains 
of  the  reign,  except  scarabs  ;  these  are  common,  but  of 
poor  work. 

The  queen  Takhuat  is  only  known  on  the  sarcophagus 
of  her  daughter  Ankhnes'ra'nefer'ab,  and  her  relation- 
ship as  wife  of  Psamtek  has  been  pointed  out  in  the 
previous  reign.  Uahabra  became  king,  but  none  of  the 
other  children  are  known  except  on  the  naos  of  Nefer- 
abra'nefera. 


XXVI.  4.  Haa-ab-ra 


Uah-ab-ra 


Tomb  Sais  (Hdtos.  ii.  169;  A.S. 

  ii-  237). 

Defneh  Glazed  plaque  (P.T.  ii,  xl.  7). 

Tell  Rob  Sinbellawin,  naos  C.  Mus.  (A.Z,  xxii.  90). 

Horbeyt  Bronze  lion  C.  Mus.  (M.D.  41;  fig.  144). 

Fuah  Blocks  of  granite  (My.  E.  147). 


[B.C.  589-570.] 


HAA'ABRA 


343 


Sais  Basalt  Hathor  column  (A.S.  ii.  2-;q). 

C.  Mus. 

Ushabti  (A.S.  ii.  237). 

Naharieh         Block  (L. D.  iii.  274  h,  i). 

Heliopolis        Obelisk  _  (P.T.O.  iii.). 

Rome,  Piazza  Minerva 

Obelisk  Ui-bino  (W.G.  643). 

,,  Granite  block  (       ,,  ) 

Memphis  Scene  of  founding-  temple  (CM.  443). 

Inscription   of  doorkeeper  (Berl.  Cat.), 
of  Ptah             Berl.  21 11 

„  Stele,  offerings  to  Ptah  (M.D.    30   b;  A.Z. 

xxviii.  103). 

,,  Bronze  plaque  (A.S.  iii.  141). 

Fragment  of  lintel     Cairo  (L.D.  iii.  274  g). 

Serapeum        Stele,  yr.  XII.  (Mar.    Choix  Mons. 

Scrap,  vii.  ;  P.  Ins. 
i.  21). 

Steles,  yr.  XIV.,  gift  of  land  (Rec.  xxv.  58). 

Steles  "  "  P.  Mus.  (352,    368,    369,  448, 

457>  467,  473,  1243). 

,,  Stele,  Karian  inscr.  (Ms.  Q.G.  345). 

Bahriyehoasis,  Two  temples. 

Tuneh,  naos  C.  Mus.  (Ms.  O.G.  170). 

Abydos  Restoration  of  a  royal  tomb  (P.R.T.  i.  xxxviii.). 

Red  g-ranite  naos  (P.  Ab.  i.  Ixviii.), 

Foundation  deposit  (P.  Ab.  i.  Ixx.). 

Karnak  Fragment  of  statue    B.  Mus.  600. 

Biban  el  Meluk  Entrance,  cartouches  (L.D.  iii.  274  k). 

E.  Silsileh        Cartouches  (L.D.  iii.  274  m). 

X'.  of  Aswan  (INI. I.  i.  207). 

Bigeh  (L.D.  iii.  274  1). 

Konosso  (M.I.  i,  69). 

Sphinxes,  quartzite,  Alexandria  (A.S.  v.  127). 

Sphinx,  bronze  P.  Mus.  S.  h.  267  (Ms.  P.E.  542). 

Bronze  vases  C.  Mus.  3463  (Bissing  Metallg.). 

,,      band  X'ienna  (Rec.  ix.  52). 

Agate  seal  with  king's  head         B.  Mus.  (P.  Sc.  1985). 

Demotic  papyrus,  yr.  X.  B.  Mus.  (X'ot.  310). 

P.  Mus.  7852  (Xot.  314). 

Broken  lion  C.  Mus.  (W.G.  644). 

Alabaster  plaque  P.  Mus.  (P.  Sc.  1988). 

Sistra  handles  F.P.  Coll.;  P.  Mus.  (P.L.  S.  h.  655). 

Menat  ^  P.  Mus.  (P.L.  S.  h.  456). 

Plaques,  Turin.  \'ienna 

B.  Mus.  41 18  a  ;  Berl.  Mus.  7744  ;  P.  Mus.  (P.L.  S.  h.  656-7). 

Helmeted  head  vase,  X'aukralitc   P.  Mus.  (Gaz.  Arch.  vi.  145). 

Rams'  heads  Wilbour        B.  Mus.  (P.  Sc.  1982). 

Scarabs,  common  ;  large  one        C.  Mus.  (P.  Sc.  1990). 

Sealing  of  clay  (Rec.  xx.  133). 


344 


TWEXTY-SIXTH  DYNASTY 


[dYN.  XXVI.  4. 


Xeshor,  general,  statue       P.  Mus.  A.  90     (P.R.  i.  22  ;  A.Z.  xxii. 

88). 

Nesuben  stele  Turin 

Pef'nefa'neit,  major-domo  B.  Mus.       (A.Z.  xxxi.  88). 

Pen'sekhet,  priest,  coffin  Berl.  2108    (L.D.  iii.  271  c,  d). 

Tapert,  lived  70  y.  4  m.  14  d.  (A.Z.  xxviii.  10). 

An  official  with  joint  pectoral  of  Psamtek  II. 
and  Haa-ab  ra  P.P.  Coll. 

To  avoid  confusion  between  this  king  and  Psamtek  I. 
it  should  be  noted  that  Uah'ab'ra  is  the  throne-name  of 
Psamtek,  but  the  personal  name  of  Haa'ab'ra. 

The  first  act  of  Uahabra  appears  to  have  been  an 
attempted  intervention  in  the  affairs  of  Palestine,  owing 
to  Zedekiah  "sending  his  ambassadors  to  Egypt,  that 
they  might  give  him  horses  and  much  people  "  (Ezek. 
xvii.  15).  The  Egyptians  responded  by  coming  up  to 
Palestine;  but  "Pharaoh's  army,  which  is  come  forth 
to  help  you,  shall  return  to  Egypt,  unto  their  own 
land "  (Jer.  xxxvii.  7),  and  they  did  not  attempt  to 
dispute  Nebuchadrezzar's  sphere  of  influence  in  Pales- 
tine. The  next  year  Jerusalem  fell,  the  Babylonian  set 
up  his  own  governor,  who  was  overthrown  ;  and  after 
this  "Johanan  the  son  of  Kareah  and  all  the  captains 
of  the  forces  took  all  the  remnant  of  Judah,  .  .  .  men, 
and  women  and  children,  and  the  king's  daughters, 
.  .  .  and  Jeremiah  the  prophet  .  .  .,  so  they  came  into 
the  land  of  Egypt,  .  .  .  thus  came  they  to  Tahpanhes," 
as  Jeremiah  relates  (xlii.  5)  ;  and  so  to  this  day 
Tahpanhes,  or  Defneh,  is  called  the  Fort  of  the 
Jew's  Daughter.  And  Jeremiah  took  great  stones, 
and  "hid  them  in  the  clay  of  the  paved  area  (A.V. 
brick-kiln)  which  is  at  the  entry  of  Pharaoh's  house  in 
Tahpanhes,"  and  prophesied  that  Nebuchadrezzar  would 
"spread  his  royal  pavilion  over  them."  In  the  clearing 
of  the  fortress  of  Tahpanhes  the  paved  area  before 
the  entrance  w^as  actually  found,  and  was  a  place  quite 
suitable  for  setting  up  a  royal  tent  (P.T.  ii.  50).  The 
absence  of  any  royal  wine  jars  of  this  reign  agrees 
with  the  place  having  been  given  up  to  the  Jewish  fugi- 
tives ;  and  such  exiles  would  have  been  a  useful  frontier 
guard,  certain  not  to  league  with  the  Babylonian. 


B.C.  589-570.] 


HAA-ABRA 


345 


Some  years  were  spent  in  quiet  prosperity  in  Egypt, 
with  the  Asiatic  temptation  cut  off  by  the  power  of 
Nebuchadrezzar.  But  some  time  between  574  B.C.  and 
569  B.C.,  after  Tyre  had  been  crushed  by  Babylon, 
Egypt  again  tried  for  a  footing,  defeated  the  remains 
of  the  Phoenician  fleet  and  its  Cypriote  allies,  and 
captured  Sidon.  Other  cities  submitted,  and  in  Gebal 
a  temple  was  built  (Ms.  P.E.  550). 

A  fresh  opening  for  action  presented  itself  when  the 
crowd  of  Greek  immigrants  to  Cyrene  dispossessed 
the  Libyan  chief  Adikran,  who  appealed  to  Egypt  for 
support.  The  conditions  were  reversed  from  the  day 
when  Libya  invaded  Egypt ;  for  now,  threatened  by  a 
swarm  of  colonists,  it  looked  for  help  to  the  descendants 
of  its  kinsmen,  who  had  become  the  lords  of  Egypt. 
Uahabra  "  having  assembled  a  large  army  of  Egyp- 
tians, sent  it  against  Cyrene  ;  and  the  Cyrenians, 
having  drawn  out  their  forces  to  the  district  of  Irasa, 
and  near  the  fountain  Thestes,  came  to  an  engage- 
m.ent  with  the  Egyptians,  and  conquered  them  ;  for 
the  Egyptians,  not  having  before  made  trial  of  the 
Greeks,  and  despising  them,  were  so  thoroughly  de- 
feated that  only  a  few  of  them  returned  to  Egypt.  In 
consequence  of  this,  the  Egyptians,  laying  the  blame 
on  Apries,  revolted  from  him  "  ( Hdtos.  iv.  1 59).  ' '  Both 
those  who  returned  and  the  friends  of  those  who  per- 
ished being  very  indignant  at  this,  openly  revolted 
against  him"  (Hdtos.  ii.  161). 

The  revolt  was  met  by  Uahabra  sending,  to  quell 
the  disturbance,  an  active  man  of  no  great  rank  named 
Aahmes.  But  they  acclaimed  him  as  king.  Uahabra 
then  sent  another  envoy  named  Patarbemis  to  bring 
Aahmes  before  him.  An  insolent  message  was  the 
only  reply,  for  bringing  which  the  unhappy  envoy  im- 
mediately lost  his  nose  and  ears.  This  burst  of  passion 
cost  Uahabra  his  kingdom  ;  for  he  was  deserted  by  his 
Egyptian  adherents,  who  went  over  to  Aahmes.  There 
remained  only  the  Greek  mercenaries,  who,  strange  to 
say,  had  not  been  alienated  by  the  attack  on  the  Greek 
colonists  of  Cyrenaica.     Uahabra  armed  them,  and 


346 


TWENTY-SIXTH  DYNASTY 


[DYN.  XXVI.  4. 


marched  with  30,000  Karian  and  Ionian  Greeks  to 
attack  Aahmes.  The  great  battle  took  place  at  Mo- 
memphis,  which  is  probably  Menouf,  west  of  Benha. 
But  the  king-  was  beaten,  and  taken  back  as  a  prisoner 
to  Sais.  Here  he  was  maintained  in  honour  for  some 
time,  and  a  joint  reign  of  Uahabra  and  Aahmes  was 
proclaimed.  But  as  this  period  falls  into  the  regnal 
years  of  Aahmes  it  will  be  taken  as  part  of  his  reign. 

Of  the  monuments,  the  main  objects  from  the  Delta 
are  the  beautiful  quartzite  shrine  from  Tell  Rob  and 
the  great  bronze  lion  from  Horbeyt.  The  obelisks 
which  were  removed  to  Rome  probably  came  from 


Fig.  144. — Bronze  lion  of  Haa'ab'ra.    Cairo  Mus.    M.D.  41. 

Heliopolis.  At  Memphis  there  was  some  building  at 
the  end  of  the  reign,  and  a  large  number  of  steles  were 
dedicated  at  the  Apis  burial.  At  Abydos  some  re- 
building at  the  temple  of  Tahutmes  III.  was  done,  the 
cartouche  plaques  of  Uahabra  and  Aahmes  being  found 
together  on  the  top  of  the  pits  which  contained  the 
earlier  deposits.  And  a  splendid  naos  of  red  granite 
was  dedicated,  of  which  portions  of  the  top  and  side 
remain.  The  king  seems  to  have  visited  the  royal 
tombs  at  Abydos,  and  made  repairs  there  ;  also  the 
tombs  of  the  kings  at  Thebes,  the  quarries  of  Silsileh, 
and  the  first  cataract,  where  his  cartouches  are  found. 
This  was  apparently  in  his  Nubian  war,  which  is 
undated,  but  is  described  on  the  statue  of  his  general, 


B.C.  589-570-] 


HAA-ABRA 


347 


Nes'hor,  who  records  that  he  overcame  the  Amu, 
Hanebu,  and  Sati,  who  probably  belonged  to  the 
Egyptian  mercenaries  of  the  southern  frontier. 

Of  the  minor  objects,  the  bronze  sphinx  in  Paris  is 
the  principal  piece.  The  agate  seal  of  a  tall,  conical 
form  is  not  Egyptian  in  shape  or  material,  and  is 
probably  the  work  of  a  Greek  engraver.  The  green 
glazed  vase  in  the  form  of  the  helmeted  head  of  a 
Greek  is  evidently  a  product  of  the  Greek  potters  of 
Naukratis. 


XXVI.  5.  Khnum-ab-ra  (^Q  Q  -^o. 


Aahmes'Si-neit 


Tomb  in  temenos  at  Sais 


(Hdtos.  ii.   169,  ii 
16). 


N.W.  Delta 
Kom  Afrin 

Defneh 

Nebesheh 

Thmuis 

Sais 


Mehallet  el  Kebir 
Bubastis 


Stele,  yr.  I. 
Bronze  hawk  aegis 
B.  Mus. 

Plaster  sealing" 
Bronze  ring 
Temple  and  deposits 
Granite  shrine  of  Uazet 
Granite  shrine 

Portico  of  Xeit 
Great  naos,  red  granite 
Colossal  statue 
Andro-sphinxes 


Granite  altar  B.  Mus. 
Block  of  black  granite 
Stele,  yr.  III. 

C.  Mus. 
Building  at,  vr.  XXXIV. 

Bed.  Mus.  8439 


(Rec.  XV.  87). 
(P.  Nk.  i.  xii.). 

(P.T.  ii.  xxxvi.  5). 
(P.T.  ii.  xli.  76). 
(P.T.  ii.  v.). 
(P.T.  ii.  iv.). 
(D.E.  V.  29  ;  B.  Ex. 
40- 

(Hdtos.  ii.  175). 

(  „  ). 

(Hdtos.  ii.  176). 

(Hdtos.  ii.  175  ; 
Iseum,  Rome  ; 
S. M.E.I.  Tav.  I- 
2  ;  S.  Maria  Min- 
erva, Rome). 

(Rec.  xxii.  142). 
(Ms.  G.  26;  A  Z. 

xxiii.  11). 
(A.Z.  ix.  60). 


348 


TWENTY-SIXTH  DYNASTY         [dyn.  xxvi.  5. 


Bubastis 
>> 

Athribis 

>  > 

>  > 

Heliopolis 
Memphis 


Cairo 


south 

Bulaq 
Serapeum 


Abydos 


Hammamat 


Koptos 
Karnak 

Elephantine 
Philae 

Big-eh 

Konosso 
Sehel 


Sistrum  handle  Baudry  Coll 
Wax  (?)  seal    C.  Mus. 
Naos,  red  granite 

P.  Mus.  D.  29 
Altar,  granite 
Seal  A.  Mus. 

Kneeling    bronze  figure 

holding  vases 
Colossus  before  temple  of 

Ptah,  75  ft.  high 
Two  granite  colossi,  20  ft. 
Temple  of  Isis 
Scene  of  founding  temple, 

with  Uahabra 
Naos,  black  granite  C.  Mus. 
Two  blocks 
Bronze  plaques 
Stone  in  citadel 

Stele  of  death  of  Uahabra 
Red  sandstone  sphinx  and 

shrine  ? 
Block  quartzlte 
Stele,Apis,Vth-XXIIIrdyr. 
1 1  steles  in  P.  Mus. 

Stele  of  Khnum'ab'ra 
Bronze  shield    C.  Mus. 
Naos,  red  granite,  pieces 
Altar,  red  granite 
Repairs  of  Osiris  temple, 

statue  P.  Mus. 

Deposits 

Inscriptions,  XLIVth  yr. 
etc. 

Genealogy  of  architects 

Chapel  of  Osiris 

Temple  H,  offering  to  Min 

and  Amen 
Cartouches 

On  re-used  blocks,  great 

court 
Cartouches 


Statue,  torso.    Villa  Albani 
Statuette.    Sabatier  Coll. 
Squatting  figure.  Cambridge. 


(A.Z.  xix.  1 16). 
Ms.  G.  99). 
P.R.  i.  74). 

W.G.  655). 

). 

Tano,  1904,  Paris). 
Hdtos.  ii.  176). 


CM.  443). 


Ms.  Q.G.  176). 
L.D.T.  i.  204). 
A.S.  iii.  141). 
R.S.    iv.  203, 

cliii.). 
Rec.  xxii.  1). 
Rec.  xi.  98). 


pi. 


A.S.  iii.  93). 
Rec.  xxii.  20). 
W.G.   656  ;  Rec. 

xxii.  171). 
Rec.  XXV.  50). 
Ms.  Q.G.  267). 
P.  Ab.  i.  Ixviii.). 
P.  Ab.  i.  Ixix.). 
A.Z.  xxxii.  1 18). 

P.  Ab.  i.  Ixx.). 
L.D.  iii.  275b, c,d). 

L.  D.  iii.  275  a). 
P.  Kop.  17). 
L.D.  iii.  274  n,  o). 

P.S.  xi.  302). 
A.Z.  xxiii.  13). 

L.D.  iii.  274  c). 
M.I.  i.  69). 
M.I.  i.  84). 


R.S.  iv.  204). 
Rec.  xiv.  55). 


B.C.  570-526.] 


AAHMES -SI  XEIT 


349 


Head  in  bronze,  fine.    C.  Mus.  (W.G.  656). 

Ushabtis  (Sais).     P.P.  Coll.  ;   Berl.   Mus.    (Rec.  xvii.  14). 
7483  ;  C.  Mus. 

Portrait  (R.S.  xiii.  53). 

Xaos,  red  g-ranite.    L.  Mus.  (L.     Mon.     C.  9, 

XXXV. -vi. ;  L.M.E. 

42). 

Slab.    Berl.  Mus.  (Berl.  Cat.  14126). 

Bronze  fittings  of  door.    T.  Mus.;  C.  Mus.      (B.  Rec.  i.  10,  8). 
Green  glazed  plaque.    Hoffmann  Coll.  197. 

Vases.  T.  Mus.,  frag-ment  ;  P.  Mus.,  S.  h.  384;  L.  Mus.,  H.  441, 
pi.  Ixvii. ). 

Sistrum  handles,  common. 
Menats,  common. 
Weight.    B.  Mus. 

Clav  seal  with  Uahabra  (Rec.  xx.  133). 

ScaVabs.    B.  Mus.;  Turin  Mus.;  C.  Mus.        (M.D.  32). 

Demotic  papyri  (see  Not.  322-^5),  yrs.  H.  III.  (Crawford,  iii.- 
vi.);  yrs.  III.  VI.  VIII.  (P.  Mus.  7861,  7860,  7853);  yr.  VIII. 
(Crawford,  v.  vii.  viii.)  ;  yr.  XII.  (P.  Mus.  7841,  7855,  7848, 
7846,  7859  A)  ;  yrs.  XV.  XVI.  XVII.  (P.  Mus.  7851  A,  7844, 
7845  A,  B) ;  yr.  XIX.  (P.  Mus.  7856  A,  B,  C,  7847  A,  7840  bis)  ; 
yr.  XXXI.  (P.  Mus.  7842,  B.  Mus.);  vrs.  XXXII. -IV.  (P.  Mus. 
7832,  7840  A,  B,  C,  7835) ;  yr.  XXXV.  (P.  Mus.  7838,  7834, 
7836,  7843);  yr.  XXXVI.  (P.  Mus.  7833,  7835);  yr.  XXXVIII. 
P.  Mus.  7450) ;  yr.  XXXII.  and  on,  see  Corpus). 

Mother  0/ king— T\-khred-e:^- AST  (Rec.  xxii.  143). 

Queens — 

Thentkheta. 

Serapeum  stele  (Rec.  xxi.  63). 
Nekhtsebastru. 

Sarcophagus.    E.  Mus.  (G.E.  96). 

Serapeum  stele  (Rec.  xxii.  171). 

Mlt-mervheo"xefertu,  Ankhnes-ra-       (A.S.  v.  86,  90). 

NEFER-AB. 

Sarcophagus.    Brit.  Mus.  (B.S.A.) 
Karnak,  temple  H  (L.D.  iii.  2740). 

J  (M.K.56a,c;  L.D. 

iii.  273e-h, 274a, c). 

Slab,  Berlin  (273  f    in  Berlin, 

21 12). 

Basalt  statuette.    C.  ]Mus.    Scarab.  (A.S.  v.  90). 

F.P.  Coll. 

of  Thentkheta,  Psamtek  (III.)  (Rec.  xxi.  63). 

,,      Nekhtsebastru,  Aahmes,  sarcophagus.  (G.E.  94). 
E.  Mus. 

,,  Pasenkhonsu  (Rec.     xxii.     171  ; 

B.T.  637). 


35° 


TWENTY-SIXTH  DYNASTY         [dvn.  xxvi.  5. 


Hor'pa'uahem    Bronze,  Min-Amen.    B.  Mus.  (A.B.  iii.  4). 

Pedubast  Grey  limestone  stele.    Fahr-  (A.Z.  xix.  117). 

mann  Coll. 

Peduneit  Major-domo  of  Ankhnes  (Ms.  Q.G.  177). 

Pef'zau'aui'neit  Fanbearer,  statue,  Abydos.  (P.R.  ii.  39;  A.Z. 

P.  Mus.  A  93  xxxii.  118). 

,,  Fanbearer,  sandstone  slab. 

C.  Mus.  671. 

Psamtek,  A.        Stele,  born  in  Nekau,  yr.  I.  (L.L.S.  xxv.  p.  130). 

Psamtek,  B.  ,,  ,,  yr.  III.  (R.S.  152). 

Psamtek,  C.       Feet  of  statue.    B.  Mus.  (Y.L.  xii.  37). 

Sheshenq  Major-domo  of  Ankhnes Ta '  (L.D.   iii.   273  e,  f, 

nefer'ab  274  c,  o). 

Tomb,  Assassif  (C.N.  i.  552). 

Grey   marble   statuette    of  (P.L.  S.  h.). 
Isis.    P.  Mus.  S.  h.  25 
,,                 Clay  sealing.    F.P.  Coll. 
Uzahorresneit     Admiral  (see  Cambyses). 

Aahmes  is  stated  by  Herodotos  (ii.  172)  to  have  come 
from  Siuf  near  Sais  ;  this  is  probably  the  modern  Es 
Seffeh,  6  miles  N.  of  Sais.  It  has  been  supposed  that 
he  is  the  same  as  the  high  official  who  dedicated  the 
libation  basin  (P.  Mus.  D.  50;  P.R.  i.  82);  but  that 
was  a  later  man,  as  on  his  father's  sarcophagus  the 
official  Aahmes  has  his  name  in  a  cartouche,  showing 
that  the  name  was  borrowed  from  a  king,  while  this 
man  was  yet  an  official  (A.Z.  xxviii.  10). 

The  monuments  of  the  joint-reign  of  Uahabra  and 
Aahmes  conclusively  show  that  for  some  years  Uahabra 
remained  a  political  prisoner  under  the  power  of  his 
nominal  co-regent  Aahmes.  Of  this  period  is  a  clay 
seal  with  the  cartouches  of  Khnum'ab'ra  and  Haa*ab*ra 
together  (Rec.  xx.  133)  ;  the  scene  of  founding  a  temple 
at  Memphis  (CM.  443),  which  is  being  done  by  Uahabra, 
followed  by  a  royal  ka  of  Aahmes  (truly  his  evil  genius 
shadowing  him)  ;  the  granite  shrine  at  Abydos  (P.  Ab. 
i.  Ixviii.),  which  has  the  names  of  Uahabra  on  the 
pyramidion,  and  Aahmes  on  a  piece  which  is  almost 
certainly  part  of  the  side  ;  the  mixed  foundation  deposits 
at  Abydos  of  Uahabra  with  one  piece  of  Aahmes  (P.  Ab. 
i.  Ixx.)  ;  and,  lastly,  the  all-important  stele  of  the  death 
of  Uahabra  (Rec.  xxii.  i).  Of  this,  the  following  is  an 
abstract. 


B.C.  57^^526.] 


AAHMES-SI-XEIT 


351 


In  the  Ilird  year,  month  of  Pauni  (about  the  end  of 
October),  Aahmes  told  his  Council  that  Haa'ab'ra  had 
left  his  confinement  at  Sais  in  a  Greek  boat,  numberless 
Greeks  were  going-  through  the  north  land,  and  he 
acted  as  if  there  was  no  one  over  him  :  that  he  called 
the  Greeks  and  gave  them  a  residence  in  Pehu  An 
(possibly  Naukratis),  and  they  infested  Egypt  up  to 
Sekhet  Mafek  (Terraneh).  Aahmes  then  assembled  the 
notables.  He  reminded  them  that  every  battle  that 
the  king  had  led  had  been  disastrous  ;  but  that  God 


called  them  now,  and  they  only  needed  to  be  bold  to 
overcome  the  intruders.  They  replied  most  obsequi- 
ously, that  he  was  master  by  the  will  of  God,  that  he 
had  a  large  army,  and  all  his  people  were  happy  and 
flourishing.  So  Aahmes  assembled  his  troops  and 
mounted  his  chariot.  A  first  fight  took  place  at  Andro- 
polis,  in  which  his  troops  won,  and  he  offered  booty 
without  end  in  the  temples.  But  on  Hathor  8  (i8th 
March)  news  came  that  thousands  more  of  the  Greek 
party  were  about.  Aahmes  then  addressed  his  troops, 
started,  and  overran  the  land  like  a  tempest.    So  the 


352 


TWENTY-SIXTH  DYNASTY         [dyn.  xxvi.  5. 


party  of  Uahabra  murdered  the  prince,  who  was  resting 
in  his  boat.  And  Aahmes,  seeing-  his  friend  (!)  slain, 
interred  him,  and  pardoned  him  his  sin  to  the  gods. 

This  is  the  contemporary  official  version  of  the  tale 
of  Herodotos :  ''But  at  length  the  Egyptians  com- 
plaining that  he  did  not  act  rightly  in  preserving  a 
man  who  was  the  greatest  enemy  both  to  them  and  to 
him,  he  thereupon  delivered  Apries  to  the  Egyptians  ; 
but  they  strangled  him,  and  afterwards  buried  him  in 
his  ancestral  sepulchre  ;  this  is  in  the  temenos  of 
Athene,  very  near  the  temple,  on  the  left  hand  as  you 
enter  "  (ii.  169).  The  co-regency  thus  lasted  only 
three  years  ;  and  this  does  not  accord  with  the  state- 
ment of  Herodotos  that  Apries  reigned  25  years  ;  for 
his  sole  reign  was  19  years,  as  shown  by  the  steles 
before  quoted,  and  so  he  died  in  the  22nd  year  of  his 
reign.  He  left  no  son,  for  w^hen  Cambyses  sent  to 
claim  a  daughter  of  Aahmes  in  marriage — "There 
was  a  daughter  of  Apries,  the  former  king,  very  tall 
and  beautiful,  the  only  survivor  of  the  family;  her  name 
was  Nitetis.  This  damsel,  Amasis,  having  adorned  her 
with  cloth  of  gold,  sent  to  Persia"  (Hdtos.  iii.  i).  And 
this  sufficed  to  give  room  for  the  Egyptian  fiction  of 
unbroken  royal  descent,  even  in  the  case  of  a  Persian 
conqueror  of  the  land. 

The  first  act  of  Aahmes,  when  he  ruled  alone,  was  to 
satisfy  the  old  Egyptian  party  at  the  expense  of  the 
Greeks,  whom  he  had  thrice  defeated.  The  intrusive 
Greek  had  settled  into  the  land  on  the  west  up  to 
Terraneh,  and  on  the  east  at  Daphnae,  where  he  had 
docks  and  shipping,  beside  doubtless  many  other 
centres  of  petty  trade.  So  Aahmes  gave  Naukratis 
entirely  over  to  the  Greeks,  "and  if  any  man  arrived 
at  any  other  mouth  of  the  Nile,  he  was  obliged  to 
swear  'that  he  had  come  there  against  his  will,'  and 
having  taken  such  an  oath,  he  must  sail  in  the  same 
ship  to  the  Canobic  mouth"  (Hdtos.  ii.  179).  That 
this  state  of  things  was  established  by  Aahmes,  and 
was  not  older,  is  proved  by  the  earlier  settlement  of 
the  Greeks  at  Daphnae,  which  came  to  an  end  in  the 


B.C.  !;7o-526.] 


AAHMES-SI-XEIT 


353 


time  of  Aahmes,  as  Herodotos  describes  (ii.  154).  As 
giving-  such  a  great  monopoly  to  Xaukratis,  he  was 
naturally  extolled  there  as  a  patron  ;  but  his  action 
was  really  a  severe  restraint  of  the  Greeks  to  one  treaty 
port,  after  the  Egyptians  had  entirely  vanquished  the 
Greek  mercenaries. 

The  weakening  of  Egypt  by  these  civil  wars  gave 
an  opportunity  to  the  Babylonian.  And  in  568  b,c. 
Nebuchadrezzar  marched  into  the  Delta.  The  sturdy 
Greek  troops  were  gone,  Daphnae  was  deserted,  and 
the  road  into  Egypt  lay  open.  It  is  certain  that  he 
fought  with  Aahmes  (A.Z.  xxii.  88),  and  at  that  time — 
with  only  a  damaged  half  of  an  army — Aahmes  is  not 
likely  to  have  tried  to  re-enter  Syria.  So  the  cylinder 
inscriptions  of  Nebuchadrezzar  found  in  the  isthmus  of 
Suez  (Ms.  G.  5830-31)  may  be  accepted  as  showing 
that  he  did  at  least  enter  the  Delta,  and  pitch  his 
royal  pavilion  before  the  entry  of  Pharaoh's  house  in 
Tahpanhes,  as  Jeremiah  states.  Eastern  affairs  took 
care  of  themselves,  however,  for  the  rest  of  the  reign  ; 
the  rising  power  of  Persia  prevented  any  distant 
wars  being  undertaken  by  Babylon.  Aahmes  there- 
fore strengthened  himself  during  this  peace  by  alliances 
with  the  inevitable  Greek.  The  great  princes  of  Asia 
Minor,  Kroesos  of  Lydia  (Hdtos.  i.  77)  and  Polykrates 
of  Samos  (H.  iii.  39),  became  his  allies  ;  he  nominated 
Battos  III.  of  Gyrene  (Ms.  P.E.  645);  and  he  in- 
gratiated himself  with  the  independent  cities  by  rich 
presents — gilt  statues  of  Neit  and  Aphrodite  to  Gyrene, 
and  his  own  portrait  painted  ;  two  stone  statues  and  a 
marvellous  linen  corslet  to  Athena  at  Lindos  ;  two 
statues  of  himself  to  Hera  at  Samos  ;  and  another 
exquisite  corslet  at  Sparta,  afterwards  seized  by  the 
Samians  (Hdtos.  ii.  181,  2  ;  iii.  44).  He  also  gave  a 
munificent  present  of  1000  talents  of  alum  for  the 
rebuilding  of  the  temple  of  Delphi  (H.  ii.  180).  Egypt 
became  fashionable  with  the  Greeks,  and  Solon  visited 
Aahmes  (H.  i.  30).  Having  carried  out  the  policy  of 
the  earlier  kings,  and  established  a  fighting  fleet  in  the 
Mediterranean,  Aahmes  was  able  to  capture  Cyprus, 
III— 23 


354 


TWENTY-SIXTH  DYNASTY        [dyn.  xxvi.  5. 


and  levy  a  tribute  on  that  land  (H.  ii.  182),  an  antici- 
pation of  the  firm  hold  that  the  Ptolemies  had  three 
centuries  later. 

The  activities  of  the  reign  were  largely  spent  in 
monumental  works.  To  Aahmes  are  due  the  temple 
and  granite  monolith  naos  at  Nebesheh  ;  the  great 
granite  naos  of  Thmuis,  23^  ft.  high,  and  the  greatest 
naos  of  all  at  Sais,  32  ft.  high,  21  deep  through,  and 
12  wide  ;  this  last  was  left  on  its  side  and  never  erected, 
probably  owing  to  the  Persian  invasion.    It  was  by  no 


Fig.  146. — Basalt  sphinx  of  Aahmes  II.,  Rome.    S. M.E.I,  i. 

means  so  heavy  as  the  Ramesside  colossi,  but  consisted 
of  4000  cubic  feet  of  granite,  which  weighed  about  300 
tons.  Some  of  the  andro-sphinxes  named  by  Herodotos 
are  apparently  those  now  in  Rome. 

At  Memphis  the  temple  of  Isis  is  attributed  to  this 
reign,  and  rebuilding  in  the  temple  of  Ptah  (CM.  443). 
A  great  colossus  and  a  pair  of  colossi  before  the  temple 
are  attributed  to  Aahmes  (Hdtos.  ii.  176)  ;  but  it  seems 
more  likely  that  these  are  the  colossi  of  Ramessu  II. 
which  are  still  at  Memphis  (S.B.A.  x.  452-6).  A  small 
chapel,  south  of  Cairo,  is  supposed  to  be  that  mentioned 


1 


B.C.  570-526.] 


AAHMES-SI-XEIT 


355 


by  Pankhy  (Rec.  xi.  98).  The  Serapeum  steles  are 
numerous  ;  but  the  only  one  of  historic  importance  is 
one  naming  the  queen,  which  we  notice  below. 

At  Abydos  the  temple  of  Osiris  Khentamenti  was 
largely  repaired.  The  foundation  deposits  of  rebuilding 
have  been  found,  and  parts  of  an  exquisitely  wrought 
naos  of  red  granite  (P.  Ab.  i.  Ixviii-lxx).  And  the 
description  of  this  rebuilding  is  upon  the  statue  of 
Pef'zau'aui'neit,  who  directed  it  (P.  Mus.  A.  93;  A.Z. 
xxxii.  118).  He  constructed  the  temple  of  Khent- 
amenti with  work  solid  for  eternity,  surrounded  it  with 
brick  walls  ;  the  naos  was  of  red  granite  (as  found  in 
1902),  the  inner  shrine  within  it  of  electrum.  All  the 
utensils  of  the  temple  were  of  gold,  silv^er,  and  precious 
stones.  He  dug  the  lake  and  surrounded  it  with  trees  ; 
gave  an  endowment,  and  body  of  temple  serfs,  who 
were  foreign  captives,  to  work  on  the  estates  given  to 
the  temple.  And  he  generally  established  the  whole 
religious  services  and  amenities  of  the  place.  A  very 
similar  work  was  done  at  Henensuten,  but  there  is  no 
proof  of  the  precise  period  of  it  (Statue,  P.  Mus.  A.  88  ; 
P.R.  i.  14).  The  quarries  of  Hammamat  and  the 
cataract  show  the  marks  of  this  activity  ;  but  there  is 
no  chronological  value  in  the  genealogy  of  architects 
(L.D.  iii.  275  a),  as  generations  are  certainly  omitted 
in  the  early  part  of  it,  and  we  cannot  be  certain  where 
else  they  may  be  missing. 

Of  the  minor  antiquities,  the  naos  at  Leyden  is  of 
very  fine  work,  and  bears  a  great  mass  of  mythology  : 
but  there  is  nothing  among  these  which  is  of  historic 
value. 

The  king's  mother  is  recorded  on  a  block  at  Mehallet 
el  Kebir,  and  is  named  Ta'khred*en"ast,  and  her  mother 
was  Thenfmut  (Rec.  xxii.  143). 

The  queen  Thent-kheta  is  named  on  a  Serapeum 
stele  of  Psamtek,  who  was  the  son  of  her  and  Aahmes. 

Nekht'Sebastru  is  similarly  proved  to  have  been 
queen  by  the  Serapeum  stele  of  her  son  Pasenkhonsu. 
Her  sarcophagus  was  found  in  a  pit  near  the  pyramid 
of  Khufu,  and  is  now  at  Petersburg. 


356 


TWEXTY-SIXTH  DYNASTY         [dvn-.  xxvi.  5. 


Ankhxes-ra-nefer'ab  was  the  great  queen  of  Thebes 
under  Uahabra  and  Aahmes,  but  she  is  never  called 
wife  of  either  king.  She  succeeded  on  16  Mesore  in 
IVth  year  of  Haa-ab*ra  (A.S.  v.  87).  Her  sarcophagus 
from  Thebes  is  published  (B.S.A.),  but  the  usurpations 


Fig.  147.— Menat  of  Aahmes  II.    F.P.  Coll. 


on  it  should  be  separated  (Rec.  xxvi.  50).  She  erected 
two  small  chapels  at  Karnak,  where  she  appears  with 
her  major-domo,  or  vizier,  Sheshenq. 

The  sons  of  Aahmes  were  Psamtek  III.,  who  suc- 
ceeded him  ;   Aahmes,  chief  of  the  archers,  whose 


B.C.  570-526.] 


AAHMES-ST-XEIT 


357 


sarcophagfus  was  found  with  that  of  his  mother  Nekhf 
sebastru  at  Gizeh,  and  is  now  at  Petersburg ;  and 
Pasenkhonsu,  a  brother  of  his.  He  is  said  to  have  had 
a  daughter  Ta'khred'en'ast  (L.K.  653),  called  after  her 
grandmother. 

Of  private  works  of  importance  there  is  the  fine 
bronze  figure  of  Amen  inlaid  with  gold,  made  by 
Horpauahem,  one  of  the  officials  of  the  Theban  queen  ; 
the  statue  of  Pef"zau*aui'neit  who  restored  Abydos  ; 


Fig.  148. — Scarab  of  Ankh-        Seal  of  prince  Sheshenq. 
nes'ra'nefer'ab.   F.  P.  Coll.  F. P.  Coll. 

the  tomb  of  the  vizier  Sheshenq  at  Thebes  ;  and  the 
statue  of  the  admiral  Uza'hor 'res'neit,  which  we  shall 
notice  under  the  Persians. 


XXVI.  6. 

AXKH-KA'EN-RA 
PSAMTEK  (III.) 


IS 


1 


B.C. 


Karnak,   Temple  J   scene,    offering  to 
Amen 
scene  with  Horus 
Head  of  statue.    P.  Mus, 
Sistrum  and  fragment.      Brugsch  and 

Meyer's  Colls. 
Demotic  papyrus.    Strassburg  2. 


(L.D.  iii.  275  f;  M.K. 

56  b). 
(L.D.  ni.  275  g). 
(Ms.  P.E.  659). 
(W.G.  66  r). 

.(Spiegelberg,  PI.  1). 


Psamtek  must  have  been  of  mature  age  when  he 
came  to  the  throne  ;  he  is  not  likely  to  have  been  born 
after  his  father  had  the  power  to  seize  the  kingdom, 


358 


TWENTY-SIXTH  DYNASTY         [dyn.  xxvi.  6. 


and  hence  he  would  be  over  44  at  his  accession.  He 
had  a  daughter  and  son  grown  up,  according  to  the 
tale  of  their  civil  treatment  by  Cambyses. 

The  Persian  storm  had  long  been  gathering.  Gradu- 
ally Persia  had  advanced  west- 
ward ;  Babylon  had  fallen  in  538 
before  the  power  of  Cyrus  ;  the 
Phoenician  coast  and  its  fleets 
were  next  in  his  power  ;  gold  and 
intrigue  and  force  had  made  the 
Asiatic  Greeks  subservient,  and 
detached  them  from  their  alliances 
with  Egypt.  And  now  Egypt  stood 
alone  to  meet  the  Lord  of  Asia. 
Cambyses  collected  his  forces  on 
the  Syrian  frontier  before  the  death 
of  Aahmes,  and  when  he  took 
command  he  heard  of  the  lucky 
chance  for  him  that  a  new  and 
untried  king  was  on  the  throne 
(Hdtos.  iii.  10). 

The  passage  of  the  desert  be- 
tween lenysos  (Khan  Yunis)  and 
Pelusium  was  three  days'  journey 
(H.  iii.  5)  even  for  small  parties, 
and  more  for  a  large  army.  The  chances  and  risks 
were  considerable,  but  the  fickle  Greek  smoothed  the 
way.  *' There  was  among  the  auxiliaries  of  Amasis 
a  man,  by  birth  an  Halikarnassian,  whose  name  was 


Fig.  149. — Psamtek  III. 
Paris  Mus.  Ms.  P.E. 
659- 


Fig.  150. — Phanes  inscription.    P.  Nk.  i.  xxxiii. 


Phanes,  one  able  in  counsel  and  valiant  in  war."  In 
his  palmy  days  in  Egypt  he  had  dedicated  a  splendid 
vase  to  Apollo  of  Naukratis,  and  cut  his  name  on  it, 
as  we  see  to  this  day  (P.  Nk.  xxxiii.  218).  He  played 
the  traitor,  and  went  over  to  Cambyses  ;  leaving  his 


B.C.  526-525.] 


PSAMTEK  III 


359 


family  in  Egypt,  with  the  same  unconcern  with  which 
the  earHer  Greek  mercenaries  had  boasted  that  wher- 
ever they  went  they  would  take  wives  and  get  children 
(Hdtos.  ii.  30).  Aahmes  knew  his  value,  sent  in  chase, 
and  caught  him  in  Lycia ;  but  he  slipped  off  in  a 
drinking  bout,  and  reached  Cambyses.  The  affairs  of 
Aahmes,  and  the  details  of  the  way,  were  all  given  by 
him  ;  and  negotiations  were  made  with  the  king  of 
North  Arabia  for  assistance  in  crossing  the  desert,  and 
providing  camel  transport  for  the  water. 

The  Egyptians  lay  at  Pelusium,  and  do  not  seem 
to  have  made  any  attempt  to  harry  the  travelling  army 
and  its  water  supply.  The  armies  were  soon  face  to 
face.  And  then  the  Karians  and  lonians  brought  out 
the  sons  of  Phanes,  "within  sight  of  their  father,  and 
placed  a  bowl  midway  between  the  two  armies,  then 
dragging  the  children  one  by  one,  they  slew  them  over 
the  bowl.  When  they  had  slaughtered  all  the  children, 
they  poured  wine  and  water  into  the  bowl  ;  and,  after 
all  the  auxiliaries  had  drank  of  the  blood,  they  immedi- 
ately joined  battle"  (Hdtos.  iii.  11).  This  human 
sacrifice  before  the  battle  maintained  the  ceremonies  of 
not  letting  the  blood  fall  on  the  earth,  and  of  the  sacra- 
mental drinking  of  it  by  all  the  Greek  troops.  The 
parallel  to  this  is  the  sacrifice  of  three  Persian  prisoners 
by  the  Greeks  before  the  battle  of  Salamis.  After  a 
hard  battle  and  great  slaughter,  the  Egyptians  broke 
and  fled  to  Memphis,  giving  up  the  whole  Delta.  A 
Persian  herald  sent  up  to  negotiate  was  torn  to  pieces, 
with  all  the  crew  of  the  ship.  A  siege,  however,  broke 
their  resistance,  and  the  Persian  was  Lord  of  Egypt. 
The  tale  of  the  unbroken  dignity  of  Psamtek,  in  face  of 
the  slavery  of  his  daughter  and  the  murder  of  his  son, 
is  said  to  have  touched  the  Persians,  and  Kroesos 
who  was  in  their  train  ;  and  the  king  was  respectfully 
treated  after  the  settlement  of  the  country.  But  he 
could  not  resist  intrigue,  and  was  condemned  to  death. 


36o  THE  PERSIAN  DOMIXIOX         [dy.v.  xxvh.  i. 


THE  PERSIAN  DOMINION 


XXVII.  DYXASTY 


Mesut'ra,  Kambathet 
Setetirra,  Antaryuash 
.  .  .  Khshyarsh 
.  .  .  Artakhshesesh 

Meryanien'ra,  Antaryuash 


XXVII.  I. 

Mesut-ra 

Kambathet 
(Cambyses) 


Cambyses 
Darius  I. 
Xerxes  I. 
Artaxerxes  I. 
Sogdianus 
Darius  II. 


525-521 
521-486 
486-466 
466-425 
425-424 
424-405 


2^- 


B.C. 


Serapeum 

Hammamat 
Uza"hor"res'neit 

Aryandes 


Stele  of  Apis,  died  yr.  VI.    (Rec.  xxi.  57). 

P.  Mus. 
Cartouche,  yr.  VI. 
Keeper   of  temple  Sais, 

statue,  Vatican 
Satrap  of  Egypt 


(L.D.  iii.  283  m). 
(B.T.  636;  P.  Ins.  i. 

32-3;  R.P.  X.49). 
(Hdtos.  iv.  166). 


Unfortunately  there  is  but  one  contemporary  record 
of  the  history  of  Cambyses  in  Egypt  ;  and  Herodotos 
collected  his  tales  and  traditions  longer  after  the  con- 
quest than  Waverley  is  after  the  '45.  A  few  old  men 
may  have  remembered  the  contemporary  gossip  and 
rumours  which  float  in  an  eastern  land  ;  but  probably 
all  the  information  had  been  tinged  by,  and  mingled 
with,  the  later  acts  of  the  Persians. 

The  statue  of  Uza"hor'res*neit  is  thus  the  only  reliable 
source  of  the  history,  and  we  here  give  a  translation  of 


B.C.  525-521.] 


CAMBYSES 


it.  He  was  a  prince,  treasurer,  a  true  royal  relation, 
admiral  of  the  fleet  under  Aahmes  and  Psamtek  III. 
"When  there  came  to  Egypt,  the  great  king,  lord  of 
all  lands,  Cambyses,  and  peoples  of  all  foreign  countries 
with  him,  he  ruled  the  whole  land,  and  they  settled 
in  it.  Being  great  prince  of  Egypt,  and  great  king 
of  all  foreign  lands,  his  Majesty  granted  me  the  rank 
of  chief  doctor,  and  made  me  dwell  with  him  as  friend 
and  keeper  of  the  palace,  composing  his  prenomen, 
the  name  king  of  Upper  and  Lower  Egypt,  Mesut'RA. 
I  told  his  Majesty  of  the  greatness  of  Sais  as  the  dwell- 
ing of  Neit,  the  great  goddess,  the  mother  who  gave 
birth  to  Ra,  the  first  born,  before  he  had  been  born  : 
also  the  idea  of  the  greatness  of  the  dwelling  of  Neit, 
which  is  heaven  in  all  its  nature :  also  the  idea  of  the 
greatness  of  the  tem.ples  of  Neit,  and  of  all  gods  and 
goddesses  who  dwell  there  :  also  the  idea  of  the  great- 
ness of  the  Osireion  of  Sais,  the  seat  of  the  Lord,  the 
ruler  of  Heaven  :  also  the  idea  of  the  greatness  of  the 
south  chapel  and  the  north  chapel  of  the  temple  of 
Ra,  and  the  temple  of  Atmu,  which  is  the  mysterious 
dwelling  of  all  the  gods."  This  record  of  the  doctrines 
or  ideas  of  the  local  worship  shows  that  Cambyses 
came  in  much  the  same  mood  as  Pankhy  the  Ethiopian, 
willing  to  conform  to  the  local  worships  that  he  found. 
And  evidently  Uzahor  composed  a  throne  name  which 
alluded  to  the  mother  of  Ra,  whom  he  worshipped. 

He  then  appealed  to  Cambyses  to  eject  the  strangers 
who  had  taken  up  their  abode  in  the  sanctuary  of  Neit, 
in  order  to  re-establish  it  in  all  its  glory.  So  the  king 
ordered  that  their  houses  should  be  destroyed,  that 
they  should  carry  away  all  their  goods,  and  that  the 
temple  should  be  purified.  Also,  that  the  sacred 
revenues  should  be  restored  as  before,  since  they  had 
been  confiscated  for  the  Greek  troops  by  Aahmes. 

*'When  the  king,  Cambyses,  came  to  Sais  he  went 
into  the  sanctuary  of  Neit,  he  worshipped  before  the 
holiness  of  Neit  with  much  devotion,  as  all  the  kings  had 
done,  he  made  great  offering  of  all  good  things  to  Neit, 
the  great,  the  divine  mother,  and  to  all  the  gods  who 


362 


THE  PERSIAN  DOMINION         [dyn.  xxvii.  i. 


dwell  in  Sais,  as  all  the  pious  kings  had  done."  The 
king  also  restored  the  offerings  to  Neit  and  to  Osiris. 

Uza*hor"res*neit  then  states  his  piety  to  his  father 
and  brothers.  ''At  the  time  when  the  calamity  came 
to  pass  in  this  nome,  the  very  great  calamity  which  came 
to  pass  in  the  whole  land.  ...  I  have  re-established 
the  divine  offerings  of  Neit.  ...  I  made  the  buildings 
of  Neit.  ...  I  was  an  excellent  man  in  my  town,  I 
delivered  the  people  from  the  very  great  calamity  which 
came  to  pass  in  the  whole  land,  of  which  no  one  has 
seen  the  like  in  this  land.  I  have  protected  the  feeble 
against  the  mighty,  I  have  been  the  protector  of  him 
who  respected  me,  and  his  desire  is  fulfilled.  I  gave 
them  all  that  was  best,  at  the  time  fit  to  give  it  them." 

"  His  Majesty  the  king  of  Upper  and  Lower  Egypt, 
Darius,  ordered  me  to  go  to  Egypt  while  his  Majesty 
was  in  Aram  (Syria),  as  he  was  great  king  of  all  lands 
and  great  prince  of  Egypt,  in  order  to  re-establish  the 
school  of  sacred  scribes  after  its  ruin.  The  foreigners 
brought  me  from  land  to  land,  and  brought  me  safely 
to  Egypt,  according  to  the  word  of  the  lord  of  both 
plains.  I  did  as  his  Majesty  had  ordered.  I  provided 
for  all  the  staff  of  scribes,  and  the  sons  of  the  wealthy  ; 
the  children  of  the  poor  were  not  admitted ;  and 
I  gave  them  to  the  care  of  the  learned  in  all  their 
works.  His  Majesty  ordered  that  they  should  be  given 
all  good  things,  to  fulfil  all  their  needs.  I  gave  them 
all  their  revenues,  all  their  needs  according  to  the 
word,  as  had  been  done  for  them  before.  His  Majesty 
did  this  because  he  knew  the  virtue  of  this  work  of 
restoring  all  that  he  found  wrecked,  and  to  restore  the 
names  of  all  the  gods,  their  temples,  their  endowments, 
and  the  management  of  their  feasts  for  ever." 

When  we  see  the  tales  of  the  mental  failure  that 
overtook  Cambyses,  on  the  reverses  which  he  suffered 
in  Libya  and  Ethiopia,  we  cannot  avoid  seeing  in  the 
"great  calamity"  the  wreck  of  the  religious  establish- 
ments, which  Darius  afterwards  restored.  The  tales 
show  how  Cambyses  despatched  50,000  men  to  the 
Oasis  of  Amen,  El  Khargeh,  as  an  outpost  on  the  way 


i.e.  525-521.] 


CAMBYSES 


363 


to  Carthage  ;  and  how  they  reached  the  Oasis,  but  were 
overwhelmed  by  a  sandstorm.  This  is  impossible,  so 
far  as  we  know,  and  it  seems  more  likely  that  the  account 
was  invented  by  the  people  of  the  Oasis  to  discourage 
any  other  expeditions.  Probably  the  leaders  may  have 
died  or  been  murdered,  and  the  army  melted  away  into 
the  Oasis  and  Cyrenaica  as  settlers  (Hdtos.  iii.  25-6). 

The  Ethiopian  expedition  led  by  Cambyses  himself 
was  not  more  successful.  That  they  reached  a  long 
distance  is  shown  by  a  store  house  of  Cambyses" 
near  the  3rd  cataract  about  19^°  N.  [Ptol.  Geog. ;  Pliny^ 
vi.  35).  But  when  from  this  point  they  tried  to  reach 
Napata,  "  before  the  army  had  passed  over  a  fifth  part 
of  the  way  all  the  provisions  that  they  had  were 
exhausted,  and  after  the  provisions  the  beasts  of  burden 
were  eaten  and  likewise  failed  ;  ...  so  long  as  they 
could  gather  herbs  from  the  earth  they  supported  life 
by  eating  them  ;  but  when  they  reached  the  sands,  .  .  . 
taking  one  man  in  ten,  they  devoured  him.  When 
Cambyses  heard  this,  shocked  at  their  eating  one 
another,  he  abandoned  his  expedition  against  the 
Ethiopians,  marched  back,  and  reached  Thebes,  after 
losing  a  great  part  of  his  army.  From  Thebes  he  went 
down  to  Memphis,  and  allowed  the  Greeks  to  sail 
away."  This  advance  was  evidently  along  the  Nile, 
and  not  across  the  desert,  as  the  difficulty  lay  in  lack 
of  food  and  not  in  lack  of  w-ater  (Hdtos.  iii.  25). 

The  madness  of  Cambyses  is  stated  to  date  from  this 
disaster  ;  and  a  sunstroke,  followed  by  great  chagrin, 
would  well  account  for  such  a  mental  failure.  But  the 
tales  of  his  wounding  Apis,  and  of  the  death  of  the 
bull,  seem  contradicted  by  the  fact  of  Apis  dying  in  the 
\Tth  year,  when  Cambyses  had  long  left  Egypt.  He 
had  become  impossible  as  a  great  ruler,  and  the  inevit- 
able insurrection  was  helped  by  the  similarity  of  Gau- 
mata  to  Smerdis,  the  murdered  brother  of  Cambyses. 
His  end  is  hidden  by  diverse  tales,  but  at  least  he  left 
no  recognised  successor.  After  a  short  turmoil  in  Asia 
an  able  chief  came  to  the  front,  perhaps  aided  by  some 
stratagem,  and  Darius  reigned. 


3^4 


THE  PERSIAN  DOMINION         [dyn.  xxvn.  2. 


XXVII.  2. 

Setetu'ra 

Antaryuash 
Darius  I. 


521- 
486 

B.C. 


Isthmus  of  Suez   Shaluf  stele 


Tel  el  Maskhuta 
Abusir 
Memphis 
Serapeum 


Stele. 
Block  of  granite 
Kom  el  Qalah,  block 
Steles,   P.    Mus.,  of  yr. 
IV. 

Stele  of  yr.   XI.,  list  of 

priests 
Stele  of  yr.  XXXI 


(Rec.  ix.  131,  xi.  160;  R.  P. 
ix.  79  ;  D.E.  V.  29). 


(N.Y.  vii.). 

(M.D.  34  d). 

355  (Rec.  xxiii.  76), 

357  (77),  360  (80). 
(A.Z.  xxii.  1 18). 


Steles  of  yr.  XXXIV. 


Apis 


(A.Z.  xxii.  115). 
323    (Rec.    xxi.  65), 
325  (66),  326  (67). 
Undated  steles  of  yr.  XXXIV.  383  (Rec.  xxiii. 
82),  390-1  (83),  394  (84),  399  (86),  401  (86),  402-4 
(87),  405-7  (88),  409  (89),  413  (90),  441  (Rec. 


XXV.  54),  443- 


Hammaniat 
Edfu 

El  Kharg-eh 


(59),  474  (61),  481  (62). 
Berlin  Mus.  3423,  2137  - 
Quarry  inscriptions  XXVI.  yr. 


i)>  446-7  (56),  470  (58),  471-3 


(L.D.  iii.  283  b), 


(L.D. 


XXVI.  (283  d,  g),  XXVIII.  (283  c),  XXX. 
(283  e,  f),  XXXVI  (283  h,  i,  m). 
Records  of  g'ifts,  inscrip.  of  Ptolemy  XI. 
iv.  43  a). 

Temple  (C.O.T.  xvii.-xx.  ;  H.G.O.  iii.  vi 
B.G.O.K.  ;  R.P.  viii.  135). 


Stele.    Berl.  7493  (Berl.  Cat.  p.  255). 
Demotic  stele,  XV.  yr.    Brugsch  Coll. 

Demotic  papyri.  Yr.  I.  (Rev.  Eg.  iii.  pis.  1,  2).  Yr.  III.  (L.D.  vi. 
125,  3  ;  T.S.B.A.  viii.  22).  Yr.  V.  (T.S.B.A.  viii.  23  ;  Caillaud, 
C.O.T.  ii.  xxvii.-viii.  ;  Rev.  Eg.  iii.  192).  Yr.  VI.  (Rev.  Eg.  in, 
192;  C.O.T.  ii.  xxvii.-viii.).  IX.  (L.D.  vi.  125;  T.S.B.A.  viii. 
21  ;  Corp.  xxiii.  23).  X.  (Turin).  XV.  XVI.  (Turin).  XXIV. 
(Not.  417,  422  ;  T.S.B.A.  viii.  27).  XXV.  (Not.  423,  428,  429; 
Corp.  i.  2).  XXX.  (L.D.  vi.  125).  XXXI.  (Serapeum  ;  Corp. 
xxii.  22  ;  B.  Mus.  ;  Turin  ;  Not.  109,  431,  434).  XXXIII.  (L.D. 
vi.  126).  XXXIV.  (L.D.  vi.  I2S).  XXXV.  (Turin  ;  Spiegel,  pis. 
i-ii). 

Bronze  door  shoe.    P.  Mus.  ;  S.  h.  665  (P.L.  S.  h.). 


B.C.  521-486.] 


DARIUS  I 


Sistra.    Bed.  Mus.  4548  (L.D.  iii.  283  a) ;  P.  Mus.  S.  h.  664 (P. L.)  ; 

C.  Mus.  (Ms.  O.G.  267). 
Menats.    F.  Mus.  ;  P.  Mus.  S.  h.  456  (P.  L.)  ;  Frankfurt  ;  B.  Mus. 

(P.  Sc.  1999). 
Satrap.    Aryandes  (Hdtos.  iv.  166). 

The  first  step  of  Darius  was  the  murder  of  the  exist- 
ing- king  Gaumata  ;  but  he  afterward  approved  himself 
as  a  fine  and  enhghtened  ruler.  Egypt  was  left  to  the 
management  of  Aryandes,  who  was  tempted  to  try  a 
forward  policy.  Pheretime,  queen  of  Cyrene,  had  fled 
to  Egypt,  and  appealed  for  help  in  her  quarrels  about 
Persian  influence.  Aryandes  ''gave  her  all  the  forces 
of  Egypt,  both  army  and  navy"  (Hdtos.  iv.  167).  The 
siege  of  Barca  lasted  nine  months  (H.  iv.  200),  and  only 
ended  by  treachery.  At  last,  sated  with  plunder  and 
slaves,  the  Persian  troops  turned,  hardly  content  to 
leave  Cyrene  itself  unlooted  ;  but  the  retreat  was 
harried  by  desert  Libyans,  and  many  perished.  The 
unhappy  Barcan  slaves  were  exiled  to  Bactria,  and 
there,  clinging  to  their  old  name  (H.  iv.  204),  founded 
a  new  city. 

This  success,  however,  could  not  justify  the  inde- 
pendent action  of  Aryandes  ;  and  the  issue  of  coinage 
of  a  higher  standard  than  that  of  the  Persian  mint  is 
said  to  have  served  as  a  ground  for  his  condemnation. 

The  arrival  of  Darius  in  Egypt  was  the  beginning 
of  a  new  policy.  So  far  the  Persian  had  only  sought 
to  profit  from  the  land.  Darius  saw  that  the  prosperity 
of  the  country  was  the  road  to  success.  He  ordered  the 
restoration  of  schools, — as  described  by  Uza'hor*res*neit 
in  the  last  reign, — he  rebuilt  the  temples  in  various 
parts  of  the  country,  his  quarry  inscriptions  are  frequent 
in  the  latter  part  of  his  reign,  he  completed  the  canal 
which  joined  the  Nile  with  the  Red  Sea,  the  national 
Apis  worship  was  favoured,  and  he  established  his 
power  firmly  in  the  Oasis  of  El  Khargeh  as  an  out- 
post against  the  Cyrenaean  Greeks.  In  every  direction 
Egypt  flourished,  as  it  always  does  when  at  peace  and 
not  exhausted  by  taxation.  Vet  the  Egyptian  was  not 
satisfied  ;  and  an  obscure  prince  Khabbash,  during  the 


366 


THE  PERSIAN'  DOMIXIOX         [dyn-.  xxvu.  2. 


last  year  of  Darius,  succeeded  in  raising  revolt,  and 
occupying  Sais  and  Memphis  (Hdtos.  vii.  i).  As  this 
revolt  was  dignified  by  being  counted  as  an  independent 
dynasty,  the  XXVI I Ith  of  Manetho,  we  here  state  the 
traces  of  Khabbash  after  this  reign. 

Along  the  course  of  his  canal  through  the  Wady 
Tumilat  to  the  Red  Sea,  Darius  erected  five  monuments, 
each  bearing  inscriptions  (Rec.  ix.  133)  in  Persian, 
Median,  and  Assyrian  on  one  side,  and  Egyptian  on  the 
other.  The  stele  of  Shaluf  was  the  most  complete  of 
these,  but  has  been  destroyed  (R.P.  ix.  81)  ;  and  the 


Fig.  151. — Top  of  Darius  stele,  Shaluf.    Rec.  ix,  145. 


fragments  of  the  others  have  mostly  now  disappeared. 
The  inscription  only  mentions  the  decree  for  making 
the  canal.  At  Abusir  is  a  block  of  red  granite  with  a 
figure  of  the  goddess  Menkhetheb  ;  this  was  probably 
brought  from  the  temple  of  Sebennytos.  Of  building 
at  Memphis  a  block  yet  remains.  And  there  is  a  host 
of  steles  belonging  to  the  Apis  burials  of  the  IVth  and 
XXXIVth  years. 

The  quarries  at  Hammamat  were  largely  worked  in  the 
later  years.  From  the  XXVIth  to  the  XXXMth  year 
the  quarrymaster  was  the  sars  of  Persia,  Atuahy,  son 
Artames  ;  and  he  continued  to  the  Xlllth  of  Xerxes. 


B.C.  521-486.] 


DARIUS  I 


367 


He  was  succeeded  by  a  brother  Aryuarta,  son  of 
Ar tames,  who  worked  in  the  Vth  of  Artaxerxes.  At 
Edfu  the  Ptolemaic  work  removed  all  the  earlier 
temple  ;  but  the  endowments  of  Darius  are  recorded 
by  Ptolemy  XI. 

The  great  temple  in  the  Oasis  of  El  Khargeh  is  a 
fine  work,  probably  all  built  by  Darius  I.,  though  parts 
of  the  carvings  have  been  done  by  Darius  II.  and 
Nekhthorheb.     The  different  parts  are  distinguished 


Fig.  152. — Temple  of  EI  Khargeh,  general  view,    C.O.T.  xviii. 


in  Brugsch's  plan  (B.G.O.K.  taf.  viii.).  Three  long 
hymns  from  this  temple  are  published  ;  two  by  Darius 
II.  (B.G.O.K.  27,  48),  and  another  by  Darius  I.  or  II., 
copied  by  Hay  (R.P.  viii.  137;  T.S.B.A.  v.  293).  A 
large  part  of  the  sculptures  were  copied  by  Hoskins 
(H.G.O.  pi.  vi.  ;  compare  C.F.  pi.  p.  380). 

The  host  of  demotic  contracts  show  that  the  business 
of  the  country  went  forward  much  as  it  did  in  the 
previous  dynasty.  The  religious  sistra  and  menats 
are  often  found  ;  but  there  are  no  Persian  scarabs, 


368  THE  PERSIAX  DOMIXIOX  [nvx.  xxvii. 

showing  that  whatever  myths  were  invented  about  the 


Fig.  153. — Temple  of  El  Khargeh,  front.    CO. T.  xix. 


Egyptian  parentage  of  the  Persians,  their  names  were 
not  thought  to  be  of  any  avail  in  the  future  world.  • 


Sotep(en)taxen  ptah 
Khabbash 


Bute  Statue,  endowments,  renewed  by    (M.D.  14;  R.P.  x. 

Ptolemy  I.  71). 
Serapeum    Apis  sarcophag-us,  yr.  II.  (A.Z.  ix.  13;?  Rec. 

xxi.  57). 

Under  Alexander  Aegus  there  is  an  inscription  of 
Ptolemy  Soter  who  really  ruled  the  land,  stating  that 
Ptolemy  went  to  inspect  Buto,  where  there  was  a 
statue  of  Khabbash.  The  priests  stated  that  Xerxes 
had  oppressed  Buto  ;  and  they  obtained  a  fresh  grant 


[B.C.  486.] 


KHABBASH 


3^9 


of  endowments  from  Ptolemy,  who  re-enacted  the 
former  grant  of  Khabbash.  The  inscription  of  the 
year  II.,  month  of  Hathor,  is  the  only  other  trace  of 
him  published,  and  shows  that  he  held  Memphis  at 
that  time.  There  are  references  to  cartouches  on  a 
scarab,  and  in  the  Stier  Collection  (L.R.),  but  they  are 
otherwise  not  known. 

Though  counted  as  an  independent  dynasty,  we 
cannot  but  regard  this  king  like  the  XXIVth  dynasty 
of  Bakenranf ;  each  was  a  brief  episode  of  insurrection 
which  is  of  trivial  importance  in  history,  and  did  far 
more  harm  than  good  to  Egypt  itself. 


^Khshyarsha  IM,  466 


B.C. 


Hammamat  Inscriptions,  vr.  II.  (L.D.  iii.  283  n),  VI.  (283  1), 

X.  (283  k),  XII.  (283  ni,  o),  XIII.  (283  i). 

Alabaster  vases  Cab.  Med.,  Paris  (A.L.  xxxi.  275),  Hoffmann 
Coll.  59. 

Egypto-Aramaic  stele,  yr.  IV.  Berl,  Mus.  7707  (A.Z.  xv.  127). 
Achaimenes,  satrap  (Hdtos.  vii.  7}. 

In  the  second  year  of  his  reign  the  son  of  Darius 
came  down  to  Egypt  and  wiped  out  the  brief  insurrec- 
tion of  Khabbash,  appointing  as  satrap  of  Egypt 
Achaimenes  his  brother.  He  "reduced  all  Egypt  to  a 
worse  state  of  servitude  than  it  ^vas  under  Darius  " 
(H.  vii.  7),  and  confiscated  the  temple  estates  of  the 
revolting  cities,  as  stated  in  the  inscription  of  Ptolemy 
concerning  Buto.  The  great  war  in  Greece  occupied 
the  attention  of  Xerxes  ;  and  Egypt  seems  to  have 
been  left  much  to  Itself,  as  Achaimenes  was  called 
away  to  act  as  admiral  with  200  Egyptian  ships 
(Hdtos.  vii.  89)  in  the  naval  side  of  the  war  (Hdtos. 
vii.  97,  236).  After  the  collapse  of  the  Greek  war, 
Xerxes  does  not  seem,  to  have  visited  the  west,  and 
there  is  no  trace  of  his  influence  on  Egypt.  The 
III — 24 


370 


THE  PERSIAN  DOMINION       [dyn.  xxvu.  3.] 


quarry  records  at  Hammamat  show  that  building  was 
going  on  during  the  reign.  Two  alabaster  vases  with 
quadrilingual  inscriptions  are  paralleled  by  another  in 
the  next  reign  ;  the  source  of  them  all  is  unknown. 
A  series  of  assassinations,  of  Xerxes,  Darius,  and 
Artabanus,  at  last  left  the  child  Artaxerxes  master  of 
the  Empire. 


XXVII.  4.   ?r^466 

Artakhsheshes  (      ^     "  0  LM  MJ  I     I  42 
Artaxerxes  I.   V   b.( 


Hammamat        Quarries,  yr.  V.  (L.D.  iii.  283  q),  XVI.  (283  p). 
Alabaster  vase    Venice  (A.L.  xxxi.  275). 

The  frequent  mentions  of  quarrying  at  Hammamat, 
which  was  the  most  difficult  and  expensive  of  all  the 
quarries  of  Egypt,  and  yet  the  absence  of  building  in 
Egypt  during  the  last  and  present  reigns,  suggests  that 
the  Persians  were  quarrying  for  export  to  Persia  by 
the  Red  Sea.  This  would  be  easier  than  transport  to 
the  Nile,  and  perhaps  some  day  the  rocks  of  Hammamat 
will  be  found  among  the  monuments  of  Persia. 

A  new  king  again  tempted  the  turbulent  Egyptians. 
Inaros,  son  of  Psammetichos,  probably  one  of  the  old 
Saite  family,  rose  against  the  Persians  and  held  the 
Delta,  though  Memphis  and  Upper  Egypt  were  kept 
by  the  garrisons.  Achaimenes  appealed  for  help  from 
Artaxerxes,  and  began  to  make  head  against  the  re- 
bellion until  the  Athenians  joined  the  war.  Achaimenes 
fell  under  the  hand  of  Inaros  in  a  battle  at  Papremis. 
The  Athenians  defeated  the  Persian  fleet,  and  then 
sailed  up  the  Nile  and  took  Memphis.  But  the  Persian 
army  under  Megabyzos,  satrap  of  Syria,  advanced  ; 
and  in  the  ensuing  battle  the  Athenians  were  defeated, 
and  fled  to  the  island  of  Prosopis,  at  the  beginning  of 
455  B.C.  After  eighteen  months'  siege,  the  Persian 
dammed  the  river,  and  crossed  to  the  island.  The 
Athenians  burnt  their  ships,  and  were  mostly  slain  in 


[B.C.  466-405.] 


ARTAXERXES I 


371 


battle  ;  while  the  rest  took  refuge  in  Byblos.  There 
they  capitulated,  and  were  transported  to  Susa.  A 
few  irreconcilables  yet  remained  in  the  marshes  of  the 
Delta,  and  held  to  an  Egyptian  Amyrtaios  as  their 
lord  ;  but  practically  Egypt  was  once  more  a  Persian 
satrapy,  and  had  only  lost  by  the  fruitless  turmoil. 
After  this  the  history  of  the  reign  is  a  blank  in  Egypt. 


XXVII.  5. 


MeRY'AMEX'RA 


AXTARYUASH      f  ^  v\.  TTT^ 

Darius  1 1 .  (j   I] :)   ?MJ^  J 


El  Khargeh    Temple  (B.G.O.K.  ;  A.Z.  xii.  78). 

After  the  death  of  Artaxerxes  there  followed  the 
usual  scramble  for  the  throne,  and  in  a  few  months 
Xerxes  II.  and  his  assassin  and  brother  Sogdianus 
both  perished,  while  a  third  brother  Ochus  took  the 
name  of  Darius.  More  cruelties  produced  more  revolts  ; 
but  in  spite  of  a  revolt  in  his  second  year,  Darius  kept 
his  hold  until  405  B.C.,  when  another  Amyrtaios  ap- 
peared in  the  Delta  marshes,  and  the  decaying  power 
of  Persia  at  last  yielded  to  the  western  invaders. 
These  had  quite  as  little  right  as  the  Persians  had 
to  rule  over  the  Egyptians  ;  but  as  they  and  the 
Mendesians  and  Sebennytes  succeeded  in  maintaining 
a  hold  for  two  generations,  they  are  looked  on  as 
legitimate  sovereigns. 

The  only  work  known  of  this  reign  is  some  carving 
on  the  temple  in  the  Oasis  which  had  been  built  by  the 
first  Darius. 


372 


THE  PERSIAN  DOMINION 


[dyx.  XXVIII.] 


THE  TWENTY-EIGHTH  DYNASTY 

Years.  b.c. 
Amyrtaios  6  405-400 

There  is  not  a  single  monument  known  of  this  king, 
who  only  appears  in  the  lists  of  the  epitomizers  of 
Manetho.  The  hieroglyphic  form  of  the  name  is  there- 
fore unknown.  He  did  not  succeed  in  doing  more  than 
hold  the  Delta ;  while  Egyptian  troops  still  served 
Artaxerxes  at  the  battle  of  Cunaxa  in  401  B.C. 


[DYN-.  XXIX-.  i.l       TWEXTV-XIXTH  DYXASTY 


373 


THE  TWEXTY-XINTH  DYNASTY 


Years. 

B.C. 

X'aifaaurud 

Xeferites  I. 

6 

399-393 

Hakar 

Akhoris 

13 

393-380 

Psimut 

Psamouthis 

I 

380-379 

Muthes 

I 

379-378 

Xeferites  II, 

4'" 

378-378 

XXIX.  I.  I^  ,-^  ^  ssq"^ 

Ba'ex-Ra'mer-xeteru  I  T — r   I  I  I     J  399- 
  393 

Naifaaurud   ^       !^m^  J 

Alexandria,  slab  (A.S.  v,  122). 

Serapeum    Yr.  II.,  2  Apis  steles.  4092.  4101  (D.M.E.  208). 

P.  Mus. 

Memphis?   Sphinx,  basalt        P.  Mus.  A.  26  (P.R.  ii.  i). 

Sohag-         Red  granite  shrine,  White  Monastery. 

Karnak        Temple  Y.  blocks       Berl.  Mus.  (L.D.  iii.  2S4  b,  c). 

21 13-4 

,,            ,,      at  Karnak  (S.B.A  vii.  iii). 

,,                              block  re-used  (C.X.  ii.  290). 


Ushabtis  P.  Mus.,  S.  h.  228;  C.  Mus.  (Rec.  iv.  no,  ix.  19). 
Clay  seal           B.  Mus.  5583. 

\Yooden  palette,  false  inscription?  (S.B.A.  xxiii.  130). 

Bandag-e,  year  IV.           P.  !Mus.  5441  (D.M.E.  207). 

The  need  of  external  support  against  the  Persians 
led  the  new  king-  to  look  to  the  Greek  alliances  and 
mercenaries  for  his  safety.  Diodorus  records  the 
alliance  with  Sparta  in  396  B.C.,  and  the  failure  of 
the  Spartan  succours  to  reach  Egypt  owing  to  their 


374 


TWENTY-NINTH  DYNASTY       [dyn.  xxix.  i, 


capture  by  the  Persian  fleet.  Beyond  this  nothing*  is 
known  of  these  six  years. 

The  two  steles  from  the  Serapeum,  of  Mesore  20  in 
the  2nd  year,  show  an  Apis  burial,  and  prove  that 
Naifaaurud  already  held  Memphis.  He  also  seems  to 
have  decorated  the  temple  there,  as  he  is  called  beloved 
of  Ptah  of  Memphis  on  the  basalt  sphinx.  The  prin- 
cipal object  of  the  reign  is  an  immense  naos  of  red 
granite,  belonging  to  the  temple  of  Athribis  near 
Sohag.  It  has  been  cut  into  three  slabs,  the  back  and 
two  sides,  and  laid  down  in  the  floor  of  the  nave  of  the 
white  monastery  ;  the  outer  sides  which  are  visible  are 
covered  with  inscriptions,  and  I  found  the  cartouche  of 
this  king  on  the  upper  line.  The  inner  sides  are  down- 
wards, and  are  not  known.  At  Karnak  was  a  small 
temple,  S.E.  of  the  S.E.  corner  of  the  wall. 

Some  ushabtis  are  known,  and  a  broken  one  was 
found  in  a  rifled  sarcophagus  of  black  granite  at 
Mendes,  which  might  possibly  have  been  that  of  the 
king(Rec.  ix.  19).  A  wooden  palette  has  the  cartouche, 
but  with  an  inscription  of  an  earlier  age  ;  and  from 
the  style  it  appears  that  probably  both  inscriptions 
are  modern. 


XXIX.  2.  Maat-khnum-ra        (     O  ^ 


393- 
380 


Hakar  [        ^  S 


Bubastis  Black  granite,  statue,  frag--  (N.B.  xliii.  B). 

ment         B.  Mus. 

Suez  Lamp  Berl.  Mus.  881 1  (Berl.  Cat.  250). 

Heliopolis  Fragment  of  statue  (Alex-  (L. D.  iii.  284  e). 

andria) 

Memphis  Basalt   sphinx,   Rome.     P.  (R.N.M.  p.  24). 

Mus.  A.  27 

Serapeum  Stele  of  Ptolemy  IV.  naming  (A.Z.  xxii.  118). 

yr.  IV. 

Turra  Stele  (V.P.  iii.  103). 

,,  Demotic  inscriptions  (B."  Rec.  i.  x.  10, 

14-16,  20-22). 


[B.C.  393-3S0.] 


HAKAR 


375 


Masara 

Bibeh 

Ehnasya 
Karnak 


Medinet  Habi 


El  Kab 


(L.D.T.  i.  223). 
(C.X.  ii.  489). 
(A.S.  lii.  243). 

(P.E.). 
(Rec.  vl.  20). 
(C.X.  ii.  264). 
(L.D.  iii.  284  f,  g). 

(S.B.A.  vii.  110). 
(L.D.  iii.  284  h,  i). 
(Ms.  G.  426). 

(L.D.T.  iv.  37). 
(\V.  G.  698). 
(L.T.  1469). 
(C.X.  i.  265). 

(L.D.  iii.  301,  81). 
(A.Z.  xxvi.  1 14). 
(A.S.  V.  119). 
(Xot.  471). 


X'ame  in  quarry 
Demotic  inscription 
Stele  offering-  of  lands.  C. 
Mus. 

Part  of  basalt  shrine 
Temple  of  Psimut 
South  of  temple  of  Mut 
By  X^ag-a  Foqani  ;  see  B.  E. 

plan  of  Karnak 
Jambs  at  Luqsor  Hotel 
Temple  J  J,  side  of  door 
Bust  of  black  g-ranite,  un- 
certain 
Columns 

Stele  of  offerings       C.  Mus. 
,,  Stele  with  Xekheb    T.  Mus. 

Fragment  with  name 

Portrait 

Sandstone  statue,  fragment  Piehl  Coll. 

Granite  base  of  altar  Alexandria 
Demotic  papyri,  \T.  yr.  Paris 

The  first  serious  event  known  to  us  was  an  attack  by 
Artaxerxes  between  390 
and  386  B.C.,  the  details 
of  which  are  unknow-n. 
Hakar  helped  the  Cypriots 
to  throw^  off  the  Persian 
yoke ;  but  the  peace  of 
Antalkidas  left  the  Per- 
sians free  to  reoccupy 
Cyprus.  Hakar  then  hired 
20,000  Greek  mercen- 
aries, and  thus  streng-th- 
ened  Egypt  to  hold  the 
Persians  at  bay  during 
the  rest  of  his  reign. 

From  his  monuments 
it  seems  that  he  was 
an  active  builder.  The 
number  of  inscriptions  in 
the  quarries  show  that  a 

good  deal  of  originaLwork  was  done.  Most  of  what 
remains  is  in  Upper  Egypt;  the  stele  of  Bibeh  probably 


Fig.  154. — Hakar.    L.D.  iii.  301. 


376 


TWENTY-NINTH  DYNASTY       [dyn.  xxix.  2.] 


came  from  Ehnasya,  where  he  most  likely  did  a  good 
deal  of  work,  as  he  placed  a  great  naos  of  basalt  in 
the  temple.  At  Karnak  he  built  a  small  temple,  which 
was  mainly  sculptured  by  his  successor  Psimut,  whose 
name  it  commonly  bears.  A  bust  of  black  granite 
found  at  Medinet  Habu  is  supposed  to  be  that  of 
Hakar,  who  there  added  a  small  chamber  to  the  N. 


Fig.  155. — Hakar.    Cairo  Museum. 


side  of  the  temple  of  Tahutmes  (D.M.H.  plan,  p.  22). 
At  El  Kab  he  appears  to  have  rebuilt,  or  largely  added 
to,  the  temple  of  Sebek, 


[B.C.  380-379.] 


P-SI-MUT 


377 


XXIX.  3. 


P -SI -MUX 


USER-RA'SOTEP'EN-PTAH 


c 


Karnak    Small  temple,  south  of  lake 


(Rec.  vi.  20  ;  S.B.A. 
vii.  108). 


Blocks  from  above    Bed.  Mus.  2095  (L.D.  iii.  259  a,  b). 


Nothing*  is  known  of  this  reign  beyond  the  mention 
by  Manetho,  and  the  sculptures  added  to  a  small 
temple  at  Karnak. 

Of  the  other  two  names,  Muthes  and  Neferites  II., 
nothing  whatever  is  known.  The  two  years  which 
include  these  three  reigns  was  only  a  brief  confusion, 
owing  to  the  failure  of  the  Mendesian  dynasty  to  hold 
its  own.  The  Sebennyte  prince  then  rose  to  head  the 
country  against  the  Persians. 


378 


THIRTIETH  DYXASTY 


[DYN.  XXX. 


THIRTIETH  DYNASTY 

B.C. 

Xekhfhor'heb  Xcktanebes  I.  378-361 

Zeher  Teos  361-359 

Nekhfneb'et  Nektanebos  II.  359-342 

XXX.  I. 

Snezem'ab'ra-sotep* 

EX'AMEX 

  3DI 

Nekht-hor-heb-     /^x^""^^^  m 

MERVAMEN  jj  ' J^'  ©  J 

Sarcophag-us       Green  breccia         B.  Mus.    (D.E.W  40-O. 


Sebennytos 
Behbit 


Horbeyt 
Bubastis 


Saft  el  Henneh 
Pithom 

Tawila  by  Tell 

el  Kebir 
Heliopolis 

Memphis 
>  > 

Serapeu m 


Naos,  schist  C.  Mus, 

Temple  founded 


Temple 

Hall,  quartzite  sandstone 
Shrine,  red  g-ranite 
Statue,  frag-ments 
Block,  red  granite  Berl.  2099 
Naos,  black  g-ranite  C.  Mus. 
Granite  relief  C.  Mus. 

Red  granite,  fragments 
Limestone  column  gilt 
Portrait  in  limestone 
Red  granite  pillar 


Base  of  small  figure 

Berl.^Mus.  i 
Two  small  obelisks  B. 
Blocks  re-used 
Chapel 


Mus. 


(Ms.  Q.G.  173). 

(L.D.  iii.  287  b 
L.D.T.  i.  220 
A.Z.  xxvi.  1 10). 

(X.G.  4). 

(X.B.  56). 

(X.B.  xlvii.-viii.). 

(X.B.  xliii.). 

(Berl.  Cat.  246). 

(Ms.  Q.G.  172). 

(Ms.  Q.G.  169). 

(X.G.  5). 

(X.P.  14). 

(P.T.  i.  xii.). 

(X.  G.  ix.  h). 

(Berl.  Cat.  248). 

(D.E.  V.  21-22). 
(A.S.  ii.  241). 
(M.S.  Ms.   15,  36 
76). 


B.C.  378-361-] 


XEKHT-HOR-HEB 


379 


Serapeum 


Turra 

Ehnasj^a 

Abydos 


Ghabat,  S.  of 

Abydos 
Koptos 

Hammamat 
Karnak 


Edfu 


El  Kab 

El  Khargeh 


Three  lions 

Apis  stele,  ink-written 

Steles  of  yrs.  II.  and  VIII. 

Inscriptions 

Red  g-ranite  shrine 

Statues 

Granite  shrine  from  XlXth 

dyn.  portal 
Quarry  inscription.  3'r.  \'. 

Small  obelisk  of  brown 
granite 

Cave  shrine 

Great  pylon  built 

Temple  C,  blocks 

Temple  T,  scene 

Temple  F,  scenes  and 
restoration  text 

Temple  of  Khonsu,  restora- 
tion text 

Chamber  on  north  side 

A  pylon,  ruined 

Temple  W,  door  jamb 

Temple  of  Mut,  E.  door 

XVII  Ith  yr.  named  b}- 
Ptolemy  XI. 

Granite  naos 

Sebek  temple,  cornice 

Pvlon 


(Rec.  xxi.  57). 
(Rec.  xxi.  69). 
P.  Mus. 

(B.  Rec.  i.  X.  11-12). 
(P.E.). 

(P.  Ab.  i.  Ixx.  12  ;  A. 

Ab.  iii.  xxviii.  4). 
(M.A.  ii.  42  b). 

(Rec.  xvi.  126-7). 

(P.  Kop.  17,  xxvi.). 

(L.D.  iii.  287  a). 
(L.D.T.  iii.  3). 
(L.D.  iii.  287  c.  d). 
(L.D.  iii.  287  f). 
(L.D.  iii.  287  g,  h). 

(L.D.    iii.    248  a; 

CM.  302,  2). 
(C.X.  ii.  273). 
(C.X.  ii.  273). 
(S.B.A.  vii.  112). 
(C.N.  ii.  264). 
(L.D.  iv.  44  a). 

(D.T.I,  i.  III.). 
(C.X.  i.  265). 
(B.G.O.K.). 


Two  granite  shrines                          C.  Mus.  (Rec.  xiv.  29). 
Sill  of  granite  shrine                         C.  Mus. 

ObeUsk,  red  granite                         C.  Mus.  (Ms.  Q.G.  197). 
Stele  of  offerings  of  land                   C.  Mus. 

Column,  usurped                               B.  Mus.  (Y.L.  vii.). 

Seated  figure  of  god,  with  king        B.  Mus.  (V.L.  v.). 

Baboons,  basalt,  Iseum,  Rome  (S. M.E.I,  iii.-iv.). 
Pal.  Conserv. 

Altar,  granite                  Turin  (L.T.  1751 ;  T. S.B.A 

iii.  422). 

Stele  of  Horus                 Metternich  Coll.  (G.M.S.  iii.  vii. ). 

Stele  of  yr.  XIII.             Rome  (CP.  385). 

Ushabtis,  Munich.  Turin.  \'ienna  (M.D.  9^  b). 

P.P.  Coll.,  C.  Mus. 

Cartouche  plaques          B.  Mus.  ;   C.  Mus.  (P.  Sc.  2003-4). 

P.P.    Coll.;  Berl. 

Mus.  1966,  Munich  (F.S.  421). 


38o 


THIRTIETH  DYNASTY 


[dYX.  XXX.  I. 


Queen — Khadeb  neit*ar-bet  (M.D.  p.  29). 

Lid  of  sarcophagus,  Vienna  (B.R.  i.  8,  2). 

Four  canopic  jars  (M.D.  95  c-f). 

Horpeta  sarcophagus,  XV.  year,  Vienna  (B.R.  i.  6,  i). 

Priests  of  Nekhthorheb — 

Anemher,  stele  Vienna  (B.R.  i.  9). 

Khonsuiu,  Book  of  Dead    Vienna  (A.Z.  xviii.  52). 

Nesimin,  stele  El  Quia,  Quft  (A.S.  iv.  50). 

Steles  Serapeum"  P.  Mus.  328. 

The  turn  of  the  Sebennyte  princes  had  now  come. 

As  far  back  as  the  time  of  Pankhy  I.  and  Tafnekht  II. 


Fig.  156. — Nekhthorheb.    L.D.  ill.  301. 

we  see  Akanuash,  a  prince  of  Sebennytos  ;  and,  after 
the  fall  of  the  Mendesians,  Nekht-hor-heb  picked  up 
the  sceptre.  But  Persia  soon  began  a  fresh  attempt. 
During  three  years  great  preparations  were  made,  a 
fleet  of  over  500  vessels  was  assembled  at  Acre,  and  at 
last  200,000  Asiatics  and  20,000  Greeks  were  thrown 


B.C.  378-361.] 


XEKHT-HOR-HEB 


381 


upon  Egypt.  Nekht-hor-heb  had  retained  the  Athenian 
Chabrias  as  his  general  ;  but  Artaxerxes  insisted  on 
borrowing  Iphicrates  from  Athens,  and  the  recall  of 
Chabrias  from  Egypt.  On  approaching  Pelusium  it 
was  found  to  be  impregnably  defended  by  forts  and 
ditches  ;  and  a  descent  on  the  Mendesian  branch  was 
therefore  attempted.  After  having  obtained  a  footing, 
the  Persians  had  not  courage  to  advance  boldly,  but 
waited  for  uniting  their  forces,  and  the  Egyptians 
made  full  use  of  the  rising  inundation  to  oust  the 
invaders  from  the  Delta.  The  Athenian  general  was 
sickened  by  the  suspicion  with  which  he  was  treated, 
and  fled  to  Greece.  The  great  Persian  invasion 
crumbled  away,  and  Egypt  had  peace  for  the  rest  of 
this  reign. 

The  burial  of  Nekhfhor'heb  was  violated  at  an  early 
date,  in  an  age  while  large  monuments  were  readily 
transported,  as  his  coffin  had  been  removed  to  Alex- 
andria, and  was  enshrined  in  a  kiosk  in  the  mosque  of 
St.  Athanasius,  where  it  was  venerated  as  the  tomb 
of  Alexander.  Thence  it  was  taken  by  the  French, 
and  afterwards  became  the  prize  of  England  on  the 
capitulation  of  Alexandria.  It  was  difficult  to  recover 
it,  however,  as  it  had  been  put  at  the  bottom  of  a 
hospital  ship,  and  covered  over  with  filth  and  rags  to 
hide  it  (Clarke,  E.  D.,  Tomb  of  Alexander,  p.  40). 
Similarly,  the  Rosetta  stone  was  thrown  face  down  in 
the  mud,  in  hopes  that  it  would  not  be  observed. 
The  stone  is  a  beautiful  green  breccia,  which  was 
quarried  at  Hammamat,  and  was  used  also  for  the 
sarcophagus  of  Nekhtnebf,  found  in  Cairo.  At  some 
age  the  sarcophagus  had  been  used  as  a  water  tank, 
and  many  round  holes  have  been  cut  in  it  for  drawing 
off  the  water.  It  is  finely  engraved  with  long  religious 
texts,  rows  of  genii,  and  barques  of  the  gods,  in  the 
usual  style  of  the  later  monuments. 

The  considerable  amount  of  building  shows  that  the 
country  was  flourishing  in  its  time  of  peace.  Great 
temples  were  begun  in  the  Delta,  largely  built  of  the 
red  granite  of  Aswan,  which  was  quarried  again  to  a 


382 


THIRTIETH  DYNASTY 


[dYN.  XXX. 


large  extent.  The  fashion  of  monohthic  shrines  was 
revived,  though  on  not  so  colossal  a  scale  as  in  the 
XXVIth  dynasty. 

Among  the  monuments  of  this  reign  the  most  sur- 
prising are  the  beautiful  statues  in  very  hard  limestone 
found  at  Abydos  ;  for  the  character  of  the  work  they 
stand  almost  on  a  level  with  the  best  carving  of  the 


XVIIIth  dynasty,  and  show  that,  even  after  the  long 
repression  of  the  Persian  age,  there  were  yet  artists 
who  could  recover  much  of  the  old  spirit  of  Egyptian 
art.  These  figures,  and  all  the  fragments  of  them,  are 
in  the  Cairo  Museum,  and  need  rejoining.  At  Karnak 
there  was  no  great  building,  but  a  general  attention  to 
the  restoration  of  many  of  the  lesser  temples.  Even 


B.C.  378-361 


XEKHT-HOR-HEB 


383 


at  the  distant  Oasis,  the  great  temple  had  an  approach 
added  before  the  entrance. 


Fig.  158.— Part  of  stele  of  Horus.    Metternich  Coll. 

Of  the  minor  remains,  the  Metternich  stele  is  the 
most  celebrated  ;  it  is  by  far  the  most 
elaborate  of  all  the  amulet  steles,  of 
Horus  on  the  crocodiles  overcoming  the 
powers  of  evil.  It  is  finely  carved, 
with  over  250  lines  of  inscription.  The 
ushabtis  are  not  uncommon,  and  some 
of  them  have  so  finely  preserved  a 
colour  that  they  must  have  been  buried 
south  of  the  Delta.  No  scarabs  are 
known,  but  several  glazed  plaques,  prob- 
ably from  foundation  deposits. 

The  queen  Khadebneitarbet  is  attri- 
buted to  this  reign,  apparently  on  the 
strength  of  a  broken  ushabti  of  Nekht- 
horheb   being   found   in  her   tomb  at 


Fig.  159.— Plaque 
of  Nekhthorheb. 
F.P.  Coll. 


384 


THIRTIETH  DYNASTY  [dyn.  xxx.  i.] 


Saqqara.  Her  canopic  jars  and  lid  of  sarcophagus  are 
known. 

Nekhthorheb  was  worshipped  after  his  death  ;  and 
the  system  of  king-worshipping  was  much  revived  at 
this  age,  as  is  seen  by  the  many  priesthoods  of  the 
early  kings. 


XXX.  2.  Ar-maat'en- 

RA 

Zeher'sotepen 

ANHUR 

Karnak       Temple  of  Khonsu,  restoration  text    (Rec.  xi.  153). 
Fragrnent  of  naos  C.  Mus.  (Rec.  xvi,  127). 

Private  stele  Berl.  Mus.  2143  (Bed.  Cat.  312). 

The  sarcophagus  of  a  Ptolemaic  general,  Nekhfneb'f, 
is  stated  by  Brugsch  to  give  Zeher  as  son  of  Nekhf 
hor-heb,  and  father  of  Nekhfneb'f  (Berlin  Mus.  7). 
The  Persian  power  was  weakened,  and  the  satraps  of 
the  ISIediterranean  were  ready  to  revolt  ;  Zeher  there- 
fore looked  on  this  as  an  opportunity  to  join  in  the 
attack  on  the  constant  foe.  He  entrusted  a  large 
subsidy  and  a  fleet  to  one  of  the  party  ;  but  he  was 
betrayed,  and  the  supplies  were  handed  over  to  the 
Persians.  Nevertheless,  Zeher  prepared  for  attack. 
He  obtained  the  help  of  Chabrias,  who  suggested  heavy 
taxation — almost  confiscation — of  the  temple  revenues. 
Thus  he  succeeded  in  raising  80,000  troops  and  10,000 
Greek  mercenaries,  with  a  fleet  of  200  vessels.  He 
also  persuaded  the  aged  Agesilaus  to  come  with  1000 
Spartans,  and  placed  him  over  the  Greeks  only,  while 
Zeher  himself  kept  the  main  body  of  native  troops  in 
hand.  They  invaded  Syria,  and  besieged  the  Persians 
there  ;  but  the  slowness  of  success  led  to  disaff'ection, 
and  the  young  Nekhtnebf,  who  was  in  secondary  com- 
mand, succeeded  in  winning  over  Agesilaus.  Zeher, 
finding  himself  deserted  by  both  Egyptians  and  Greeks, 


[B.C.  361-359.] 


ZEHER 


385 


fled  to  Susa,  and  threw  himself  on  the  mercy  of  his 
enemy  Artaxerxes,  who  granted  him  hospitaHty.  Noth- 
ing seems  more  strange  in  all  the  Persian  wars  than 
the  readiness  with  which  Greeks  would  pass  from  one 
side  to  the  other  ;  and  generally  the  magnanimity  of 
the  worldly-wise  Persian  was  a  safer  refuge  than  the 
humanity  of  a  democracy  or  the  honour  of  an  army. 
So  ended  the  brief  two  years  of  this  reign. 


XXX.  2.  Kheper'KA-ra 


NeKHT'XEB'F 


359- 

342  B.C. 


Sarcophagus       Green  breccia,  Cairo  (Rec.  x.  142  ;  A.  S. 

C.  ^lus.        iv.  107). 


Alexandria 
Danianhur 

Xaukratis 

Sais 

Sebennytos 
>> 

Saft  el  Henneh 

Heliopolis 
>  > 

Memphis 
Serapeuni 


Turra 
Eshmuneyn 

III — 2- 


(L.D.T.  i.  I). 
(Rec.  xi.  81). 


Frag^ment  of  column 
Naos,  black  g^ranite 

C.  Mus. 
Stele,  black  granite,  vr.  I, 

C'  Mus. 
Xaos,  black  granite 

C.  Mus. 

Building,  in  dream  of  X. 

Papyrus  L.  INIus. 

Basalt  statue 

Bib.  Nat.  Paris 
Granite  naos 
Stele 

Temple  cornice,  limestone,  Aberdeen. 
Part  of  back  of  naos  (A.S.  ii.  129). 

C.  Mus. 

Kneeling  statue  of  diorite       (Berl.  Cat.  247). 

Berl.  Mus.  1205 
Steles,  vr.  III.  Cairo  Citadel    (A.Z.  xxii.  134). 

III.  Berl.  Mus.  2127  (Berl.  Cat.  312). 
III.  2  demotic  steles(M.S.  Ms.  27). 
P.  Mus.  ;  C.  Mus. 
New  quarry  (A.Z.  v.  91). 

Limestone  altar      C.  Mus.    (Rec.  xx.  86). 


(M.E.     45;  A.Z. 

xxxviii.  127). 
(Ms.  O.G.  170). 

(Leeman's  Pap.  Gr. 
122). 

(D.E.V.  69,  7-8). 

(X.G.  i.-vii.). 
(X.G.  viii.  b). 


386 


THIRTIETH  DYNASTY  [dyn.  xxx.  3. 


Abydos 

Koptos 
)  > 

Hammamat 
Karnak 


Mediuct  Habu 
Tiiphium 
Edtu 
Philae 


Stati 


Temple 

Scene  on  naos  in  XlXth  dyn. 

portal 
On  ruins 

Stele,  sandstone,  on  building 
a  wall  C.  Mus. 

Shrine,  yr.  III. 

Great  pylon  inscribed 


Wall  E.  of  temple 

Scene  of  offering" 

Back  of  Khonsu  temple 

Scene  with  captives 

On  side  of  figure  of  shrine 

Yr.  1.  in  inscrip.  of  Ptol.  XI. 

Hathor  temple 

Great  pylon 

Architrave   Berl.  Mus.  1509 


(P.  Ab.  i. 

ii.  xlix.). 
(M.A.     ii.  42 

M.A.  1424). 
(C.L.  76). 
(A.Z.  xxiii.  4). 


33  ;  Ab. 


2S6  h, 


3;  C.N. 
CM. 


(L.D.  iii. 

vi.  100). 
(L.D.T.  iii 

ii.  262 

309,  2). 
(C.N.  ii.  256). 
(L.D.  iii.  284  k). 
(C.N.  ii.  240). 
(L.D.  V.  I  c). 
(C.N.  i.  292). 
(L.D.  iv.  43-4)- 
(L.D.      iii.  28s 

L.T.P.  ii.  iii.).  ^ 
(L.D.  iii.  286  a-c). 
(Berl.  Cat.  246). 


Vatican 
Nantes 
(in  P.  Bib.  Nat.  above 
Portrait 

Intercolumnar  slab 
Sphinx,  sandstone 


(Rec.  vi.  118). 

(W.G.  718). 
in  B.  Mus.  of  Usertesen  I.). 

(L.D.  iii.  301). 
B.  Mus.         (Y.L.  X.). 
Bologna 

P.  Mus.  A.  29(R.N.M.  p.  xxv.). 

(Rec.  vi.  118). 


Lions,  Diocletian's  baths,  Rome,  Vatican 
Basalt  frieze  B.  Mus. 

Sandstone  stele,  offering  to  Min  and  Hor,  yr.  XVI.    C.  Mus. 
Demotic  stele  Berl.  Mus.     (W.G.  718). 

Door,  wooden  model  plated  with  electrum        B.  Mus.  38255. 
Cartouche  plaque  H.  Coll.  366  (P.  Cat.  366). 

Stamp,  green  glaze  P.P.  Coll. 

Sistrum  handle  P.P.  Coll. 

Menat  F.P.  Coll. 

Scarabs  P.  Mus.         (P.  Sc.  2005-6). 

The  success  of  Nekhtnebf  was  by  no  means  secured 
by  the  army  who  had  raised  him.  Another  claimant 
was  started  by  the  Eg-yptians  at  home,  and  Nekhtnebf 
had  to  retreat  from  the  war  to  affirm  his  position.  He 
held  Tanis,  and  was  there  besieged  ;  but  the  skill  of 
Agesilaus  scattered  the  rival  forces, 
held  the  throne. 


and  Nekhtnebf 


s-c.  359-342.] 


XEKHT'XEBF 


387 


Soon  Artaxerxes  used  Zeher  to  attack  Eg-ypt  ;  but  he 
died  before  the  campaign  began.  A  butchery  of  two 
heirs  to  the  Persian  throne  killed  the  old  king  with 
grief ;  and  the  intriguing  Okhos  succeeded,  and  took 
the  name  of  Artaxerxes.  The  Egyptian  war  was 
carried  on,  but  the  vigour  of  the  Greek  mercenary 
generals  crushed  the  Persian  advance.  This  led  to  a 
rising  in  Syria,  which  took  all  the  resources  of  Persia 
to  overcome.  The  Persians  then  advanced  again  upon 
Egypt'  B^^t  ^'^'^^  "^^'^.s  merely  a  struggle  of  Greek 
mercenaries,  one  against  the  other,  and  their  successes 
made  the  result.  Pelusium  was  outflanked,  and  fell 
by  surprise.  Nekhtnebf  retreated,  and  the  Greeks 
carried  all  before  them.  Memphis  was  abandoned, 
and  the  king  fled  to  Ethiopia  with 


Whatever  may  have  been  the  sources  r- 


of  the  rulers  of  Egypt  up  till  this  time, 
the  national  life  as  reflected  in  its  art 
had  remained  unbroken.    And  nothing 


shows  more  clearly  than  the  style  of  ' 
the  monuments  how  diff'erent  was  the      -  - 
spirit  of  the  Ptolemaic  government 
from  any  that  had  gone  before  it.  Fig.  160.— Nekhtnebf. 
Egypt  was  a  carcase.  ^^^s. 

The  monuments  of  this  reign  are 
scarcely  as  good  as  those  of  Nekhfhor'heb.  The  stele 
of  Naukratis  is  dated  in  the  ist  year.  It  records  the  gift 
to  Neit  of  a  tithe  of  all  imports  from  Greece,  and  a 
tithe  of  all  the  produce  of  Naukratis.  The  torso  from 
Sebennytos  is  of  fine  work,  but  has  been  so  unsuitably 
restored  that  its  eff'ect  is  lost.  The  great  granite  naos 
of  Saft  el  Henneh,  which  was  smashed  to  pieces  a  few 
years  ago,  has  been  partly  put  together  in  Cairo,  and 
fully  published  (N.G.).  At  Abydos  a  new  temple  was 
built  on  a  fresh  site  near  the  Osiris  temple  ;  but  only 
banks  of  chips  remain.  At  Karnak  the  sculpturing  of 
the  great  pylon  is  one  of  the  principal  works  of  the 
reign  ;  the  building  was,  however,  due  to  Nekhfhor'heb. 
The  scene  at  Medinet  Habu  is  only  one  of  an  earlier 


his  treasures. 


388  THIRTIETH  DYNASTY  [dyn.  xxx.  3.] 

king  (Shabaka?)  appropriated.  The  temple  at  Philae 
with  Hathor  capitals  is  one  of  the  best  works  of  the 
reign,  and  marks  the  introduction  of  a  new  style  which 
was  continued  by  the  Ptolemies. 


Fig.  161. — Temple  of  Nekhtnebf.  Philae. 


Of  the  minor  objects,  the  intercolumnar  slabs  and  the 
lions  are  the  best  known  and  most  important. 


After  the  last  native  king  comes  a  black  period  of 
eleven  years,  from  342  to  332  B.C.,  when  the  Persian 
held  the  land  but  cannot  be  said  to  have  ruled  it. 
The  governing  faculty  had  departed  from  that  race  ; 
rampant  intrigue  and  violence  made  it  a  curse  instead 


[B.C.  342-332.         OKHOS,  ARSES,  DARIUS  III  389 

of  a  blessing  to  those  over  whom  it  ruled.  Of  the 
three  Persian  kings  who  filled  this  time — Okhos,  342- 
339  B.C.;  Arses,  339-336  B.C.;  Darius  III.,  336-331  B.C. 
— nothing  whatever  is  known  in  Egypt.  The  miserable 
land  was  a  prey  to  their  rapacity.  Okhos  placed  an 
ass  in  the  temple  of  Ptah,  and  slaughtered  the  Apis  for 
a  banquet,  as  well  as  other  sacred  animals.  The 
temples  were  utterly  looted,  the  city  walls  destroyed. 
Egypt  lay  wasted  and  wrecked  until  new  liberty  was 
given  to  its  ever-flowing  energy  by  the  conquest  of 
Alexander  ;  and  this  led  to  its  rapid  revival  in  a  com- 
mercial and  intellectual  sense  under  the  able  rule  of  the 
earlier  Ptolemies. 

Yet  Egypt — the  old  Egypt  of  the  past  ages — was 
gone  for  ever.  Why  should  it  thus  have  lost  its  char- 
acter, which  had  survived  so  many  shocks  and  changes 
during  fifty  centuries  before?  It  had  shown  hitherto  a 
marvellous  habit  of  assimilating  all  its  conquerors,  as 
China  has  always  done.  Why  was  that  habit  lost  ? 
It  had  come  in  contact  with  a  more  potent  civilisation, 
with  a  power  which  converted  it,  instead  of  being 
converted  by  it.  And  that  closed  the  great  series  of 
civilisations  which  had  succeeded  one  after  the  other, — 
the  prehistoric  age,  the  pyramid  builders,  the  temple 
builders,  the  conquerors,  each  a  diff'erent  civilisation 
but  moulded  on  one  type. 

It  may  be  asked,  if  thus  the  stronger  civilisation 
overrules  the  weaker,  why  did  not  the  Roman  absorb 
its  barbarian  conquerors  ?  Rome  did  so  ;  and  if  the 
Gothic  kingdom  had  been  left  to  continue  its  enlight- 
ened rule  we  should  have  seen  a  new  Roman  age,  like 
one  of  the  new  ages  of  civilisation  in  Egypt.  But  the 
fatal  policy  of  Justinian  and  the  Goths,  destroying  one 
another,  left  the  empire  bare  and  waste,  to  be  filled  by 
the  first  savages  that  appeared.  Had  the  XVIIth  and 
XVIIIth  dynasty  devastated  Egypt  in  a  long  war  with 
the  Hyksos,  then  some  outside  barbarians  might  have 
swamped  Egypt  as  the  Huns  and  Lombards  swamped 
Italy.  That,  we  must  always  remember,  was  the  special 
cause  of  the  great  destruction  of  Roman  civilisation. 


390 


PERSIAN  SWAY 


B.C.  342-332.] 


But  where  a  change  of  masters  and  an  incoming"  race 
does  not  lead  to  long  turmoils,  then  the  more  potent 
civilisation  conquers  the  new-comers. 

Egypt  had  led  the  civilisation  of  the  Mediterranean 
for  all  its  youth  of  five  thousand  years  or  more.  We 
must  all  be  grateful  to  it  for  that  service,  even  if  we 
have  suffered  from  some  of  the  later  influences  of  its 
ideas. 


INDEX 


Aaa,  9t. 

AalTcluf'nekht,  246. 
Aahmes  I.,  5, 

n.,  325,  345,  347. 
Aahmes  Sipaar,  tomb  of,  182. 
Aakanesh,  272,  317. 
Aarefaaneit,  315. 
Aba,  327. 
Abama,  17. 
Absaqa,  lake,  12. 
Abu  Simbel,  inscriptions,  341. 

,,  temples  of,  79,  80. 

Abydos,  temple  of  Sety  I.,  18, 

41.  42,  75- 
,,         ,,  ofRamessuII., 

75.  76. 
of  Haaabra, 
.  346. 

,,      restoration  of  tombs, 
241. 

Achaimenes,  369,  370. 
Adikran,  345. 

Adoption    of  Theban  queens, 

332,  337- 
Adoram,  157. 
Aduma,  115. 
Agesilaus,  384-6. 
Ahory,  165. 
Aimadua,  184. 
Ain  Naama,  61. 
Aina,  well  in,  155. 
Aka,  17. 
Akaret,  49,  50. 
Aken,  264. 

Akenuash,  272,  317,  380. 
Aleppo,  50. 

Alosa,  Alasya,  17,  150,  201. 


Amar,  war  with,  14,  150,  162-3. 

Amasis.    See  Aahmes  II, 

Amaur,  52,  54. 

Amen,  glory  of,  199. 

,,  hig-h  priests  of,  Baken- 
khonsu,  92  ;  Nebunnef, 
96;  Unnefer,  103;  Roy, 
107,  125  ;  Roma,  125; 
Rameses'nekhtu,  165, 
170,  175  ;  Amenhotep, 
175,  179,  194;  Herhor, 
175,  186,  193,  194,  195  ; 
Piankh,  194  ;  Pinezem 
I.,  194;  Men'kheper'ra, 
194  ;  Nesi  •  ba  '  neb  * 
dadu,  194;  Pinezem II., 
194  ;  Pa  •  sebkhanu, 
194  ;  Pasebkhanu,  210, 
213;  Zed  khonsu'auf" 
ankh,  218  ;  Auput, 
235»  239  ;  Sheshenq, 
240,  243  ;  Nemart,  240, 
244  ;  Sheshenq,  254 ; 
Horsiast,  257  ;  Uasar- 
kon,  257  ;  Nesi  "horsi- 
ast, 263;  Takerat,263; 
Uaarath,  264 ;  Nesi* 
ba  ■  neb  *  dadu,  264  ; 
Uasakauasa,  264. 

Amen'ardus  I.,  queen,  278-81, 
288,  290. 

Amen'ardus  IL,  queen,  279,  295, 
304- 

Amen'aru,  289. 
Ameirdukehat,  295,  304. 
Amen'eman,  91. 
Amen'emant,  90,  91. 


392 


IXDEX 


AmeiTemapt,  king-,  191-4,  220, 
223. 
son,  37. 

prince   of  Kush, 
27,  91. 

90,  91,  135,  164. 
Amen'emhat,  257. 
Amen  •emheb,  92,  106. 
Amen'emua,  36,  87. 
Amen 'her  •khopshef,  son,  35,83, 
Amen'her'unamif,  son,  195. 
Amen'hotep  I.,  tomb  of,  24,  73, 
181. 

,,  son,  37. 

92,   i7o>  179' 

Amen'mes,  27,  92,  125. 
Amen'meses,  family,  3,  120-2. 

,,  reign,  125. 

,,  portrait,  126. 

Amen'nefer  nebf,  son,  27. 
Amen'rua,  289. 
Amen'rud,  265. 
Ameny,  92,  286. 
Amorites,  war  with,   14,  150, 
162-3. 

Amputation,  punishment,  158. 

,,  of  slain,  109,  150. 

Amteruka,  310. 
Amu,  168,  347. 
Amyrtaios,  371,  372. 
Anaugasa,  49,  50,  61. 
Anemher,  380. 

Anhapu,  tomb  of,  4,  5,  23,  73. 
Anhur  khaui,  4,  170. 
Anhur'mes,  106. 
Aniv,  92. 

Ankh.    See  Onkh. 

Ankhefenmut,  202. 

Ankh'hor,  272. 

Ankh "ka'ra "mat,  237. 

Ankh  "nes 'ra  "nefer 'ab.  queen, 

338-9,  349,  356-7. 
Ankh'renp'nefer,  249. 
Anmyma.  61. 
Anpu  and  Bata,  talc,  123. 
Anpuau,  92. 
Antef,  tomb,  i8r. 
Antufaa,  tomb,  i8r. 
Anub'er'rekhu,  son,  37,  83. 


.  Anumery,  310. 
Anuroza,  17. 

Any,  prince  of  Kush,  27,  92. 
Any,  92. 
Apeny,  92. 
Apis,  burials,  85. 
,,     eaten,  85. 

stele  dates,  339. 
Apries.    See  Uahabra. 
Apu,  92. 
Aputha,  17. 
Apuy,  92. 

Aqayuasha,  110-3,  148-9. 

Aranna,  66,  68. 

Ar'basfuza'nef,  254-6. 

Arethu,  49,  150. 

Ari,  315. 

Arisu,  134. 

Arit,  37,  71. 

Aritnefert,  118. 

Arkamen,  310. 
j  Arkenkherru,  310. 
'  Armentu,  299. 

Army,  four  divisions  of,  51. 
,,      marching-  of,  52. 

Arnama,  52. 

Aronta,  valley,  52,  53. 

Arosa.    See  Alosa. 

Arqamen,  310. 

Artames,  366. 

Artaxerxes  I.  370. 

11.,  375,   381,  385, 

387. 
in  ,  387. 

Artinu,  17. 
Aruamen,  310. 
Arwena,  49. 
Aryandes,  360,  365. 
Aryuarta,  367. 
Asa,  243. 
Ash-hebst,  158. 
Ashsartash,  310. 
Ashurbanipal,    298-300,  306-8, 
319- 

Askalon,  siege  of,  62,  114. 
Aspcluta,  309. 
Asrudamen,  310. 
Assu,  17. 

Assyrian  conquests,  297-300, 
.      305-8,  336,  344,  353- 


INDEX 


393 


Ast,  dau.,  173,  193. 

,,    90,  92. 
Ast'amasereth,  queen,  14:^,  164, 
182. 

Astarte,  priest  of,  225. 
Astemakh,  88. 

Astemkheb  I.,  189,  190,  193-4, 
210,  212. 
„         II.,   189,   190,  193, 

210,  216,  218. 
,,         III.,  189,  214,  216. 
Astemkhebt,  248,  252,  326. 
Astenkhebt,  304,  305. 
Astnetert,  queen,  35,  83. 

,,        dau.,    38,    106,  118, 
122. 

Asturt,  265. 
Asy,  16. 

Ataka,  land  of,  156. 
Ataui,  189,  217. 
Atefamen,  son,  37. 
Athenians,  370,  381,  384. 
Ati.  92. 

Atlunersa,  310. 
Atuahy,  366. 

Auput,  son,  233,  235-6,  238-9. 

299. 
Auri,  181. 
Autu,  17. 
Ay,  92. 

Azakharamen,  310. 

Baal,  king  of  Tyre,  297. 
Badir,  200. 
Ba'en'meryt,  93. 
Bak,  92. 
Baka,  27. 
Bakamen,  92. 
Bakenamen,  92, 
Bakenkhonsu,  2,  92,  165. 
Bakenmutf,  93. 
Bakennefi,  299. 

Bakenranf,  king-,  283,  299,  312, 
316. 
327- 

Bakhorneteri,  son,  195. 
Bakmut,  dau.,  37,  88. 
Baknaa,  92. 
Bakta,  93. 
Bakturnuro,  126. 


Bakur,  93. 

Bamait,  17. 

Banasana,  106. 

Bandag-es,  datings  on,  191. 

Baneniuast,  158. 

Banuanta,  37,  71. 

Banutantha,  dau.,  37,  83,  87. 

Baqana,  148-9. 

Barbatha,  lake,  13. 

Barca,  365. 

Barga,  17. 
;  Barkal.    See  Napata. 
j  Barutra,  310. 
I  Bathant,  17. 

Batshar,  17. 

Battos,  353. 

Bay,  131. 

stone  of,  133. 

Bayka,  61. 

Bayta'antha,  61. 

Beating-  the  spies,  52. 

Beketalu,  queen,  310. 

Benateh'hor,  337. 

Besa,  340. 

Boats  used  for  stones,  43,  150. 
Bubastis,  pylon,  249-50. 
Building-,  organisation  of,  43. 
Bumather,  255. 
Bureru,  148-9. 
Burnt  sacrifice,  153. 

Cambyses,  receives  Xitetis.  352; 

conquers     Egypt,     358-9  ; 

reigns,  360. 
Canal  of  Sety  I.,  13. 

,,      of  Xekau  II.,  336. 

,,     of  Darius,  365-6. 
Candace,  311. 

Caricature    of   Raniessu  III., 
159- 

Cedars  from  Syria,  197. 
Chabrias,  381,  384. 
Colossi  of  Raniessu  II.,  46,  73, 
74,  7S. 

Concubines   of  Ramcssu  III., 

154.  156; 
Copper  mines,  156. 

,,      standard  of  value,  182. 
Crete,  151. 

Cylinder  of  Sety  I.,  26. 


394 


[XDEX 


Cylinder   of  Nebuchadrezzar, 
353- 

Cyprus,  conquest  of,  353,  375. 
Cyrene,  345,  353,  363,  365. 

Daanau,  150-2, 
Daphnae,  329-30,  353. 
Dapur,  61,  62. 
Dardeny,  49. 
Darius  I.,  362,  364. 

iIm  371- 

„      III.,  389. 
Dates  on  bandages,  191. 

on  apis  steles,  339. 
Decay  of  Egypt,  i,  108,  134, 

155-7,  305- 
Detneh,  329-30. 

Delta,  divisions   of,  269.  299, 
322. 

Desert,  exploited,  22,  155. 

,,      map  of,  22,  23. 
Didi,  149. 
Dir,  197. 

Disorders  in  temple  of  Amen, 
211. 

Dodecarchy,  321. 

Dogs  in  tomb  of  Antef,  181. 

Dream  stele,  307. 

Duatnefer,  93. 

Dudua,  27. 

Duduamen,  186. 

Duk "hat "amen,  queen,  295,  304. 

Dumin,  93. 

Dynasties  recognised  by  Egyp- 
tians, 5. 
Dynasty  XIX.,  list,  2. 
,,  ,,  family, 

XX.,  list,  i3'7.^ 
,,     family,  137-41. 
,,        XXI.,  Theban  family. 

189,  193. 
,,  ,,      Theban  list,  194. 

,,  ,,      Tanite  line,  192, 

220. 

XXII.  ,  list,  227-8. 

,,  ,,      family,  230-1. 

origin,  231-2. 

XXIII.  ,  list,  261. 

,,  ,,        family,  277-8. 

Ethiopian,  267. 


j  Dynasty  Ethiop.,  family,  277-9. 
'  „    ■'  XXIV.,  316. 
,,       Saite,  list,  312. 

,,     family,  313. 
„       XXVI.,  list,  325. 
,,  ,,      reigns,  339. 

XXVII.  ,  list,  360. 

XXVIII.  ,  366,  368. 
„       XXIX.,  373. 

,,       XXX.,  378. 

Earthworks,  169. 
Eclipse,'  doubtful,  255. 
Eiorhoreru,  321-2. 
Embalming-,  length  of,  168. 
Endowments  of  temples,  154-5- 
Ergamenes,  310. 
Esarhaddon,  297. 
Ethiopian  conquests  of  Egypt, 
269,  273. 
,,         dominion,  267. 
,,  ,,      moral  nature 

of,  275-6. 
,,        succession,  309. 
,,         expedition  of  Cam- 
byses,  363. 
Exodus,  114,  115. 
Expeditions,    22,    155-6,  169, 
334. 

False  ^vitness,  182-3. 

Fleets,  22,  155-6,  334,  353,  380, 

384. 
Forts,  329-32. 

Foundation  deposits,  128,  224, 
346. 

Franks,  defeat  of,  by  Narses, 

109. 
Fuamer,  93. 

Galilee,  61. 
Gautut,  147. 
Gaza,  243. 

Gem'asfpen'hor,  289. 
Gematkha,  90. 
Gerar,  243. 

Gerarheni,  ([ucen,  306,  308-9. 
Gerf  Huseyn,  temple  of,  78. 
Gezer,  114. 
Girl,  singing,  200. 


INDEX 


395 


Gold  mines,  plan  of,  23. 

.,      working  of,  46 
statuette,  271. 
Greeks  under  Psamtek  I.,  328- 
30  ;  Psamtek  II.,  341  ; 
Haabra,345;  Aahmes, 
351-3- 

,,      alliances  with.  353. 
Gyges,  328. 

Hakar,  374. 
Hanun,  284. 
Hapui,  93. 
Haqaa,  202. 
Haqnofer,  202. 
Harem  intrigues,  157-8. 
Harris  pap}  rus,  134,  154.  168. 
Hasa,  148-g. 
Hataa,  86,  93. 
Hataay,  90,  93. 
Hataba,  201. 
Hathenker,  259. 
Hathor'nebfant,  dau.,  38. 
Heb'en'ta'neb,  son,  37. 
Heliopolis,  endowments  of,  154. 
Henensuten,  244,  252. 
Henfmara,  dau.,  27. 
Henfmehit,  93. 
Henfpahuromer,  dau..  38. 
Henfpara,  dau.,  38. 
Henfsekhemu,  dau.,  38. 
Hent 'ta'desh,  dau.,  38. 
Hent  tamehu,  dau.,  38. 
Henftamehy,  90. 
Hent "ta "neb,  dau.,  38. 
Henftaui  I.,  queen,   189,  190, 
202,  203. 

,,         II.,  queen,  189,  210, 
213.  215.' 
queen,  244,  247. 
dau.,  38. 
Heriier'unmif,  son,  36,  87. 
Herhor,  186,  189,  193,  195. 

,,       descent  of,  196. 
Heruben,  189,  210. 
Hittites.    See  Kheta. 

,,        and  Amorites,  48, 
Hor,  93,  259,  263. 
Hora,  4,  90,  93,  106,  132,  133, 
170,  177,  184,  225. 


Hora*em"heb,  165. 

Horames,  93. 

Horau,  322. 

Horemheb,  93. 

Horemsaf,  236. 

Horhotep,  209. 

Horkheb,  219. 
I  Horkhebt,  246,  258. 
I  Hormes,  251. 
!  Hormin,  27,  93. 

Hornefer,  27. 

Hornekht,  93,  310. 

Horoscopes  of  kings,  2.  3.  78. 
122. 

Horpasen,  228-31. 
Horpauahem,  350,  357. 
Horpeta,  380. 

Horsiast,  king,   247,  265,  266, 

299- 
253,  254,  257. 
Horsiatef,  310. 
Horua,  2S9. 
Horuti'mes,  93. 
Horuza,  336-7. 
Hoshea,  283. 
Hotep "her "amen,  300. 
Hotpu'emamen,  dau.,  38. 
Hudadui,  93. 

Humazery,  queen,  145,  164,  173. 

Hupaina,  reservoir,  13. 

Hurobasa,  272. 
,  Huy,  27,  93,  94. 

prince  of  Memphis,  86,  04. 
I  woman,  86,  94. 

Huy-nefer,  94. 

Huy-shera,  27. 

Iairi,  125. 
Inaros,  370. 
Iphicrates,  381. 
Iri,  94- 
Israel,  1 14. 

Jehoahaz,  336. 
Jehoiakim,  336. 
Johanan,  344. 
'  Jordan  valley,  12,  18. 
Josiah,  336. 

Judaea  conquered  by  Sheshcnq, 
234- 


396 


INDEX 


Ka'amenhotep,  321-2. 
Kaduru  fort,  12,  13. 
Kakat,  254-5. 
Kama,  125. 

Kamania,  237,  248,  251. 
Karnes,  tomb  of,  182. 
Kanekht,  94. 
Kapuna,  201. 
Karama,  255. 
Karamaat,  233,  237-8. 
Karamat,  230-1,  237,  249,  254. 
Karbana,  147. 

Karnak,  outer  wall  scenes,  11. 
,,       g-reat  hall,  19,  20. 
,,        restoration  of,  220. 

addition  b}-  Sheshenq, 
233-6. 
bv  Xekhtnebf, 
"387. 

Karomama,  237,  244,  246. 

Karpu,  61. 

Karpusa,  158. 

Karuka,  310. 

Kasa,  94. 

Kashta,  276- 280. 

Kat,  155. 

Kaur,  61. 

Kaza,  94. 

Kenensat,  queen,  268,  276. 
Kenratcrqnencm,  311. 
Kentakyt,  311. 
Keshi,  162. 
Keslrkesh,  49. 
Khabbash,  365,  368. 
Khadeb'neifarbet,  380,  383. 
Kha"em*apt,  94,  158. 
Kha'em"maa*en*ra,  158. 
Kha'enTtir,  106. 
Kha'em'uas,  son,  35,  82,  84. 

scribes,  86,  90,  94. 
Khalu,  chiefs  of,  13,  114, 
Khay  vizier,  94. 

,,     scribes,  94. 
Khenem'klionsu,  258. 
Khenshenamen,  311. 
Khera'uti,  106. 

Kheta,  wars  with  Sety  I.,  11, 
12,  15,  16. 
,,         ,,        ,,    Ramessu  II., 
47,  49-61. 


Kheta,  wars  with  Merenptah, 
114. 

,,        ,,       ,,  Ramessu  III., 

150,  162. 
,,      chief  and  daughter.  70, 
80. 

,,      alliance,  49,  50. 

,,      lands  of,  50. 

,,      names  of,  54,  64. 

treaty  with,  63-8. 
,,      home  of,  66. 
Khetasar,  64. 
Khilbu,  49,  50. 
Khmeny,  292-3. 
Khonsu,  95,  165. 
Khonsuiu,  380. 
Kirkesion,  49. 
Kroesos,  353,  359. 
Kush,  viceroys  of.  Any,  92  ;  Huy, 
93  ;  Messui,  95  ;  Pasar,  98  ; 
Setau,  loi  ;  Untaperit,   103  ; 
Mes,  106  ;  Sety,  133. 

Lebanon,  men  of,  12. 
Leku,    See  Luka. 
Lemanen,  Lebanon,  12. 
Libyan    allies    of  Uasarkon, 
243. 

,,        allies    of  Sheshenq, 

.  234-5- 
,,        civilisation,  no. 

invasion.      See  Taf- 
nekht. 

,,  warofSetyl.,  12,  15. 
,,  ,,  of  Merenptah,  108- 

114. 

M   of  Ramessu  III. , 

147  -  49.  153. 

162-3. 
Lion  of  bronze,  346. 
Luka,  Lykians,  49,  no,  in. 
Lydians,  328. 

Maaanv,  90. 
Maarema,  90. 

Maatkara,  queen,  189,  190, 
194-5,  206,  208,  221,  229. 

Maafneferu'ra,  queen,  35,  70, 
83- 

Madenneb,  son,  195. 


INDEX 


397 


Madsenen,  queen,  309. 
Magic,  157. 
Mahu,  95. 
Mahuhi,  95. 
Manenapshu,  310. 
Manenenihanen,  311. 
Mannus,  16,  17. 

Map  of  Syria  in  wars  of  Sety  I., 
'16. 

,,      Hittite  allies,  50. 
,,      tribes  in  Algeria,  112, 
149. 

Maraqu  .  .  .,  149. 
Marching,  rate  of,  52. 
Marmeryui,  108,  113. 
Marsar,  64,  68. 
Maruma,  95. 
Masa,  49. 
Masahairta,  216. 
Masaharta,  son,  189,  193,  195, 

202,  206,  209. 
Masaqaharta,  195,  202. 
Mashakenu,  149. 
Mashauasha,  110-3,  ^47~9i  i53> 

162-3,  203,  232,  254,  258,  259, 

330. 

Mauasa,  230-1. 
Mauthnuro,  64,  65,  68. 
Max\es,  in. 
May,  95. 

Medinet   Habu    temples,  146- 

54,  161-4,  169. 
Megabysos,  370. 
Mehtenusekht,  230-1,  243,  245, 

248,  251,  327,  333. 
Memphis,   siege   of,   274,  297, 

306-7,  359. 
Menkheper,  95. 

Menkheperra,    189,    190,  193, 

194,  204,  206,  210. 
Menofres,  era  of,  10,  126. 
Menfkhu'nefertu,  286. 
Mentiibaal,  322. 
Mentu'emhat,  295,  304. 
Mentu'em'uas,  son,  37. 
Mentu'hequ,  son,  37. 
Mentu'her'khepshef,  son,  36,86. 

,,  son  R.  III., 

139,  141,  145,  164. 
Mentuhotep,  tomb  of,  182. 


Merenatf,  136. 
Merenptah,  family,  3. 

prince,  36,  83,  87. 
,,         reign,  104. 
,,         portrait,  108,  117. 

Libyan    war,  108- 
114. 

Merenptah,  95. 

Merkara,  queen,  310-11. 
j  Merom  lake,  12,  15,  61. 
J  Mertatfs,  dan.,  38. 

Mertiheru,  327. 

Mertiru,  230-1. 

Merfma'hap,  dau.,  38. 

Merftef  amen,  195. 

Mery,  90,  95,  125. 

Meryamen,  son,  36,  87. 

Mery 'bast,  165. 

Mery-khnumu,  95. 

Meryneter,  dau.,  38. 

Merypiah,  dau..  38. 

Meryra,  son,  37. 

Merytamen,  dau.,  37,  88. 
I  Merytsekhet,  dau.,  38. 
:  Merytum,  son,  37. 
!  Mes,  106. 
,  Mesdisura,  158. 
j  Messui,  95,  106. 
1  Metalwork  of  Libyans,  110. 
'  Metternich  stele,  383. 

Mines,  plan  of,  23. 
,,     working  of,  46. 
I        ,,     copper,  156. 

turquoise,  156. 

Minmes,  90,  95. 

Minnemai,  322. 

Mnevis,  bull,  tomb  of,  160. 

Moral  change  under  Ethiopians, 
275-6. 

Mourning,  70  days,  168. 
Mushena,  49,  50. 
Musri,  same  as  Egypt,  282,  284. 
Mutardus,  292-4. 
Mufem'hat,  244-7. 
Mufhez'ankhs,  230-1,  248,  252. 
Mut  'kha  'neferu      Amen  "ardus, 
I  288. 

'  Mufnezem,  96. 

'  Muftuy,  dau.,  38. 

i  Muzri,  same  as  Egypt,  282,  284. 


398 


INDEX 


Naharain,  i6,  17,  49,  62. 
Naifaaurud,  373. 
Names,  imitation  of,  by  kings,  5. 
Napata,  269,  276,  287,  296,  298, 

302-3;  307-8. 
Naskhepensekhet,  327. 
Nastosenen,  310. 
Nathy,  96. 

Naukratis,  329-30,  352. 
Naymart,  259. 
Nebamen,  tomb,  181. 
Neb'amu'nezem,  dau.,  38. 
Neb'an'anash,  dau  ,  38. 
Neb'en'kharu,  son,  36,  86. 
Neb'nekhtuf,  96. 
Neb'nesha,  230-1. 
Neb'neteru,  251. 
Nebftaui,  dau.,  38,  88. 
Nebuchadrezzar,  336,  344,  353. 
Ncbunnef,  96. 
Netcr,  96. 

Nefor'ab  ra'nefera,  341 . 
Nefer'her,  96. 
Nefcr'hotep,  96. 
Neferites  I.,  373. 

„       n.,  377- 
Nefer'kheres,  192,  220,  223. 
Nefer'mut,  96. 
NeterTcnpit,  96,  170. 
Nefertari,  queen,  34,  82-84. 
dau.,  37. 
,,       90,  96,  97. 
Nefertera,  queen,  174. 
Neferu'ra,  dau.,  38. 
Nefu,  90,  97. 
Nehafem'ua,  97. 
Nehem'bastet,  247. 
Nehesi,  97,  106,  173. 
Neit,  worship  of,  361-2. 
Neitaqert,  queen,  279,  327,  333. 

335'  337,  339- 
Nekau  I.,  299,  300,  312,  319. 

II-,  313,  325,  327,  335- 
327- 

Nekau -ba,  312,  318. 
Nekhepsos,  313,  318. 
Nekhfef'mut,  239,  265. 
Nekhfhor-heb,  378. 
Nekht'hor'na'shenu,  299. 
Nekht'min,  97. 


Nekhfnebf,  384,  385. 

,,         general,  384. 
Nekhfse'bast'ru,  349,  355. 
Nekhtsu,  97. 
Nekhtu,  97. 

Nemart,  229-31,  240,  242,  244, 
246,  248,  252,  259,  272,  273. 

Nemeh,  322. 

Nensau,  queen,  309. 

Nentsimanen,  310. 

Neokhabis,  313,  318. 

Nes-hor,  344,  347. 

Nesi'ba'neb'dadu  of  Tanis,  5, 
192,  197, 
198,  220. 
,,  of  Thebes, 

189.  193, 
194,  210, 
214. 

j  Nesi'hor'siast,  263. 
Nesikhonsu  I.,    189,   213,  216, 
218. 

,,  II.,  189,  217. 

305- 

Nesi'khonsu'pa'khred,  239. 
Nesi'min,  380. 
Nesi"neb*asheru,  253-4. 
Nesi'pa  kher'her,  son,  195. 
Nesi'pa'nub,  245. 
Nesi'pa'ra,  251. 
Nesi'pa'raui'taui,  219. 
Nesi'ptah,  304. 
Nesi'shu'tefnut,  295. 
Nesi'ta'neb'asheru,  dau.,  189, 

217,  219. 
Nesi'urfhekau,  245. 
Nes'pa'hor,  341. 
Nes'paTa,  251. 
Nes'ptah,  305. 
Nes'ta'uza'akhet,  243. 
Nes'tent'meh,  273. 
Nes'uben,  344. 
Neterkha,  187. 
Nezem,  97. 
Nezemger,  97. 
Nezem "mut,  dau.,  38. 
Nezemt,  queen,  189,   190,  195, 

196,  202. 
Nianuy,  27. 
Nile,  hymn  to,  41,  150. 


INDEX 


399 


Nile,  inundation,  251,  288,  381. 
Nitetis,  sent  to  Persia,  352. 
Nub'enrant,  dau.,  38. 
Nub'em'usekht,  dau.,  38. 
Nubia,  war  in,  11. 
Nub'khesdeb,  queen,  173-4. 
Nubti,  era  of,  74. 
Nutekamen,  310. 

Oases,  211,  239,  362-3,  365,  367, 

37  h  383- 
Obelisk  of  Ramessu  V.,  171. 
Okhos,  371,  387,  389. 
Onkh'hapi,  322. 
Onklrhor,  322. 
Oracle  of  Amen,  211,  217. 

Paanauk,  158. 
Pabasa,  272,  327. 
Pabekh,  16,  17. 
Paheri,  153. 
Pahil,  17. 
Paiion'neter,  165. 
Paiari,  158. 
Pai'baka'kamen,  158. 
Paka,  97. 

Pa'kanana,  12,  114. 

Pakamsi,  97. 

Pa'kharu,  255. 

Pa'khred'en'ast,  245. 

Pa 'khred'en'mut,  305. 

Pakrer,  299,  322. 

Palukhu,  310. 

Pama,  255,  272,  299. 

Pa  may,  97,  257. 

Panbesa,  74. 

Panehes,  97. 

Pa'nefer  .  .  .,  son,  195. 

Panefer'her,  222,  225. 

Panekhty,  90. 

Pa'nifu  em'dua'amen,  158. 

Pank-Aruro,  268,  309. 

Pankhy,  various  king's,  267-8. 

I.  ,  268,  278-9. 

II.  ,    278-9,    280,  290, 
296,  299. 

Panubu,  27. 
Paqrur,  308. 

Pa'ra "amen 'en  amen,  son,  195. 
PaTa'em-heb,  97,  125. 


Pa*ra"her-amif,     138-40,  145, 
164. 

Pa'raiier'unmif,  son,  35,  84. 
Pa'raiiotep,  90,  97. 
PaTaka,  158. 

Pa"ra'renpit"nefer,  dau.,  38. 
Pasahuta,  97. 

Pasar,  vizier,  27,  86,  97,  58. 
Pasar,  90,  184. 
Pasaru,  98. 

Pa'seb  khanu  I.,  189,  192,  220, 
221. 

,,  II.,  192,  220,  225, 

238. 

of  Thebes,  189, 

i90>  i93»  i94j 
219. 

hig-h  priest,  210, 

213. 
216. 

Pa'seniior,  259,  299. 
Pa-sen -khonsu,  349,  355. 
Pa*shed"l)ast,  241-2. 
Pa'shed'khonsu,  son,  195. 
Pashema,  98. 
Pathenef,  272. 
Pathut,  230-1. 
Patum,  1 15. 
Pebathma,  278,  280. 
Pectoral  of  Pasar,  98, 

Uasakauasa,  265. 
Pedu  "amen 'apt,  295,  326. 
Pedu'ast,  252,  257-8,  272,  275. 
Pedu'bast,    kings,     261,  262, 
277-8,  299,  321-4. 
165,  350. 
Pedu*hor'sam"taui,  272. 
Pedu 'khonsu,  322. 
Pedu 'khonsu  "senb,  306. 
Pedu'mut,  256. 
Pedu'neit,  326,  350. 
Pcdu'sam'taui,  341. 
Pef'dudu'bast,  26=5,  270-1,  273, 
274. 

Pef'nefa'neit,  344. 
Pef-zau-aui-neit,  350,  355,  357. 
Pekesather,  290. 
Pekrur.    See  Pakrer. 
Pen  •amen,  king',  266. 
Pen  "buy,  498. 


400 


INDEX 


Pen'duauu,  158. 
Pen'huyban,  157. 
Pen'nes'taui,  90,  99, 
Peirnut,  173. 
Pen'paaa,  99. 
Pensekhet,  344. 
Pentaur,  99,  107,  170, 
chief,  272. 
,,       poem  of,  51,  55-61,  76. 
Penth,  272. 

Persia  attacks  Cyrene,  365. 

Egypt,  380. 
,,     conquers  Eg-ypt,  358,  387. 

monuments  of,  366-8. 
,,     Nitetis  sent  to,  352. 
Pery'nefer,  99. 
Pet'pet'dudus,  230-1. 
Pidasa,  49. 

Pi  may,  king,  227-9,  257. 
Pimay,  321-2. 

Pinezem  I.,  189,  193,  194,  202, 
205  ;  altar,  207. 
II.,  189,  193,  194,  210, 
215. 

,,       tomb,  23,  190. 
son,  206,  209. 
Pipuy,  dau.,  38. 
Piqay,  dau.,  37,  88. 
Plan  of  mines,  23, 
,,    of  tomb,  169. 
Polykrates,  353. 
Possessed  princess,  stele  of,  69, 
70,  141, 
,,        youth,  197. 
Pramoone,  322. 
Psammos,  261,  265. 
Psamtek  I.,  279,  313,  320,  325. 
,,  name,  320. 

II.  ,  313,  325,  340. 

III.  ,  325,  355-6,  357. 
350. 

Psenkhonsu,  285. 
Psimut,  377. 
Ptah'emua,  99. 
Ptah'herau,  100. 
Ptah'hez'ankhf,  229-31. 
Ptah'hon,  229-31. 
Ptah'iy,  100. 
Ptah'ma,  100. 
Ptah'may,  100. 


Ptah'mery,  100. 
Ptah'mes,  100. 
Ptah'nefer'her,  86,  100. 
Pulosatha,  150-1,  162. 
Punt  expedition,  155. 
Puukhipa,  68. 

Qamadu,  17. 
Qarkish,  49. 
Qarma,  17. 

Qarqamesh,  49,  50,  150. 
Qayqasha,  148. 
Qazauadana,  49,  50. 
Qedesh,  15,  16,  17,  47,  49,  50, 

51-55,  80. 
Qedi,  49,  50,  150. 
Qedit,  86,  100. 
Qedna,  16. 

Qelhatet,  queen,  306,  308-9. 
Qemna,  61. 
Qen,  100. 

Qurneh,  temple  of,  43,  77, 


Ra  Names. 
Ra-aa'kheper  Pasebkhanu, 
221. 

,,  Sheshenq  IV., 

259- 

,,  Uasarkon  III., 

263. 

Ra'akh'en,  Siptah,  130. 
Ra'ankh'ka,  Arkenkherru,  310. 

,,  Ashsartash,  310. 

Ra'ankh'ka'en,  Psamtek  III., 
357- 

Ra  "ankh  "nefer  "ab,  Anumery- 

amen,  310. 
Ra"ar'ab*nefer"ab,  Asrudamen, 

310. 

Ra'ar'ab,  Nekauba,  318. 
Ra'ar'maaten,  Zeher,  384. 
Ra'ba'en,  Merenptah,  104. 

,,         Naifaaurud,  373. 
Ra"ba"ka,  Tanutamen,  306. 
Ra'ba'rut,  310. 
Ra'dad'kau,  Shabataka,  286. 
Ra'haa'ab,  Uah'ab'ra,  342. 
Ra*heq*maat,Ramessu  IV.,  166. 
Ra'hez'heq,  Pasebkhanu,  225. 


INDEX 


40 


Ra'hez'klicper,  NesibanebdacUi, 
220. 

,,  Sheshenq  I.,  232. 

TakeratII.,254. 
Ra'ka'ankh,  Nastosenen,  310. 
Ra'khepefka,  Nutekamen,  310. 

Nentsi  man  en, 
310. 

Nekhtnebf,  385. 
Ra'kheper'kha,  Pinezem  I.,  205. 
Ra"kheper"maat,  Ramessu  XI., 
185. 

Ra'khu'ka,  Atlunersa,  310. 
Ra'khnum'ab,  Aahmes  II.,  347. 

,,  Arkamen,  310. 

Ra'khnum'inaat,  Hakar,  374. 
Ra"men"kheper,  210,  292. 
Ra'men'ab,  Nekau  I.,  319. 
Ra'men'ma,  Amenmeses,  125. 
Ra'mcn'maat,  Sety  I.,  7. 

,,  Ramessu  XII., 

186. 

Ra'men'pehti,  Aahmes  I.,  4. 
Ra'mer'ka,  Aspeluta,  309. 

,,         Manenapshu,  310. 
Ra'meryamen,  Darius  II.,  371. 
Ra'mesut,  Cambyses,  360. 
Ra'neb'maat,    Ramessu  VI., 
172. 

,,  Manenemhanen, 

Ra'nefefab,  Psamtek  II.,  340. 
Ra'nefer  atmu,  Taharqa,  294. 
Ra*nefer"ka,  Ramessu  X.,  178. 

Shabaka,  281. 
Ra'nefer'nub,  300. 
Ra'neter'kheper,  Siamen,  224. 
Ra'sehefab,  Pedubast,  262. 
Ra'sekhem'kheper,  Uasarkon 

I.  ,  240. 

Ra-senezem-ab,  Nekhthorheb, 
378. 

Ra'senefer,  Pankhy  II.,  290. 
Ra'setetu,  Darius  I.,  364. 
Ra'shepses,  Tafnekht  I.,  314. 
Ra'sheshes'kheper,  Sheshenq 

II.  ,  253. 

Ra'sit,  Tausert,  127. 
Ra'skheperen,     Senka  -  amen  ' 
seken,  310. 

Ill— 26 


Ra'skha'cn,  Ramessu  IX.,  177 
Ra*tat"kheperu,  Pasebkhanu 
219. 

Ra'uah'ab,  Tafnekht  II.,  317. 

,,         Psamtek  I.,  325. 
Ra'uahem'ab,  Nekau  II.,  335. 
Ra'uah'ka,  Bakenranf,  316. 
Ra'uaz-ka,  Amteruka,  310. 
Ra'user,  Ramessu  VII.,  176. 
Ra'user'khau,  Setnekht,  134. 
Ra'user'kheperu,  Sety  II.,  118. 
Ra'user'maat,  Ramessu  II.,  28 
,,  Ramessu  III. 

142. 

,,  Skheper  *  en  '  ra 

Ramessu  V. 
1 70. 

, ,  a  k  h  e  n  •  a  m  c  n 

RamessuVIII, 
177. 

,.  Amenemapt,223 
,,  Takerat  I.,  244. 

,,  Uasarkon  II. 

248. 

,,  Sheshenq  III 

256. 

,,  Pamay,  257. 

Pankhy  I.,  268. 
,,  Pedubast,  324. 

Ra'user'sotepenptah,  Psimut, 
377- 


Rahotep,  90,  100. 
Ramery,  son,  36,  87. 
Rames,  vizier,  i  ;  agent,  64,  86, 

lOI. 

Rames'merySet,  son,  37,  87. 
Rameses,  royal  sons  of,  242. 

vizier,  loi. 

107. 

Rameses'asauheb,  loi. 
Rameses'enrper'ra,  107. 
Rameses  heru,  107. 
Rameses 'neklit  11,  loi,  165,  169, 
170. 

Rameses'si'tum,  son,  37. 
Rameses  "user  her  "khepesh,  10 1. 
Ramesscvmi,    42  -  s,    77,  iS3i 
,63. 


402 


INDEX 


Ramesside  family,  descendants, 
242, 

,,  ,,       orig:in,  i. 

Ramess'merenra,  son,  37. 
Ramessu,  son,  35,  83,  84. 

,,  lOI. 
Ramessu  I.,  family,  3. 

„  reign,  4. 
,,         ,,  portrait.  5. 
,,        II.,  family,  3,  34-8,  40, 
82-9. 

,,  reign,  28-103. 

,,         ,,  age  at  accession, 
40. 

,,  portraits,  40,  58, 

71.  73,  76. 
battle  of  Kedesh, 

54-61. 
treaty,  63-68. 
,,         ,,  in  chariot,  56. 

wars,  46-63. 
,,         ,,  monuments, 72-82. 
,,  sons,  35,  85. 
,,  daughters,  37,  89. 

III.  ,  family,  3,  137-41, 

164. 

„  ,,    reign,  142. 

,,    wars,  147-53. 
.  ,,    monuments,  159- 

164. 

,,    portraits,  157, 
159- 

,,    trade  under,  156. 

,,    offerings  of,  154. 
,,         ,,    death  of,  154. 
,,  ,,    tomb,  158. 

IV.  ,  family,  3,  137-41. 
,,  in  Harris  papy- 
rus, 154. 

,,  ,,    reign,  166. 

v.,  family,  137-41. 
,,         ,,    monuments,  161, 
171. 
,,    reign,  170. 

VI.  ,  family,  3,  137-41, 

193- 

,,  ,,    reign,  172. 

,,  ,,    portrait,  173. 

VII.  ,  137-41,  176. 

VIII.  ,  137-41,  177- 


Ramessu  IX.,  137-41,  177. 

X.,  137-41,  178. 

XL,  137-41,  185. 
,,       XII.,  137-41,  186. 
Ramessu  'kha  'em  "neteru ,  133. 
Ramessu 'mertmara,  son,  37. 
Ramessu "mery,  son,  37. 
Ramessu 'si 'khepra,  son,  37. 
Ramessu "userpehti,  37,  loi. 
Ranpu,  101. 
Ra"user"ma'nekht,  loi. 
Red  Sea,  expedition,  155. 
Rehoboam,  235. 
Renpitnefer,  dau.,  38. 
Retennu,  13,  14,  15,  16,  17,  168, 

197,  251. 
Rhinokorura,  13. 
Rhodes,  15T. 

Right  and  left  guards,  169. 
Ring  of  Sety  I.,  26. 

,,      Ramessu  X.,  184. 

,,  Uasarkon  III.,  264. 
Riya,  loi. 

Robberies  of  tombs,  180-3,  i^5- 

Robbery  by  boatmen,  197. 

Roma,  90,  loi,  125,  158. 

Roy,  107,  125. 

Ruda 'anient  .  .      son,  195. 

Rudamen,  270. 

Ruma,  27. 

Runuru,  17. 

Ruru,  27. 

Rutennu.    See  Retennu. 
Rythisa,  245. 
Ryurhana,  245. 

Sa — .    See  Si — . 

Saaru,  155. 

Sabata,  148-9. 

Samtaui  Tafnekht,  328,  334. 

Sangar,  16. 

Saparuru,  64,  65,  68. 

Sargon,  283, 

Sati,  46. 

Scarabs  of  Ramessu  I.,  5. 
,,         Sety  I.,  26. 
,,  Ramessu  II.,  34. 

,,         Amenmeses,  127. 
,,         Siptah,  132. 
,,         Ramessu  IV.,  169. 


IXDEX 


405 


Scarabs  of  Ramessu     V.  and 
VI.,  172. 
Ramessu  \  III.  and 
IX.,  177- 
,,         Siamen,  225. 

Sheshenq  I.,  239. 
,,         Sheshenq     II.  and 

Takerat  II.,  253. 
,,         Sheshenq  IV.,  259. 
,,         Ankh'hor,  272. 
,,  Pama,  272. 

,,  Kashta,  280. 

,,         Shabaka,  285. 
Taharqa,  298. 
Xekauba,  318. 
Xekau  I.,  319. 
,.  Psamtek  I.,  334. 

Xekau  II.,  336. 
Ankhnesraneferab, 
357- 

Schools  established  bv  Darius, 


Sea  battle,  152. 
Sebekemsauf,  tomb  of,  181. 
Sed-heb  festivals,  69,  301. 
Sehotep*aten"khetef,  loi. 
Sekhetnefert,  loi,  107. 
Sekhmakh,  310. 
Senka"amen"seken,  310. 
Sennacherib,  296. 
Sepdu,  148-9,  153. 
Seqenenra,  182. 
Serapeum,  75,  160,  187,  255. 
Setau,  loi,  102,  165,  184. 
Sefher'khopshef,  son,  37,  71. 
Sethotep,  102. 

Setnekht,  family,  3,    120.  121, 
122. 

reign,  134,  135. 
portrait,  135,  136. 
,,  102. 
Sety  I.,  family,  3,  6. 
reign,  7. 
,,      heads  of,  10,  11,  19. 
,,      restored  monuments, 
10. 

,,      smiting  Libyans,  15. 
,,      great  war  scenes,  11- 
16. 


Setv  I.,  lists  of  captured  towns, 
16. 

,,      tomb  of,  22-26. 
,,       buildings  of,  iS-22. 
Sety  II.,  family,  3,  106,  120. 
,,        reign,  118. 
,,        portraits,  121,  123. 
,,       plaque,  124. 
Sety,  vizier,  74,  102. 

,,    prince  of  Kush,  131,  133, 
135- 

son,  36,  71,  83,  87. 
Setyem'heb,  150. 
Sety 'em  "per  "Amen,  158. 
Sety  •em'per'Tahuti,  158. 
Shabaka,  279-So,  281-6. 
Shabatoka,  279,  286-8,  297. 
Shabtis  of  Henftaui,  etc.,  208, 

213. 
Shabtuna,  52. 

Shakalsha,  110-3,  150-2,  162. 
Shalma,  61. 

Shapenapt.    See  Shcpenapt. 
Shardana,  51,  110-3,  162-3. 
Sharuludari,  299. 
Shasu,  settlers,  115. 
,,      spies,  52. 

war  with,  12-4,  155. 
Shaytep,  148-9. 
Shedesnefertum,  236. 
Shepbenapt,  249,  250,  252. 
Shepenapt  I.,  278-80,  290. 

II.,    279,    290,  295, 
296,    304*  326-7, 

333.  337.  339- 
264. 

Shepenmut,  305. 
Shepensopdet,  244-5,  -47- 
Sheps,  229-31,  244,  246. 
Shepses'her'atfs,  dau.,  38. 
Sheshenq    I.,    5,    193,  227-31, 


Shishak. 


232. 

II.  ,  227-31,  237, 
240,  248,  253. 

III.  ,  227-8.  256. 

IV.  ,  227-S,  259. 
\  .,  271. 

VI.,  299. 
-5-5  35O)  3.56-7. 
See  Sheshenq. 


239. 


404 


INDEX 


Siamcn,  king,  190,  192-3,  218, 
220,  224. 
son,  37. 
125. 

Siast,  102,  107,  165. 
Sieg-e  of  Dapur,  62. 
Simentu,  son,  37,  71. 
Sinai,  expedition  to,  156. 
Siptah,  3,  120-2,  130. 

son,  37. 
Siroi,  102. 

Sister  niarriagcs,  286,  309. 
Sitanien,  dau.,  38, 
Sitra,  queen,  5,  6. 
Smendes,  192,  220. 
Snekhtenanien,  son,  37. 
So,  king-  of  Egypt,  282,  284. 
Sobkhotep,  322. 
Sogdianus,  371. 
Solon,  353. 

Sotepenra,  son,  36,  87. 

Sothis  rising,  126. 

Spartans,  373,  384. 

Statues,  transport  of,  169. 

Strikes  of  workmen,  153. 

Sua,  king  of  Egypt,  282,  284. 

Suaa'amen,  217. 

Succoth,  115,  235. 

Sukkim,  235. 

Sunuro,  90,  102, 

Sutekh,  cities  of,  66. 

Suti,  official,  I. 

Suy,  86,  102. 

Swords  of  Libyans,  110. 

Syrian  endowments,  154. 

,,     fortress  design,  161, 

,,     frontier,  107. 

wars,  Sety  J.,  11,  facing 
p.  16. 

,,        ,,      Ramessu  II.,  45, 

46,  47-63- 

Sety  II.,  132. 

Sheshenq  I.,  235. 

Uasarkon  I  ,  242. 

Uasarkon  II. ,  25 1 . 
,,        .,     Taharqa,  297. 
,,        .,      Psamtek,  331. 

Xekau,  336. 

Haa'abra,  345. 
Syria  under  Ramessu  IV.,  168. 


Syria,  wood  brought  from,  197- 
200. 

,,      life  in,  197-201. 
Taa,  105. 

Tadubast,  queen,  264. 
Tafnekht  I.,  269,  275,  283,  299, 
3^2,  SM- 
IL, 312,  317. 
Taharqa,  279,  286,  290-1,  294. 
Tahenbuyuaua,  230-1. 
Tahennu,  wars  with,  11,  12,  14, 

46,  114. 
Tahentaliutia,  189. 
Taher,  322. 

Tahpanhes,  330,  344,  353. 
Tahutiemheb,  102. 
Tahutmes,  son,  37. 

102,  217. 
Takemay,  102. 

Takerat  I.,  227-9,  237,  240,  244. 

II.,    227-9,    237,  248, 

251.  254. 
252,  253,  256,  263. 
Takhat,  dau.,  38,  120,  121,  124. 

,,       portrait,  124,  136. 
Ta"khenem'su*art,  266. 
Ta"khred'en*ast,    queen,  349, 
355- 
357- 

Takhuat,  337-9,  341-2. 
Tamahu,  148-9,  153. 
Tamerpenas,  187. 
Tanis,  great  wall  of,  221. 
Tanutamen,  279,  286,  300,  3C6, 

320. 
Tapert,  344. 
Tashaenkhcper,  245. 
Tashakheper,  249. 
Tashedkhonsu,  230-1,  240,  243. 
Tasheps.    See  Sheps. 
Tauhert,  204. 
Taurt,  dau.,  38. 
Tausert,  family,  3,  120-2. 

reign,  127,  131. 
,,        portrait,  128,  136. 
Tekhuy,  son,  195. 
Temples,  endowments  of,  154. 
Tent  of  Astemkheb,  212. 
Tentamen.    See  Thentamen. 


INDEX 


Tentnut,  200. 
Tesmaneferru,  309, 
Teukroi,  151. 
Thaa,  102. 
Thaasitra,  dau.,  38. 
Thahennu.    See  Tahennu, 
Tharaua,  162. 
Thathaa,  102. 
Thekhsi,  17. 
Thenru,  103. 

Thent'anien,    queen,   189,  197, 

198,  204,  220. 
Thent  "amen apt,  256-7. 
Thentkheta,  349,  355. 
Thenfmut,  355. 
Thenfsa,  240,  243. 
Thenfspeh,  230-1,  249. 
Thes "bast "peril,  249,  254. 
Thes'hashu'anen,  311. 
ThesTa'peraii,  295. 
Thiy,  90,  103. 
Thuku,  115. 
Thy,  165. 

Thyimerenast,  queen,  122,  136, 

Tiglath  Pileser,  282. 

Tombs,  pillag-e  of,  180-3,  185. 

,,      burning-  in,  182. 
Trading-  voyages,  155-6,  197. 
Transport  of  stones,  43,  150, 
T69. 

,,         ot  produce,  22, 155-6, 

169,  334- 
Treaty  with  Kheta,  63-8. 
Triumph  of  Sety  I.,  13. 
Troy,  fall  of,  date,  129. 
Tuaa,  queen  of  Sety  I,,  26,  27. 
Tuaa,  103. 

Tuaa'nebt'taui,  dau.,  38. 
Timep,  17,  62. 
Turquoise  mines,  156. 
Tursha,  1 10-3,  162. 
Turses,  negro  tribe,  162. 
Tuy,  103. 
Tyre,  201. 

Uaarath,  264-5. 
Uaay,  90,  103. 
Uaemuas,  170. 

Uah-ab-ra,  313,  325,  342,  350-2. 
Ualiorua,  90. 


Uapeth,  270. 
Uapuat,  242. 
Uarkatal,  198. 
Uarma,  158. 
Uasakauasa,  264-5. 
Uasarkon  I.,  225,  227-31,  237, 
240. 

II.  ,     227-31,  237, 
244-7,  248. 

III.  ,  261,  263-5,  270, 
274,  278-9. 

243,  253-4. 
Uashashau,  150-2. 
Uashtihatau,  259. 
Uaut,  king,  263. 
Uazmes,  103. 
Ubklieta,  132,  133. 
Uerhue,  322. 
Unamen,  299. 
Unnefer,  90,  103,  186. 
Untaperit,  103. 

Unu'anien,  papyrus,  195,  197- 
201. 

Urnuro,  dau  ,  38. 
Usekht,  103. 
Userhat,  27,  103. 
Userhati,  165. 
Usermentu,  103. 
Ushanahoru,  son,  297. 
Uza-hor-res-neit,  350,  357,  360. 
Uzaranset,  305. 

Vases  of  silver  and  gold,  iq,  15, 
200. 

Viceroys,  Ethiopian,  282,  287, 
296,  309. 

Viziers:  Khay,94;  Neferrenpit, 
96 ;  Parahotep,  97  ;  Pasar, 
97;  Rahotep,  100;  Rameses, 
101  ;  Sety,  102;  Nchcsi,  106; 
Amen"mes,  125;  Pa'ra'enr 
heb,  125;  Bay,  133;  Taa, 
165;  Nefer'renpit,  170; 
Nehesi,  173;  Un  "ncfcr,  186; 
Pama,  255  ;  Pakharu,  255  ; 
Sheshenq,  356-7. 

Wax  figures  for  incantation^, 
'57- 

Wax  inlay  on  granite,  159. 


4o6 


INDEX 


Wells  ill  desert,  22,  155. 
Wood  broug-ht  from  Syria,  197- 
200. 

Xerxes  I.,  369. 
Yaa,  125. 

Ynuamu,  Yanuh,  12,  17,  114. 
Yupa,  103. 
Yupa'aa,  107. 
Yuy,  107,  133. 
Yuyu,  90,  103. 

Zaenkakemt,  230-1. 

Zahi,  12. 

Zakar-baal,  201. 

Zakkaru,  150-2,  162,  197,  200. 


Zalu,  12,  13,  5r,  74. 
Zanefer,  212. 
Zar,  17. 
Zaroaay,  203. 
Zaunefer,  189,  216. 
Zautmar,  149. 
Zed'ameii'auf  ankh,  272. 
Zedekiah,  344. 
Zed'hor*auf*ankh,  242, 
Zed'khonsu'auf'aiikh  ,  216,  218, 

245.  247. 
Zed'ptah'auf'ankh,  242,  328. 
Zed'zed'au,  272. 
Zeher,  328,  384. 
Zerakh,  invasion  by,  242-3. 
Zet,  265. 
Zihor,  322. 


Printed  by 
MoRKisoN  &  GiBB  Limited 
Edinburgh 


DATE  DUE 

GAYLORD 

PRISTED  IN  U.S.A. 

